Å Åham is mentioned relatively frequently in the Hebrew Bible, appearing outside of the usual contexts of the ḥÅÅ¡en and the garden of God in Ezekiel. It is the first stone mentioned in the Bible, where it is used to indicate geographical information about the location of the garden of Eden. As a result of this serendipitous reference, â®
HALOT1 and Klein2 relate â®
There is also a semantic difficulty with this connection. I have already established in Chapter 3 that carnelian is to be identified with â®
1 The Location of â®×Ö²×Ö´××Ö¸× â¬â ḤÄwÄ«lÄ
The primary clue as to the identity of â®
â®
וּ×Ö²×Ö·× ×Ö¸×ָרֶץ ×Ö·×Ö´×× ××Ö¹× ï¬ªÖ¸× ×ַבְּ×Ö¹×Ö·× ×Ö°×Ö¶×Ö¶× ×ַשֹּׁ×Ö·×× â¬â
The gold (â®
×Ö¸×Ö¸× â¬â) of that land is good; bdellium (â®ï¬±Ö°×Ö¹×Ö·× â¬â bÉdÌ Ålaḥ) is there, and Å¡Åham stone.
This is part of the geographical description of the location of Eden, which has been subject to extensive analysis and speculation over the millennia. For a discussion of some previous opinions on the location of the Garden of Eden and consequently the identification of the Pishon, see the first chapter of Geography in the Parasha by Elitzur, which is publicly available.5 The contribution of a geological origin for â®
ḤÄwÄ«lÄ is an ethno-toponym that appears to be situated in the Arabian peninsula, as Genesis 10:26â30 would seem to suggest. Here, ḤÄwÄ«lÄ is described as one of the descendants of â®
Dr. James A. Sauer argued that the Pishon River should be identified with the now dry Wadi Bisha, which cuts through central Saudi Arabia. Here it intersects with the Mahd adh Dhahab gold mine in modern Saudi Arabia, which was exploited in antiquity. Its gold found its way to Mesopotamia during the first millennium BCE in the form of tribute and probably trade.8 Arabian gold had become a regular enough phenomenon in Mesopotamia at this time that there are several early Arabic loanwords in Akkadian pertaining to the semantic category of gold.9 This would account for the gold mentioned in Genesis 2:12.
However, â®
Alternatively, I would draw attention to the doum palm Hyphaene thebaica, whose Hebrew name (and the name for its aromatic resin) are currently unknown despite the broad range of this plant. In Arabic, the doum palm is allegedly referred to as âJewish bdelliumâ,11 and probably referenced by Dioscorides as âthe bdellium imported from Petraâ12 (see the discussion in Meccan Spice Trade13). This problem remains open. Regardless of the exact identity of Hebrew â®
2 Terminological Issues concerning Onyx
Without any known cognates, an analysis must be predicated on the internal textual evidence provided by the biblical text and the identifications made by ancient authors. Antiquities of the Jews, the Vulgate, and the corrected text of the Septugaint and Jewish War translate â®
For the purpose of this analysis, onyx is defined strictly to refer exclusively to chalcedonies (cryptocrystalline quartz) that have white and dark gray to black bands running parallel to one another.15 Onyx differs from agate in that agates may have curved bands and be of many different colors, though technically speaking onyx is a subset of agate. Onyxes occur naturally, but to achieve a striking black-and-white contrast, drably-colored agates are treated with various methods.16
Scholars assume that
3 Chalcedony Onyx in Arabia
Several Greco-Roman sources mention an onyx from Arabia. However, Dr. Lisbet Thoresen, an archeogemologist, argues that the âArabian onyxâ mentioned in Roman sources was a myth perpetuated by Arabian traders to preserve the true source of onyx in India:
Few native gems are found in Arabia, least of all high-quality microcrystalline quartzes suitable for taking colour-enhancing treatments ⦠Virtually all of the so-called âArabianâ gems, especially those associated with the Arabian peninsula and the sea trade will have originated in India and were acquired from Indian traders, who in turn, negotiated with their own groups of intermediaries ⦠The so-called âArabian onyxâ, which was touted as the high-quality material lapidaries prized for cameo carving, was blatant misinformation.19
This argument hinges on the factuality of the contention that âfew native gems are found in Arabia, least of all high-quality microcrystalline quartzes suitable for taking colour-enhancing treatmentsâ. Because the scope of her investigation is limited to Greco-Roman mentions and archeological attestations of gems, it may be fruitful to investigate earlier occurrences of onyx in the archeological record and ancient texts. Regarding a mention in the Hebrew Bible, the scope of our investigation must be concentrated at an earlier period than that of Pliny or Theophrastus. And indeed, in a pre-Hellenistic archeological and textual milieu, her statement does not hold water. Archeological evidence supplemented by local geological information increases the viability with identifying â®
A collection of 31 gold-wrapped onyx stones are held at the Brooklyn Museum, dating to the fifth-century BCE (the museum claims a more specific date, circa 410â¯BCE). They originated from Tell el-Maskhuta in northeast Egypt. Inscribed silver vessels accompanying these stones makes it clear that they belonged to second-generation immigrants from north Arabia.20 They are described in the records both as âagateâ and âonyxâ, though the difference is semantic (onyx is a type of agate). Modern high-quality color photographs taken by the Brooklyn Museum leave no room for doubt that these stone are onyxes.21 The details of this find match what might be expected of Havilites based on the description of the natural resources of ḤÄwÄ«lÄ in Genesis, though this find is dated far too late to fit the text. But that north Arabians passed onyx stones mounted in gold as an heirloom to their children is a significant starting point in this investigation.
