1 Introduction
In modern scholarship, one frequently encounters impressive accolades attributed to Ê¿IyÄḠibn MÅ«sÄ al-YaḥṣubÄ«âs (al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, d. 544/1149) KitÄb al-ShifÄ bi-TaÊ¿rÄ«f ḤuqÅ«q al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ (âThe Cure in Knowing the Rights of the Chosen Oneâ) and its significance within Islamic history. In her classic study, And Muhammad is His Messenger: The Veneration of the Prophet in Islamic Piety, Annemarie Schimmel described al-ShifÄ as âperhaps the most frequently used and commented-upon handbook in which the Prophetâs life, his qualities, and his miracles are described in every detailâ (Schimmel 1985, 33). More recently, Camilo Gomez-Rivas has similarly noted that âthe book became so famous that it was accorded a kind of sacredness of its own, reputedly bestowing the gift of protection upon any house in which it was foundâ (Gomez-Rivas 2013, 331). Of unknown provenance, a popular North African proverb expresses simultaneously the significance of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠand his most famous work: âWere it not for Ê¿IyÄá¸, the Maghrib would not have been mentioned. Were it not for al-ShifÄ, Ê¿IyÄḠwould not have been mentionedâ (Albarran 2015, 39; Kassas 1988, 49). There is little question that al-ShifÄ succeeded in presenting a vision of the Prophet Muḥammad which achieved a kind of canonical significance across much of the Islamic world.
After the accolades have been noted, however, it becomes clear that much remains opaque about the book. At least within Western academic scholarship, there remains a significant degree of ambiguity about the bookâs precise historical context and purpose. Following a brief overview of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs life and a survey of some of the more important theories related to the historical and thematic provenance of al-ShifÄ, the present study introduces and explores three ethical dimensions of the book. First, it explores the ethical vision of the Prophet Muḥammad as it is presented in the first part of al-ShifÄ. Particular attention is devoted to the sources that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠmay have utilised in composing this section, a question which remains unresolved in Western scholarship. More briefly, the study then introduces the individual and societal ethics embedded in al-ShifÄ. For al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, the proper response to the image of the Prophet Muḥammad delineated in the beginning of the book is found in the ethical and spiritual praxes presented in the second part of al-ShifÄ. Likewise, there are societal or communal ethics represented by the workâs prohibition on blasphemy and defamation of the Prophet. The conclusion reflects on the significance of these ethical dimensions for understanding al-ShifÄ and considers how they may relate to its unique authority within a tradition that generated a vast number of works celebrating the virtues and accomplishments of the Prophet Muḥammad.
2 Al-ShifÄ in Context
Born in 476/1083 in Ceuta, a strategic political and commercial city located on the North African coast of the Strait of Gibraltar, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠrose to become a leading MÄlikÄ« jurist and theologian in an era of intense doctrinal challenge and tumultuous political transition in the Maghrib and al-Andalus. Shortly before his birth, Ceuta was overtaken by the ascendant Almoravids (al-MurÄbiá¹Å«n, r. ca. 446â541/1054â1147), a Berber dynasty inspired by the charismatic MÄlikÄ« jurist, Ê¿Abd AllÄh ibn YÄsÄ«n (d. 450/1059) (Viguera Molins 2010, 37). After subduing the disparate tribes of the Maghrib, the movement crossed the Strait of Gibraltar into al-Andalus. Following the collapse of the Andalusian Umayyad caliphate in 422/1031, the Islamic regions of the Iberian Peninsula had been ruled by a collection of tribal lords (Ar. mulÅ«k al-á¹awÄʾif) who proved incapable of fending off advancing Christian armies from the north. In 479/1086, the Almoravids came to the aid of their Muslim neighbours at the Battle of ZallÄqa against Alfonso IV of Castile (r. 1327â1336 CE), eventually consolidating and expanding their rule to Cordoba, Murcia, Granada, and Valencia, among other significant urban centres (Viguera Molins 2010, 38â39).
By all accounts, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠwas loyal to the Almoravid dynasty throughout his career as a student and a jurist. After completing his studies, he served as chief qÄá¸Ä« in Ceuta from 515/1121 to 530/1136, followed by a brief and troubled stint in Granada in 530/1136. He spent the next several years in private life, finally returning to his former position in Ceuta in 540/1146 (Gomez-Rivas 2013, 326â329). Throughout almost the entirety of his public career, the Almoravid dynasty faced the growing threat of a new religious movement within the Maghrib, the Almohads (al-MuwaḥḥidÅ«n, r. 524â667/1130â1269). After returning from his studies in al-Andalus, Baghdad, and Alexandria, the founder of the new movement, Ibn TÅ«mart (d. 524/1130) initiated open military conflict against the Almoravids in 515/1121. Described by his followers as âthe impeccable leader and acknowledged rightly guided one, the heir of the station of prophecy and infallibilityâ (Fierro 2016, 679), Ibn TÅ«martâs movement was a provocative admixture of SunnÄ« and ShÄ«Ê¿Ä« theological emphases, which offered a new religious alternative to the mainstream MÄlikÄ« commitments of the Almoravids.1 It was during the ascendency of this puritanical movement (ca. 514â539/1120â1145) that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠprobably composed al-ShifÄ, a treatise which offered a comprehensive theological âcureâ (ShifÄ) by presenting the unsurpassable greatness of the Prophet Muḥammad. Maribel Fierro, a leading scholar of the period, has identified the theological challenge posed by Ibn TÅ«mart (d. 524/1130) and the Almohads as perhaps the precipitating factor behind the writing of al-ShifÄ (Fierro 2011, 19â34).
