A previously unknown early edition of a Finnish hymnbook and a catechism was discovered in 2015 by the author in the Sächsische Landesbibliothek, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek (SLUB) in Dresden. These two important works were bound together inside one cover in 1607 in Rostock. This kind of combination of different ecclesiastical books was often referred to as the ‘manuale’ (handbook). The first part of this volume is a previously totally unknown edition of a Finnish Lutheran hymnbook, the second part a similarly unknown Finnish Lutheran catechism. The page size of the whole is a mere 13 × 8.5 cm. They were printed under the editorship and direction of a certain Simon Johannis Carelius. Published in Rostock, they were missing from Fennica, the national database of printed Finnish books in the Finnish National Library. The original, compound volume with the catalogue reference Lit. var. 167 remains in the collections of the library in Dresden but both the hymnal and the catechism are now available in the digital archives of the Finnish National Library as well.1
The discovery was made public at the Finnish National Library on 7 December 2015. It attracted attention and comments from both Finland and abroad.2 The books have already been characterised as a unique source for the early stages of the Finnish language.3 In this chapter I will concentrate on the hymnbook and its background in order to open up new perspectives, especially for future research into the early history of the Finnish hymnbook. The catechism as the second part of this handbook and Simon Johannis Carelius, the editor of the whole and the supervisor of the printing process in Rostock, will at this stage be considered only briefly.
1 The Wittenberg Reformation, the Hymnbook and the Catechism
In the medieval Catholic Church, congregational singing did not have a notable role in liturgy.4 In contrast, for the Lutheran Reformation vernacular hymns and hymnbooks were an essential part of identity from the very beginning: the Reformation was a great song movement.5 After translating the New Testament into German (1522), Martin Luther (1483–1546) considered it essential for the Word of God to dwell amongst the people through common hymn-singing in the vernacular. These liturgical, catechetical and didactical functions began with the so-called Achtliederbuch (‘Book of eight songs’, Nuremberg, 1523/4) and the earliest domestic and congregational German hymnbooks. The first hymnal to appear in Wittenberg was Eyn geystlich Gesangk Buchleyn (1524). This earliest collection of hymns for choir was soon edited by the cantor and composer Johann Walter. The foreword was written by Luther, twenty-four of whose hymns were included in the book. A unison lay version of the hymnal followed in 1526.6 However, the so-called Klug hymnal (Geistliche Lieder auffs new gebessert zu Wittemberg, 1529) is considered to be the earliest congregational Lutheran hymnbook. Hymns in the liturgy can be seen in Luther’s Orders of Service (1523, 1526). Joint hymn-singing by the congregation was made a regular part of the service, which has been cited as the most significant innovation of the Reformation. The educational aspect was essential.7 As early as 1524 Luther also mentioned the need to publish a catechism; Der kleine and Der grosse Catechismus (‘The Small’ and ‘The Large Catechism’) subsequently appeared in 1529. Like hymnbooks, Luther’s Small Catechism was one of the most important disseminators of the thoughts of the Reformation movement amongst the people. Different hymnals and catechisms were the most important books in teaching the laity the new Lutheran Christianity. The influence was soon felt in several other European countries as well. The translation of the whole Bible into German was published in 1534.8
2 The Early Hymnbooks and Catechisms in Denmark and Sweden
The Reformation spread rapidly into Scandinavia and the Baltic Sea region. It played a significant role in the development of literary languages.9 The New Testament was first translated into Danish by Hans Mikkelsen (1524), and later by a great linguist, Christian Pedersen (1529). The first small Danish hymnals were printed in Malmö in 1528 and 1529 and the catechism in 1537. The important Den danske Salmebog was authorised in 1569.10 The first version of a Swedish booklet of hymns, edited by the Swedish reformer Olaus Petri, probably appeared between 1526 and 1529.11 He also translated the New Testament, published in 1526. His Swenske songer with around forty hymns followed in 1536.12