On the foundation inscription of the bÄ«t akÄ«ti in AÅ¡Å¡ur (dated to 683â¯BCE), Sennacherib reports an audience-gift of pappardilû-stone, other non-specific precious stones and aromatic resins (perhaps bdellium) from the Sabean king Karibâil Watar. Six onyx beads discovered at Nineveh have inscriptions on them which claim that they are the audience-gift to Sennacherib that Karibili king of Saba, âbrought meâ.22 The alignment between the bÄ«t akÄ«ti inscription and the inscribed onyxes is quite a serendipitous find. This not only provides direct evidence of Arabian sourcing of onyx, but also provides the Akkadian term for onyx, pappardilû (from Sumerian BABBAR.DILI).
Previous scholars have been somewhat misled by pappardilû. Laboratory analysis of an inscribed bead that indicated that it was NA4BABBAR.DILI revealed its composition to be cryptocrystalline quartz treated to appear like âbanded agateâ.23 Though this description is gemologically vague, it matches onyx. Etymologically, Akkadian pappardilû and the related term papparminnu are both clear descriptions of onyx. Both are borrowings from Sumerian, borrowed from Sumerian NA4BABBAR.DILI âone white (band)â and NA4BABBAR.MIN(5) âtwo white (bands)â respectively.24 This appears to be a description of black agates which are distinctively marked by white bands, which gemologists would term onyx (contra Schuster-Brandis,25 who generically defines pappardilû as âbanded agateâ).
The entry for pappardilû in the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary lists a number of texts that describe pappardilû mounted in gold, which matches the Brooklyn Museum stones. This simultaneously draws back the chronology by which this stone is attested, as the word pappardilû is found in texts dating to the Old Assyrian and Old Babylonian period (Middle Bronze age, 1950â1530â¯BCE) and forward. As a loanword from Sumerian, the word may date even earlier. However, it is difficult to determine if all instances of pappardilû designate onyx, as opposed to a phenotypically similar stone. The ancients classified stones by appearance, hardness, and origin, not by chemical composition. Furthermore, even if the Mesopotamians were importing onyx from Arabia, it would be difficult to determine this for sure without an explicit textual reference to the affirmative. The common description of pappardilû mounted in gold may be the best evidence of pappardilû imported from Arabia, because it fits the style associated with that area archaeologically.
It can be said that stamp seals carved from various forms of agate are abundant in the archeological record of ancient Yemen, in the corpus analyzed by Diana Pickworth stretching from the 4th millennium BCE to the middle of the 1st millennium CE.26 She notes that these types of agates are found locally in the Jebel Balaq area near Maârib. Provenancially, agates occur in igneous and metamorphic rocks, but not in sedimentary rock. Because Gebel Balaq is composed entirely of limestone, agates do not occur in the mountain proper.27 Looking towards the nearby area, we do find volcanic (igneous) rock capable of containing agates.