A distinct but complementary theory suggests that MÄlikÄ« anxieties about emergent Sufism in the Maghrib and al-Andalus may help explain the reason behind the writing of al-ShifÄ. The most famous controversy over Sufism at the time related to AbÅ« ḤÄmid al-GhazÄlÄ« (d. 505/1111) and the reception of his magnum opus, IḥyÄʾ Ê¿UlÅ«m al-DÄ«n (âThe Revival of the Religious Sciencesâ), within the Islamic West. Ibn ḤamdÄ«n (d. 507/1114), the chief judge of Cordoba and one of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs teachers, wrote a refutation of the IḥyÄʾ and publicly burned the work in 502/1109 (Casewit 2017, 50â56). While there is no question that there was sustained regional resistance to al-GhazÄlÄ«, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs exact posture has proven more difficult to ascertain. The claim that Sufi saints could perform miraculous acts touched, perhaps inadvertently, on the definition and nature of prophecy, an important apologetic field. By al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs era, a complex discourse with several competing positions had emerged around the possibility of miracles and their relationship to saints (awliyÄʾ) and prophets (anbiyÄʾ). In general, mainstream SunnÄ« Islam distinguished between the miracles of the saints (karÄma, pl. karÄmÄt) and those performed by prophets (muÊ¿jiza, pl. muÊ¿jizÄt), although the challenges involved in identifying the precise nature of this distinction gave rise to multiple explanations (Fierro 1992, 236â249; Brown 2012, 123â168). In view of this context, it is not unreasonable to see al-ShifÄ, at least in part, as an attempt to assert and clarify the primacy of the Prophetâs status in relation to other saints and their miraculous acts.
A third possible inspiration for al-ShifÄ relates to interreligious tensions in the region. It has been proposed that the frequent occurrence of Christians blaspheming the Prophet in al-Andalus might explain the unique emphasis of the book and its concerns with blasphemy (Wagner 2015, 531). The most commonly cited historical episode involved the execution of forty-eight Christians for blasphemy in Cordoba between 235/850 and 245/859. The history and significance of these events is complicated by the fact that they are only narrated in Christian sources. Nevertheless, as Christian Sahner has recently argued, the accounts provided by Eulogius (d. 243/857) and Paulus Alvarus (d. 247/861) are too detailed and plausible to be simply dismissed as martyrological fabrications (Sahner 2018, 140â159). Assuming these or similar incidents occurred, it certainly would have raised the profile and legal significance of blasphemy in the Islamic West, a conclusion broadly supported by other documentary evidence (Fierro 1991, 103â117). However, even if recurrent interreligious tensions served as an important motivation for al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠin writing al-ShifÄ, it is important to carefully interpret this factor. Much of al-ShifÄ, which explains the QurʾÄnic testimony to the Prophet, along with his physical and ethical virtues, greatest miracles, sinlessness (Ê¿iá¹£ma), and veneration, appears to be written for the spiritual benefit and instruction of Muslims.2 It is only the fourth and final part of the book which treats the judgment of those who blaspheme or denigrate the Prophet. Even here, the focus of the work appears more oriented toward internal challenges (e.g. heretical Muslims), rather than those generated outside of the Muslim community (e.g., from Jews or Christians). Of the twenty-six individual sections comprising the fourth part, only two are explicitly focused on non-Muslims (i.e., dhimmiyyÅ«n) (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 821â827, 861â863). Significant portions of the fourth part are concerned with adjudicating the blasphemous speech of those who identify as Muslims, including apostates, poets, and duplicitous unbelievers (i.e., zindÄ«q, pl. zanÄdiqa) (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 765â771, 794â800, 846â861).
It would appear reasonable to see all these contextual factors at work in motivating al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠto write al-ShifÄ. The doctrinal challenges posed by Ibn TÅ«mart and the Almohads, emergent Sufism and Sufi miracle claims, as well as the intrareligious and interreligious dimensions of heresy and blasphemy, helped catalyse al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠto compose a new kind of Prophetic handbook which powerfully shaped the broader Islamic tradition. Although al-ShifÄ became his most famous and influential work, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠis also recognised for an important biographical dictionary of the MÄlikÄ« school, TartÄ«b al-MadÄrik wa-TaqrÄ«b al-MasÄlik li-MaÊ¿rifat AÊ¿lÄm Madhhab MÄlik (âOrganising the Faculties and Simplifying the Paths to Get to Know the Notable Figures of the School of MÄlikâ), commentaries on á¹¢aḥīḥ Muslim, á¹¢aḥīḥ al-BukhÄrÄ«, MÄlikâs (d. 179/795) al-Muwaá¹á¹aʾ, and one of the foundational texts of MÄlikÄ« fiqh, SaḥnÅ«nâs (d. 240/854) al-Mudawwana al-KubrÄ (âThe Great Codificationâ), along with several smaller legal works and poetry.3 Although sources vary considerably on the exact circumstances, his death in 544/1149 was contemporaneous with the decisive triumph of the Almohads in the Maghrib (Gomez-Rivas 2013, 329â332).