A large number of Swedish hymn publications and hymnals were brought out during this century. Then Svenska Psalmeboken (‘The Swedish Hymnbook’), of which the first edition appeared probably in 1542, has usually been considered the most important of these. It ran to many editions: by 1594 it had been reprinted at least fifteen times. Seven more editions are known by 1613, most of them published in Stockholm, a few in Lübeck and one in Rostock.13
It is only rarely that lost hymnbooks have been discovered. An edition of Then Svenska Psalmeboken (printed by Amund Laurentzon in Stockholm 1562) was found by Arthur Malmgren in the National and University Library of Iceland in Reykjavik and was republished in 1966. Recently, Otfried Czaika at first located two more copies of a version of the same hymnal, Then Swenska Psalmeboken (Stockholm 1582) published twenty years later. The first, already mentioned by the Swedish royal librarian and book historian Isak Collijn (1931), was a fragment consisting only of the title page and parts of the book, found in the Kungliga biblioteket (KB, the National Library of Sweden). The other (including 115 hymns) was located by Czaika himself in the Swedish Rogge Library (Strängnäs) and published in 2016.14 Later in the same year he found a third copy of the same 1582 edition in the Albertina Library at the University of Leipzig.15 The latest find was also his: the catechism, Een lijten catechismus (‘A Small Catechism’), translated into Swedish by Olaus Petri and printed in 1530, with many subsequent editions.16
Why have the hymnbooks not been preserved for posterity? There are several reasons. Although the hymnbooks in general became actually the most widely circulated of all publications during the Swedish Reformation, the editions could be small. However, it has been estimated that hymnbooks printed in or for Sweden in the sixteenth century numbered around ten to twenty thousand. The hymnal was a people’s book; it represented everyday literature, used not only in services of worship but also, after being abandoned for liturgical use, at home over many generations. Hymnals could follow their owners even to the grave. This explains the low number of discoveries of early Swedish hymnals and the fact that they never found their way into libraries: numerous editions did not survive to the present neither in a single copy (i.e. hapax) nor as a fragment.17
3 The Earliest Hymnbook and Catechism in Finnish
Michael Agricola (c.1510–57), the Finnish reformer, had studied in Wittenberg and is known as the father of Finnish literature and the Finnish written language. Most people in Finland – as in many other places in Europe – were illiterate. Agricola published the main contents of the catechism in his spelling primer (Abckiria, 1543), and some versified hymns in Finnish in his Prayer Book (Rukouskiria, 1544) and the New Testament (Se Wsi Testamenti, 1548). The Catechism in Finnish published in 1574 by the bishop of Turku, Paulus Juusten, is not extant.18
It was only at the end of the sixteenth century that a proper Lutheran hymnbook and a catechism were published in Finnish by Jacobus Petri Finno (c.1540–88). He had studied both in Wittenberg and in Rostock, which after 1550 had replaced the ‘Lutherstadt’ as a prime place of education for the academic youth of Scandinavia. Finno had returned to Finland in 1568.19 He modelled his ideas especially on those of Professor David Chytraeus (1530–1600) from Rostock.20 Chytraeus had a significant and long-lasting influence as a transmitter of Ramist philosophy and moderate Melanchthonian, ‘Philippist’ theology: his students made up the theological leadership in Sweden and Finland. The Catechesis of Chytraeus (1554) was especially important after the Uppsala synod of 1593. In 1595 the work was elevated to normative status for teaching. Its reception was far-reaching: its influence extended as far as the Finnish catechism (1614) published by Ericus Erici Sorolainen, the bishop of Turku.21
The Swedish king Johan III (r. 1568–92) has been characterised as Irenic. In his efforts to reconstitute the ‘old ecclesiastical dignity’ of the Swedish church in his Liturgia suecanae ecclesiae (1576) he had moved close to Tridentine Catholicism, long believing in the possibility of a synthesis of Lutheranism and Catholicism. The king did not, however, want to give up sharing the chalice with the laity (Holy Communion sub utraque), the right of the priests to marry and the holding of services in the vernacular. Because the Catholic Church for its part did not make any concessions the contact was suspended.22