In their review of the geology of Yemen, El Shatoury and Al Eryani mention that â[t]he famous agate of Yemen comes from several areas covered by the Tertiary Trap Volcanics around Sanaâa and else [sic]â.28 She is referring to the aqeeq (Arabic: â®
Although the text does not state this explicitly, the collective âprecious stoneâ (â®
4 The Egyptian Word for Onyx
No Ancient Egyptian term has been positively associated with onyx, although onyx was occasionally found in Egypt as an import. Ancient Egyptian kê¢ is usually identified with âagateâ, although this identification is not secure. Onyxes are technically a specific kind of agate, with distinct black-and-white bands, which may be enhanced by treatment. Perhaps kê¢ specifically refers to the black-and-white banded onyx, not just any banded agate. Exact colors of kê¢ are attested, kê¢ á¸¥á¸ (white kê¢) and kê¢y km (black kê¢). This is certainly an odd way to describe banded agate or any other gemstone known to the Egyptians, but would suit onyx if we might be a bit creative in interpreting these terms as âmajority-white onyxâ and âmajority-black onyxâ. In Ancient Egyptian, kê¢ normally refers to a bull. Cross-linguistically, the cattle eyes are used to describe onyxes. For instance, Aramaic uses the term â®
5 Towards an Etymology
Previous researchers have not proposed any viable etymologies for â®
Because the Bible links â®
One of the few solid Arabian words loaned into Classical Hebrew is the term for the sycamore tree (Ficus sycomorus), â®
The same Å¡-causative nominal stem may also be behind â®
Evolution from a form such as *Å¡uwahbu(m) may be established via the following sound changes. Mimation nixed the final *-m, shown here in parentheses. Likewise, the case marker (*-u). Under influence of the preceding labial sequence */uw/, speakers may have dissimilated *b to /m/, a common occurrence in Hebrew when labial consonants co-occur in the same word. Suchard34 proposed that medial-w triphthongs simplified in pre-Hebrew according to the rule *vÌ1Wv2 > *vÌ2, and it is an established rule that long vowels in historically closed syllables reduce. In our example, the triphthong *-uwa- simplified to *Ä before reduction to *a. While the structure of Å¡Åham suggests the proto-form *suhm-, spontaneous change may account for the discrepancy in light of the fact that qvtl nouns tend towards the instability of their vowel.35 This may be explained by metathesis of the vowels in the triphthong *-uwa- to *-awu-. Alternatively, Steinerâs reconstruction of the stem may be at issue, and a form like *Å¡uwuhbu(m) may be a better reconstruction. Like other 2C-guttural u-segolate nouns,36 it was infixed with an -a- to break up the final cluster composed of the second and third consonants.
By analogy to â®
6 New Biblical Interpretations
Iâ¯Chronicles 29:2 lists various precious materials that David left to be used in the building of the first temple, one of which is â®
â®
וּ×Ö°×Ö¸×־כֹּ×Ö´× ×Ö²×Ö´×× ×Ö¹×ªÖ´× ×Ö°×Öµ×ת־×Ö±×Ö¹×Ö·× ×ַזָּ×Ö¸× ×ַזָּ×Ö¸× ×Ö°×ַכֶּסֶף ×ַכֶּסֶף ×Ö°×Ö·ïÖ°×ֹשֶׁת ×Ö·ïÖ°×ֹשֶׁת ×ַבַּרְ×Ö¶× ×ַבַּרְ×Ö¶× ×Ö°×ָעֵצִ×× ×ָעֵצִ×× ×Ö·×Ö°× Öµ×־שֹׁ×Ö·× ï¬µ×ִלּוּ×Ö´×× ×Ö·×Ö°× Öµ×־פוּ×Ö° ×ְרִקְ×Ö¸× ×Ö°×Ö¹× ×Ö¶×Ö¶× ×Ö°×§Ö¸×¨Ö¸× ×Ö°×Ö·×Ö°× Öµ×־שַׁ×ִשׁ ×Ö¸×¨Ö¹× â¬â
I have spared no effort to lay up for the House of my God gold for golden objects, silver for silver, copper for copper, iron for iron, wood for wooden, stones of Å¡Åham and inlay, stones of malachite and variegated colorsâevery kind of precious stone and much limestone.
Considering that the Queen of Sheba visited Solomon shortly thereafter, and onyx originated from the same area, this detail adds additional resolution to the international gemstone trade in antiquity. Arabian onyx found its way to Israel circa 10th century BCE.
Other translations of â®
Despite the claims of some academics, the traditional identification with onyx is not only possible but plausible when placed into the historical circumstances of ancient Israel. The ancient Arabians were mining attractive banded chalcedonies and working them into various forms including seals and pendants. Gold-framed onyxes were exported out of the peninsula in the form of tribute and likely through mercantile trade as well. Given this information, onyx was probably viewed as the archetypical Arabian gemstone in antiquity and the reference to â®
While the etymology of â®
Holladay, W.L., Köhler, L., & Baumgartner, W. (1971). A concise Hebrew and Aramaic lexicon of the Old Testament: based upon the lexical work of Ludwig Koehler and Walter Baumgartner. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing.
Klein, Ernest, & Rabin, Ḥayyim. (1987). A comprehensive etymological dictionary of the Hebrew language for readers of English. Carta Jerusalem. Entry: â®
Thavapalan, Shiyanthi. (2019). The meaning of color in ancient Mesopotamia. Brill. Page 141.
Harrell, James E., James K. Hoffmeier, and Kenton F. Williams. âHebrew gemstones in the Old Testament: A lexical, geological, and archaeological analysis.â Bulletin for Biblical Research 27.1 (2017): 1â52.
Elitzur, Yoel. (2021). Places in the Parasha: Biblical Geography and Its Meaning. Maggid.