3 Prophetic Ethics in al-ShifÄ
In terms of structure, al-ShifÄ is divided into four parts. The first and longest of these is a synthetic consolidation of core material from ânoble featuresâ (shamÄʾil) and âmiraculous signsâ (dalÄʾil) literature which outlines the divine praise and commendation offered to the Prophet in the QurʾÄn, surveying his virtues in terms of both physical beauty and qualities of internal character, and concludes with a detailed treatment of his diverse salvific roles and most definitive miracles.4 The second part transitions to delineate the ethical and spiritual impact an encounter with a figure of this stature should have on believers and their duties toward him. They should be characterised by their obedience, love, and reverence toward the Prophet. The third part serves as a significant theological anchor for the book, presenting an extended argument for the Prophetâs comprehensive protection (Ê¿iá¹£ma) from sin. The final part of al-ShifÄ is primarily devoted to the regulation and punitive consequences of blasphemy against the Prophet.
In seeking to understand the ethical vision of the Prophet presented in al-ShifÄ, this study focuses on the second chapter (al-bÄb al-thÄnÄ«) of the bookâs first part (al-qism al-awwal), entitled FÄ« TakmÄ«l AllÄh lah al-MaḥÄsin Khalqan wa-Khuluqan, wa-QirÄnih JamÄ«Ê¿ al-Faá¸Äʾil al-DÄ«niyya wa-l-Dunyawiyya fÄ«h Nasafan (âConcerning Godâs Perfection in Him of Physical and Ethical Qualities and His Ordered Joining in Him of Worldly and Spiritual Virtues,â Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 97â207). In introducing the chapter, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠclassifies the different virtues and qualities that may be attributed to a person. Some attributes are natural and innate, such as oneâs physical form or lineage, while others are acquired and more clearly meritorious, such as aspects of oneâs ethical character. In some cases, specific virtues or qualities are a mixture of innate disposition and meritorious acquisition. In addition, in the case of the Prophet Muḥammad, certain qualities relate more to his natural human existence while others are more clearly connected to his miraculous role as a divine messenger (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 97â105). Much of al-ShifÄ seems to have been written in order to explain and document how the Prophet Muḥammad excelled in all of these categories, whether innate or acquired, whether as a natural human or a miraculous Prophet, to a unique and unparalleled degree. The various subdivisions of the book thus explore his qualities, accomplishments, and exalted status from these different vantage points.
Although the physical qualities of the Prophet and those that might be considered naturally innate, such as his lineage, intellect, and eloquence, are treated at the beginning of the second chapter, more than half of it is devoted to those ethical traits or characteristics which al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠclassifies as âacquiredâ (muktasab). His initial list of these traits includes the following:
As for the other acquired traits, the rest of the elevated ethics and lawful etiquette, these are related to religion, knowledge, clemency, patience, thankfulness, justice, abstinence, humility, forgiveness, virtue, generosity, courage, modesty, chivalry, quiet dignity, friendship, solemnity, mercy, good etiquette, social relations, and other related virtues, and those traits which when combined make for good morals.
Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 98
In brief, these qualities and attributes summarise al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs essential ethical vision of the Prophet. With few exceptions, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdevotes a section to each of these qualities, often defining them, and then documenting them with relevant QurʾÄnic verses, ḥadÄ«ths, and a modicum of his own commentary.
Before elaborating on these qualities individually, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠreturns to the question of whether they should be considered innate or acquired in the special case of the Prophet. Somewhat unexpectedly, he suggests that in the Prophetâs case even these traits are more appropriately classified as innate dispositions granted by God:
According to what the scholars who investigated this have said, he was naturally predisposed toward these traits from his original constitution and nature. They were not obtained for him by acquisition or effort, but rather by divine generosity and special dispensation.
Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 141
All previous prophets were similarly endowed, a fact which can be understood through the study of the lives of Jesus (ʿĪsÄ), Moses (MÅ«sÄ), John (YaḥyÄ), and Solomon (SulaymÄn), among others. The prophetic biographies of these figures reveal that they were all uniquely endowed with virtue and wisdom from childhood. In the Prophet Muḥammadâs case, these innate dispositions were indicated by his avoidance of pagan idolatry even in his youth.
Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs emphasis on the innate origins of even those attributes or dispositions normally classified as acquired helps to make sense of his starting point, the Prophetâs sound mind and mental acuity (Ê¿aql) (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 146). The Prophetâs expansive mind (wufÅ«r al-Ê¿aql) and intelligence (dhakÄʾ) were previously discussed in his treatment of natural or innate capacities, but here he underlines again that these components are foundational to the establishment of all other virtues. The Prophetâs knowledge, whether of previous sacred scriptures, judicial rulings, medicine, or other fields, all demonstrate that his intelligence and comprehension were miraculous divine endowments to one otherwise unlettered and unschooled.
Perhaps the dominant themes permeating al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs ethical survey relate to the Prophetâs mercy, patience, and forgiveness. The longest section is devoted to his clemency (ḥilm), ability to endure suffering (iḥtimÄl), patience (á¹£abr), and forgiveness even when he possessed the right not to forgive (al-Ê¿afw maÊ¿a al-qudra) (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 147â148). After defining these virtues, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠappeals to several QuʾrÄnic verses:
As for clemency, forbearance, and forgiveness when he possessed the right not to forgive, and patience in the face of what is hated, there is a distinction between these attributes. Clemency is a condition of dignified bearing and endurance when faced with instigating factors. Forbearance is self-control in the face of suffering and insults. And likewise with patience and its related meanings. As for forgiveness: it is to set aside blame.
All of this is from what God used to refine and instruct His Prophet. So God said: âBe tolerant and command what is right: pay no attention to foolish peopleâ (Q 7:199).5 It is narrated that when this verse descended, the Prophet asked the Angel Gabriel about its interpretation. So Gabriel said to him: âI will ask God, the all-knowing.â He went and came back to him and said: âO Muḥammad, God is certainly commanding you that you unite with those who cut you off, and give to those who withheld from you, and forgive those who oppressed you.â And God said to him: âBear anything that happens to you steadfastly: these are things to be aspired toâ (Q 31:17). And: âBe steadfast, like those messengers of firm resolveâ (Q 46:35). And: âLet them pardon and forgive. Do you not wish that God should forgive you? God is most forgiving and mercifulâ (Q 24:22). And: âIf a person is patient and forgives, this is one of the greatest thingsâ. (Q 42:42)
Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 147â148
The Prophetâs forgiveness and patience are then further demonstrated through several ḥadÄ«th narrations:
It was narrated that when the Prophetâs tooth was broken and his face was fractured at the Battle of Uḥud, this disturbed his companions and they said: âIf only you would curse them.â And he replied: âI was not sent to curse, but I was sent to call to God and as a mercy. O God, guide my people because they do not understand!â
Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 149
Several narrations include instances where the Prophet forgave individuals who threatened or attempted to assassinate him (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 150). A later section devoted to the Prophetâs compassion (shafaqa), pity (raʾfa), and mercy (raḥma), echoes similar themes. There, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠreferences the iconic QurʾÄnic verse from sÅ«ra 21, al-AnbiyÄʾ (The Prophets): âIt was only as a mercy that we sent you to all peopleâ (Q 21:107).
Several sections focus on virtues or attributes which might be understood as more explicitly communal or social. These include the Prophetâs benevolence (jÅ«d), generosity (karam), and open-handedness (sakhÄʾ). According to a ḥadÄ«th contained in al-BukhÄrÄ« (d. 256/870) and Muslim (d. 261/875), the companion JÄbir ibn Ê¿Abd AllÄh (d. 74/697) never heard the Prophet respond negatively to something that was asked or requested of him (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 154â155). His good relations (ḥusn al-Ê¿ishra) and manners (adab) drew others into his presence (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 162â166). Likewise, he was known for his integrity in contracts (ḥusn al-Ê¿ahd), his strong relationships with kin (á¹£ilat al-raḥim), integrity (Ê¿iffa), sincere speech (á¹£idq al-lahja), and courage (shajÄÊ¿a). Despite all of the superlatives, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠincludes a lengthy discussion dedicated to the Prophetâs humility (tawÄá¸uÊ¿) (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 173â177).
The last three sections of the survey draw attention to the Prophetâs spiritual and contemplative side, including his silence (á¹£amt), quiet dignity (waqÄr), abstinence from worldly things (zuhd fÄ« l-dunyÄ), and reverence for God (khawf min al-rabb). It was reported that he was constantly sorrowful and that he prayed for forgiveness from God seventy or a hundred times a day (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 191). Despite his great fame and conquests, the Prophet died with few possessions (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 184â188).
4 The Sources for al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs Ethical Vision
Due to the popular impact and influence of al-ShifÄ, modern scholarship has devoted some attention to the question of the degree to which the treatise was innovative or whether it was primarily modelled after earlier sources. The search for al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs sources has been conducted in relation to al-ShifÄ as a whole as well as for its component parts (Eggen 2021, 56â57; Naguchi 2021, 163). This study is primarily concerned with the possible sources behind al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs ethical vision of the Prophet outlined above. At one level, if one looks to certain explicit indications in al-ShifÄ, the question of sources may appear to have a simple resolution. In many cases, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠhas included the full chains of narrations (isnÄds) that are contained in the central ḥadÄ«th collections of the SunnÄ« tradition. At times, he further clarifies that he has drawn from âauthenticâ (á¹£aḥīḥ) books or from âreliable compositionsâ (muá¹£annafÄt thÄbita) (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 153). While it is true that important aspects of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs ethical vision can ultimately be traced back to the raw materials of the core SunnÄ« ḥadÄ«th canon, this does not adequately account for the unique emphases and contours of his vision. As noted earlier, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠcommented on á¹¢aḥīḥ al-BukhÄrÄ«, á¹¢aḥīḥ Muslim, and MÄlikâs al-Muwaá¹á¹aʾ. A survey of the most relevant chapters in these ḥadÄ«th collections such as the chapters on good manners (adab) or virtues (manÄqib), does not indicate that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠwas simply replicating or reproducing an ethical vision already formulated within these earlier works. Rather, the ethical vision presented in al-ShifÄ comprises a unique distillation and editorial organisation of the Prophetâs virtues and ethical qualities which would appear to be several steps removed from the raw materials of the SunnÄ« ḥadÄ«th canon.