Macdonald, Michael C. (2000). Reflections on the linguistic map of pre-Islamic Arabia. Arabian archaeology and epigraphy, 11(1), 28â79.
Bostock, John, and Henry T. Riley. (1855). Pliny the Elder: The natural history. Perseus at Tufts. Book 6, chapter 32.
Pickworth, Diana. (2021). Gold From Arabia For The Gods and Monarchs of Assyria. South Arabian Long-Distance Trade in Antiquity: âOut of Arabiaâ. Chapter 20, 463â485.
Kleber, Kristin. (2016). Arabian Gold in Babylonia. Arabian Gold in Babylonia, 121â134.
Dixon, Helen. (2021). The Smells of Eternity. The Routledge Handbook of the Senses in the Ancient Near East, 429.
Feliks, Jehuda. (2007). Bdellium. Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 3 (2nd ed.), Thomson Gale, p. 234.
Dioscorides, De Materia Medica, 1:80.
Crone, Patricia. (2015). Meccan trade and the rise of Islam. Gorgias Press.
Bostock, John, and Henry T. Riley. (1855). Pliny the Elder: The natural history. Perseus at Tufts. Book 36, chapter 12.
Mindat.org, entry: onyx.
Babintseva, E.B. (2014). Comparison Of Different Ways Of Agate Coloring. Siberian Federal University.
Burrell, Barbara. (2018). Multiple Reuse of Imported Marble Pedestals at Caesarea Maritima in Israel. In ASMOSIA XI, Interdisciplinary Studies on Ancient Stone, Proceedings of the XI International Conference of ASMOSIA (pp. 117â122). University of Split, Arts Academy in Split.
Shadmon, Asher. (1965). Marble in Israel. Ministry of Development, State of Israel.
Thoresen, Lisbet. (2017). Archaeogemmology and ancient literary sources on gems and their origins. In Gemstones in the First Millennium AD. Mines, trade, workshops and symbolism. Maguncia, Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums.
Rabinowitz, Isaac. (1956). Aramaic inscriptions of the fifth century BCE from a north-Arab shrine in Egypt. Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 15(1), 1â9.
Potts, Daniel T. (2003). The mukarrib and His Beads: Karibâil Watarâs Assyrian Diplomacy in the Early 7th Century B.C. Isimu VI. 179â206.
Beaulieu, Paul-Alain. (1998). Baâu-asÄ«tu and KaÅ¡Å¡aya, Daughters of Nebuchadnezzar II. Orientalia, 67(2), 173â201.
Kogan, Leonid & Krebernik, Manfred. (2020). Etymological Dictionary of Akkadian. Volume 1 Roots beginning with p and b. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter. 392â394.
Schuster-Brandis, Anais. (2008). Steine als Schutz-und Heilmittel: Untersuchung zu ihrer Verwendung in der Beschwörungskunst Mesopotamiens im 1. Jt. v. Chr (Vol. 46). Ugarit-Verlag. 403.
Pickworth Wong, Diana. (1999). Stamp Seals of the Ancient Yemen (Doctoral dissertation, PhD thesis, Berkeley, University of California. [Unpublished]). 169.
Harrell, personal correspondence.
El Shatoury, Hamed M, and Al Eryani, Mohammad L. (1977). Review on Mineral Occurrences in Yemen Arab Republic. Mining Geology, 27(144), 277â288.
Charpentier, Vincent, Brunet, O., Méry, S., & Velde, C. (2017). Carnelian, agate, and other types of chalcedony: the prehistory of Jebel al-Maâtaradh and its semi-precious stones, Emirate of Raâs al-Khaimah. Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, 28(2), 175â189.
Iâ¯Kings 10:2.
Simpson, St. John. (2002). Queen of Sheba: treasures from ancient Yemen. British Museum Press.
Hyllested, Adam. (2017). Armenian goÄazm âblue gemstoneâ and the Iranian evil eye. Usque Ad Radices. Indo-European Studies in Honour of Birgit Anette Olsen.
On this basis, origin in the Sabaic dialect is not viable. Unlike the other OSA dialects, OSA forms causatives with h-.
Suchard, Benjamin. (2019). The development of the Biblical Hebrew vowels: including a concise historical morphology. Brill. Chapter 5.
Fox, Joshua. (2003). Semitic noun patterns. Brill. 108.
Other examples include â®
Pena, Joabson Xavier. (2021). Wearing the Cosmos: The High Priestly Attire in Josephusâ Judean Antiquities. Journal for the Study of Judaism, 52(3), 359â387.
Jerusalem Talmud, Tractate Megillah 1:9. Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Megillah 9a.
Agostini, Alessio. (2010). Building materials in South Arabian inscriptions: observations on some problems concerning the study of architectural lexicography. In Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies (pp. 85â97). Archaeopress.