In the search for possible intermediate sources which may further account for the distinctiveness of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs vision, two important candidates often surface. Modern attempts to identify possible precursors to al-ShifÄ have noted that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠwas credited with a mukhtaá¹£ar, or summary presentation, of a much larger work, Sharaf al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ (âThe Elevated Nobility of the Chosen Oneâ), composed by the Persian Sufi AbÅ« SaÊ¿d al-KharkÅ«shÄ« (d. 405/1015).6 Like several other works devoted to the Prophet, Sharaf al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ is a sprawling and voluminous compilation, gathering together a multitude of reports on such diverse topics as the Prophetâs extended relatives, military expeditions, the virtues of his companions, the glories of Mecca and Medina, along with his miracles and the testimony to his salvific role given by previous scriptures, former Prophets, and the QurʾÄn. When a work like this is compared to al-ShifÄ, it becomes clear that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdetermined to produce a rather different kind of book. Whereas Sharaf al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ reads more like an encyclopaedia, al-ShifÄ presents as a practical handbook summarising the essentials of the exalted identity of the Prophet with a focus on the impact this should have on the believer and broader society.
Despite these differences, it is still possible to examine Sharaf al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ in order to assess whether it played a significant role in shaping al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs ethical vision of the Prophet. Al-KharkÅ«shÄ«âs lengthy treatment of the Prophetâs ethics (akhlÄq) and manners (adab) offers the most natural starting point for comparison between the two works (al-KharkÅ«shÄ« 2003, 4:335â567). By beginning with several brief statements highlighting the Prophetâs merciful character (raʾūf al-qalb), modesty (ḥayÄʾ), and continual sadness (á¹awÄ«l al-ḥuzn), al-KharkÅ«shÄ« initially strikes a similar tone to al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs description. While the emphasis on the Prophetâs mercy and compassion is not demarcated as clearly or consistently, these descriptors appear recurrently in this part of Sharaf al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ. Like al-ShifÄ, al-KharkÅ«shÄ« devotes a section to the Prophetâs humility (tawÄduÊ¿), but there appears to be very little overlap in the evidences both authors cite for this virtue. Several of al-KharkÅ«shÄ«âs sections, on the Prophetâs etiquette around food or in the mosque, for example, have no real parallels in al-ShifÄ. In summary, while Sharaf al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ may have informed or inspired al-ShifÄ in some ways, and while it may prove to be the case that a closer textual relationship exists between other parts of both works, its resemblance appears too distant to be considered a central source for al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs ethical vision of the Prophet.
A second source that is sometimes proposed as a possible influence on al-ShifÄ is al-TirmidhÄ«âs (d. 279/892) al-ShamÄʾil al-Muḥammadiyya (âThe Beautiful Qualities of Muḥammadâ). Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs academic autobiography, al-Ghunya (âThe Richesâ), records that he learned this book from the ḥadÄ«th specialist AbÅ« Ê¿AlÄ« l-á¹¢adafÄ« (d. 514/1120), apparently one of the first scholars to bring al-TirmidhÄ«âs famed work to the Maghrib (Noguchi 2021, 163). Much of al-TirmidhÄ«âs work is oriented towards various details of the Prophetâs physical appearance and his possessions, matters which are not of central importance to al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠin al-ShifÄ. Towards the end of the work, al-TirmidhÄ« does include chapters on the humility (tawÄduÊ¿), modesty (ḥayÄʾ), and character (khuluq) of the Prophet (al-TirmidhÄ« 2017, 248â272). While a careful reading of the two works on the Prophetâs humility could suggest that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠrelied on it to some degree, the broader disconnect between al-ShifÄ and al-ShamÄʾil al-Muḥammadiyya should preclude the latter from being considered a primary source.
A third possible source for al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs ethical vision also intersects with his biography, albeit in a somewhat more complicated way. As noted previously, al-GhazÄlÄ«âs magnum opus, IḥyÄʾ Ê¿UlÅ«m al-DÄ«n, generated considerable controversy in the Islamic West. Some later sources, such as the Egyptian ShÄfiÊ¿Ä« Ê¿Abd al-WahhÄb al-ShaÊ¿rÄnÄ« (d. 972/1565), reported that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠactively supported the suppression and burning of al-GhazÄlÄ«âs treatise (Eggen 2018, 89â100). On this view, along with other members of the conservative MÄlikÄ« legal establishment aligned with the Almoravid regime, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠwas opposed to al-GhazÄlÄ«âs apparent demotion of fiqh and promotion of esoteric knowledge.7 As Nora Eggen has recently demonstrated, sources closer to the time period present a significantly more complex picture. In particular, al-TaÊ¿rÄ«f bi-l-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠ(âA Biography of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸â), a biography authored by his son, Muḥammad ibn Ê¿IyÄḠ(d. 576/1180), makes no mention of his involvement in the suppression or destruction of al-GhazÄlÄ«âs treatise. Rather, Ibn Ê¿IyÄḠreports that his father was generally favourable toward the work and that he even contemplated the possibility of composing an abridgement of it (Eggen 2018, 100). While al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠwas critical of al-GhazÄlÄ« in places, the evidence as it stands does not suggest that he offered a blanket condemnation of the IḥyÄʾ (Eggen 2018, 101; Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 846).
A close reading of book twenty of the IḥyÄʾ, KitÄb ÄdÄb al-MaÊ¿Ä«sha wa-AkhlÄq al-Nubuwwa (âThe Book of the Etiquettes of Living and the Ethics of Prophethoodâ), reveals some intriguing structural and textual resonances. As with al-ShifÄ, al-GhazÄlÄ« includes individual sections on the Prophetâs forgiveness (al-Ê¿afw maÊ¿a al-qudra), benevolence (jÅ«d, sakhÄʾ), courage (shajÄÊ¿a), and humility (tawÄá¸uÊ¿). In his first chapter, al-GhazÄlÄ« begins with the ḥadÄ«th of Ê¿Äʾisha (d. 58/678) which equates the Prophetâs character with the QurʾÄn and then transitions into a list of several QurʾÄnic verses (Q 7:199, 16:90, 31:17, 42:43, 5:13, 24:22, 41:34, 3:134, 49:12), most of which emphasise forgiveness, patience, and forbearance. This serves as the foundational point from which al-GhazÄlÄ« begins his exploration of the Prophetâs ethical attributes. In important respects, it is also where al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠbegins his exposition. As noted previously, after his brief discussion of the intellect (Ê¿aql), the first attributes highlighted by al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠare the Prophetâs forgiveness, patience, and forbearance. In fact, he appeals to several of the same QurʾÄnic verses (Q 7:199, 31:17, 46:35, 24:22, 42:43) (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 147â148). Viewing both works together, the reader is left with the impression that both authors wanted to strike a similar tone as they commenced their discussion of the Prophetâs ethics. The similarities between the two works are perhaps at their most pronounced in the traditions that both appeal to in order to exemplify the Prophetâs forgiveness. In al-GhazÄlÄ«âs section, we read the following:
The Messenger of GodâGod bless him and grant him peaceâwas in a battle when the enemies noticed a moment of heedlessness among the Muslims, whereupon a man advanced brandishing his sword over the head of Godâs MessengerâGod bless him and grant him peaceâsaying, âWho will defend you against me?â He said, âGod,â whereupon the sword fell from his hand and Godâs Messenger grabbed it and said, âWho will defend you against me?â He said, âBe quick with me.â He said, âSay: I bear witness that there is no God but God.â He said, âNo. Rather I will not fight against you nor be with you, and I will not be with any people who are fighting against you.â He let him go his way and then the man went back to his people saying, âI have come back to you from the presence of the best of men.â
Anas reported that a Jewish woman brought the ProphetâGod bless him and grant him peaceâsome poisoned mutton that he might perchance eat it, whereupon she was brought to the ProphetâGod bless him and grant him peace. He questioned her about it, and she said, âI wished to kill you.â He said, âGod did not empower you to do so.â They said, âShall we not kill her?â He said, âNo.â
A Jewish man cast a spell on him and he was informed of it by JibrÄ«lâupon whom be peace. Thus he drew forth the charm and unravelled its knots, whereupon he felt a lightness. He did not mention the matter to the Jew nor reveal it to him at all.
al-GhazÄlÄ« 2019, 44
While al-ShifÄ utilises slightly different language in describing these events, it includes all three accounts in precisely the same order (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 150).
While the similarities between the two works should not be overstated, it appears likely that both authors are at least operating within a similar discursive tradition which emphasises certain ethical attributes of the Prophet, not least of which are his forgiveness and mercy. Both al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠand al-GhazÄlÄ« appear to be at work within a religious and intellectual milieu where the ethical attributes of the Prophet are crystallising into a discrete field of inquiry.8 The image of the Prophet presented in al-ShifÄ resembles the presentation in book twenty of al-GhazÄlÄ«âs IḥyÄʾ more than anything found in either Sharaf al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ or al-ShamÄʾil al-Muḥammadiyya. It remains to be seen if further research will permit a more comprehensive picture to be drawn of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs sources, whether for this or other parts of al-ShifÄ.9
5 Individual and Societal Ethics in al-ShifÄ
Centring attention solely on a specific segment of al-ShifÄ, such as its ethical portrayal of the Prophet might inadvertently overshadow the broader interconnected themes that define the entirety of the work. A noteworthy attribute of al-ShifÄ, which sets it apart in a saturated and expanding landscape of literature centred on the Prophet is its ability to intricately expound upon and apply the ethical ramifications that appear to emanate from its elevated depiction of this eminent persona. Expressed differently, the extended description of the Prophet contained in the first part of al-ShifÄ is foundational to the ethical framework operative in the remainder of the work.
While this study has focused primarily on the ethics described in the second chapter of the first part of al-ShifÄ, when read in its entirety, the first part presents a comprehensive vision of the shamÄʾil and dalÄʾil of the Prophet. This latter category extends across the third and fourth chapters of the first part and includes his most important miracles, such as the inimitability (iÊ¿jÄz) of the QurʾÄn, his night journey to Jerusalem (isrÄʾ), splitting of the moon (inshiqÄq al-qamar), and multiplication of food (takthÄ«r al-á¹aÊ¿Äm), and his central salvific roles, such as his intercession (shafÄÊ¿a) and privileged position (maqÄm maḥmÅ«d) on the day of judgment (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 213â463). It is this holistic vision of the Prophetâs shamÄʾil and dalÄʾil depicted in the first part of al-ShifÄ which serves as a foundation for the individual and societal ethics that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdelineates in the second and fourth parts of the book.
More modest in size, the second part (al-qism al-thÄnÄ«) of al-ShifÄ outlines a series of ethical and spiritual dispositions oriented toward the Prophet which are incumbent upon those who have grasped his significance (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 471â602). The logical structure of the first sentence explains the essential relationship between the bookâs first two parts: âSince the certainty of his Prophethood and the truth of his message are confirmed by what we have presented before, then faith in him and belief in what he brought is obligatoryâ (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 472). In turn, faith or belief in the Prophet requires obedience to his commands: âAs for the obligation of obeying him, since faith in him and affirming what he brought is obligatory, so is obeying him, as this is from what he brought. As God says: âBelievers, obey God and his Messengerââ (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 476).10 This posture of obedience flows into a broader adherence to the Prophetâs example (Sunna).11 In general, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdoes not engage in a detailed discussion of exactly how the Sunna is identified and where it might be found, but rather seems content to demonstrate the basic obligation.
At the same time, this obedience is not to be cold or detached, but is to flow from a deeper love (maḥabba) for the Prophet. The entire second chapter of part two treats various aspects of what it means to love the Prophet. Al-BukhÄrÄ« and Muslim both include the following tradition: âNot one of you believes in me until I am more beloved to him than his son, and his father, and indeed all peopleâ (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 493). Signs that indicate a personâs love for the Prophet include their obedience and emulation of him, their frequent mention of him, their respect for him and his family, their opposition toward those who oppose him, and their asceticism in this world (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 499â505).
After devoting a chapter to the respect that is due to the Prophet, his family, and his companions, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠconcludes the second part of al-ShifÄ with a discussion of several key spiritual or ritual practices related to the Prophet. The most important of these, based on Q 33:56, is the practice of praying blessings over the Prophet: âGod and the angels bless the Prophetâso you who believe, bless him too and give him greetings of peaceâ (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 544). Citing various authorities, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠunderstands this verse to be in the form of an imperative which makes it obligatory for all Muslims to perform at least once, while doing it routinely is recommended in Islam (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 546). Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdoes not appear to endorse one canonical formulation of this type of prayer, but seems to recognise multiple variations that are appropriate in a variety of contexts.12
The point of the preceding section is not to offer a comprehensive overview of the contents of the second part of al-ShifÄ. Rather it is to illuminate one of the unique ways that the different parts of the work integrate and cohere. For al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, the appropriate response to the image of the Prophet depicted at the beginning of al-ShifÄ is found in the ethical and spiritual praxes presented in the bookâs second part. In a similar way, it seems clear that for al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠthere is also a kind of communal or societal ethic which relates to this vision of the Prophet. Viewed from this perspective, the fourth and final part of al-ShifÄ on blasphemy jurisprudence should not be understood as an incongruous addition to the rest of the work. Rather, the comprehensive legal protection surrounding the Prophet is both theological in the way it further sacralises this figure and pragmatic in its societal implications. If the second part of the work outlines the appropriate response of an individual believer to the Prophet, the fourth part can be interpreted as pointing toward a broader societal ethic.
The fourth part of al-ShifÄ is organised into three primary chapters which, as has been noted, are further subdivided into twenty-six sections (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 760â884). The first two chapters, comprised of sixteen sections, are devoted to explicating the scriptural and jurisprudential dimensions of blasphemy against the Prophet. The third and final chapter addresses more concisely the topics of blasphemy against God, angels, previous prophets, the QurʾÄn, the family of the Prophet, and his companions. At the beginning of the first chapter, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdelineates an expansive conception of blasphemy against the Prophet and its judicial consequences:
It should be known, may God grant us and you success, that everyone who curses the Prophet, or blames him, or attaches a defect to him, or his lineage, or religion, or any of his qualities, or alludes to him or compares him with something similar, or shows contempt for him, or belittles or diminishes him, or criticises him: he is a blasphemer. And the judgment for such a person is that of the blasphemer: as we will show, he is put to death. And we do not make exceptions for any such case and have no reservations, whether such blasphemous expressions were made directly or by allusion.
This same judgment is for anyone who curses or desires harm for him or attaches to him that which is not appropriate to his stature by blaming him or finding fault with his exalted place by foolish, ugly, prohibited, or deceitful speech, or who denigrates him for the trials and affliction he experienced or criticises him for normal human frailties. All of this is the juristic consensus arrived at by the leading scholars from the period of the Prophetâs companions until our own time.
Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 765â766
Drawing primarily from MÄlikÄ« authorities, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠattempts to demonstrate that a broad juristic consensus has been reached on the matter (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 766â771).
While al-ShifÄ drew substantially on a variety of previous sources and legal precedent, the fourth part of the work stands out as the most influential treatment of blasphemy jurisprudence generated during the formative centuries of Islam. Within the context of the book itself, however, it may be understood as a kind of social or communal ethic formulated in response to al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs exalted vision of the Prophet.13
6 Conclusion
Despite its acclaim and popularity, al-ShifÄ has remained a somewhat enigmatic work that defies easy categorisation. While it may be simply described as a shamÄʾil and dalÄʾil work dedicated to the Prophet Muḥammad, even a cursory reading reveals that it is more than that. Alternatively, some readings of al-ShifÄ seem to approach it as a book comprised of somewhat disparate parts that are only loosely related. This study has approached al-ShifÄ as a work possessing ethical dimensions. An obvious and important place to begin such a reading is with the ethics of the Prophet as al-ShifÄ presents them. While further research is warranted, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs ethical vision of the Prophet stands out for its clarity and comprehensiveness. To my mind, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs portrayal deserves to be recognised as an important stage within a process of crystallisation whereby the ethics of the Prophet are abstracted out from a variety of other shamÄʾil categories and become a discrete field of inquiry. In this, al-ShifÄ is notably different than al-TirmidhÄ«âs al-ShamÄʾil al-Muḥammadiyya or al-KharkÅ«shÄ«âs Sharaf al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ where the ethical virtues of the Prophet are intermingled with a variety of other categories. Even when compared to book twenty of al-GhazÄlÄ«âs IḥyÄʾ, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs treatment stands out for its cogency and systematic clarity.
In addition, by considering the ethical dimensions of al-ShifÄ this study has been able to highlight ways that the different parts of the book integrate and cohere. The individual ethical and spiritual praxes of the workâs second part are intended to be a response to the vision of the Prophet delineated at the beginning of the book. Likewise, the prohibition on blasphemy in the final part of al-ShifÄ may be understood as a broader societal ethic formulated in response to this same vision. While the exquisite quality of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs work and its relatively compact size help to account for the popular influence of al-ShifÄ, the way it powerfully related an exalted vision of the Prophet to individual and societal ethics also helped to distinguish it from otherwise similar works.
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Ar., al-imÄm al-maʿṣūm al-mahdÄ« al-maÊ¿lÅ«m, wÄrith maqÄm al-nubuwwa wa-l-Ê¿iá¹£ma (Fierro 2016, 679). On the Almohads in general, see Fierro (2012).
In an earlier section of the book, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠcomments to this effect:
The one who reflects will realise that we did not write our book for the one who denies the prophecy of our Prophet nor the one who attacks his miracles ⦠rather, we composed it for his people, those following his call, and believing in his prophecy, in order that it confirm their love for him, and the flourishing of their actions, and in order that they increase their faith with faith.
Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 307
For a useful list of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs major extant and non-extant works, see Arḥīla (2019, 34â35) and Ê¿IyÄḠ(2006, 34â40).
For an introduction to shamÄʾil and dalÄʾil literature, see Schimmel (1985, 32â45).
QurʾÄnic translations are from M.A.S. Abdel Haleem (2004).
For a brief discussion of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs Mukhtaá¹£ar, which is no longer extant, along with a survey of his other works, see Serrano Ruano (2009, 417â434) and Fierro (2011, 21).
For specific criticisms of al-GhazÄlÄ« in the Islamic West, see Garden (2005, 144â189).
An earlier work also operating within a similar discursive tradition is JaÊ¿far ibn ḤayyÄn al-Aá¹£bahÄnÄ«âs (d. 980/369) AkhlÄq al-NabÄ« wa-ÄdÄbuh (âEthics of the Prophet and His Mannersâ) which contains chapters of ḥadÄ«th on the Prophetâs forbearance (iḥtimÄl), forgiveness (Ê¿afw), generosity (jÅ«d/sakhÄʾ), courage (shajÄÊ¿a), and humility (tawÄduʾ). Further research is required to determine how this work might relate to that of al-GhazÄlÄ« or al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠ(see al-Aá¹£bahÄnÄ« 1998, 1:178â343).
This section has focused on textual sources that may have shaped al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs ethical presentation in al-ShifÄʾ. A somewhat different but important line of inquiry concerns the conceptual framework utilised in al-ShifÄʾ. In particular, one might ask whether the list of ethical virtues and qualities discussed in al-ShifÄʾ derive from Sufi ethical paradigms or elsewhere. As noted, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs relationship with emergent Sufism in the Maghrib and al-Andalus is difficult to determine and his major works indicate a rather decisive focus on ḥadÄ«th and jurisprudence. At the same time, the list of descriptors and ethical qualities that he applies to the Prophet Muḥammad resemble categories used in Sufi manuals (e.g., Fakhry 1991, 200). In my view, further research is required to clarify the relationship between Sufi ethical paradigms and al-ShifÄʾ.
Beyond Q 8:20, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠalso cites the following verses which appear to equate or at least closely relate obedience to the Prophet with obedience to God: Q 3:32, 3:132, 24:54, 4:80, 59:7, 4:69, 4:64 (Ê¿IyÄḠ2006, 476).
It is in this section that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠreferences Q 33:21 and the uswa ḥasana (âbeautiful model/exampleâ) of the Prophet. Although arguably a central concept in Islamic history and even to al-ShifÄʾ itself, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠcites it here as simply one among several evidences for the necessity of obeying and emulating the Prophet. For further reflections on this concept, see Schimmel (1985, 24â55).
A useful introduction to prayers of blessing over the Prophet is found in Puente (1999).
Despite the authority of al-ShifÄʾ, many modern scholars have critiqued its stern formulation of blasphemy jurisprudence (e.g., Masud et al. 2021; Kamali 1997; and Wahid 2013).