Jacobus Finno had from 1568 worked as the headmaster of the cathedral school in Turku. Later, in 1578, Johan III gave him the task of translating important ecclesiastical Lutheran literature: the prayer book, catechism, and hymnal.23 We can only be certain of the publication date of the prayer book (1583). As to the first actual catechism it may have been edited by Finno and printed in 1583 but just a few pages of it have been preserved for posterity. A second edition, probably of this catechism, was printed in Stockholm (1615).24 Finno’s works – including Piae Cantiones (published by Theodoricus Petri Ruuth, printed in Greifswald, 1582) – have been seen as a statement on behalf of the liturgical programme of King Johan III, but Finno has also been seen as a supporter of the Reformation.25
A large number of Swedish hymnbooks and smaller hymn publications came out during the sixteenth century. The best known of them, Then Swenska Psalmeboken (The Swedish Hymnbook), had been reprinted at least fifteen times by 1594. Finland was part of Sweden but the situation with hymnals in Finnish was quite different. The first hymnal, the so-called Jaakko Finnon Virsikirja (the Hymnal of Jacobus Finno), did not appear until around 1583. The only existing version of it is defective; the title page is also missing. It has, however, been concluded that the book was printed around 1583 in Stockholm by Andreas Gutterwitz, with 101 hymns.26 Because it had been put together during King Johan III’s reign it omitted any material that is critical of the Catholic Church.27 The principal source of this earliest Finnish hymnbook is thought to have been the above-mentioned Swedish hymnbook (Then Swenska Psalmeboken) in its 1572 edition.28 One reason for this presumption has been the identical number of hymns.29 However, the core contents of the Swedish hymnal had been the same since 1562.30 A facsimile of Jacobus Finno’s hymnbook including a commentary was published in 1988 by Pentti Lempiäinen. He notes that Finno must have been aware of other hymnals as well.31
4 The Monarch Karl Vasa: an Advocate of the Second Reformation
The number of Swedish hymnals increased considerably during the sixteenth century. In contrast, by the beginning of the seventeenth century the first hymnal in Finnish from the 1580s appears to have been out of print; about twenty years had elapsed since it was printed. It has been speculated that there was now a need for a new edition or version because the first hymnal had sold out. Indeed, there are two known hand-written copies of Finno’s book from the beginning of the seventeenth century.32 Compiling a new book would have been perfectly logical. Another factor may have been the change of ruler: after Johan III, his son, the Catholic King Sigismund III of Poland, ascended the throne in 1592. His reign was, however, a short one. The country came soon into the hands of Duke Karl (1550–1611) of Södermanland, the youngest son of the Swedish King Gustav I Vasa. Like his brothers, Karl showed great interest in theology. He had already strengthened his position in summoning the Uppsala synod of 1593. The Riksdag at Linköping then declared Sigismund deposed in 1599. Although Karl initially refused the crown, as prince regent the duke was the real ruler of Sweden after 1600. The Diet of Norrköping (1604) finalised a new hereditary treaty that transferred the crown but his coronation as Karl IX did not take place until 15 March 1607.33
Much has been written about Karl and the foundations of his theological thought; he has been characterised as a stern Calvinist or as a Lutheran with strong Calvinist influences, as the contemporary Swedish Lutheran clergy fostered in the University of Rostock claimed. The accusation was strongly voiced by Olaus Martini, archbishop since 1601, and this interpretation has lived on to this day.34 On the other hand, Karl has been seen as a Melanchthonian humanist, as a Protestant, as a Lutheran Biblicist and as an amateur theologian. He has as well been characterised as a representative or advocate of the so-called Second Reformation, which had begun soon after the death of Martin Luther and insisted on the renewal of Christian life.35
Karl wanted to take care of both justice and religion. They were the conditions for welfare and peace. That is why he has also been characterised as the defender of true doctrine, the Augsburg Confession and the will of Gustav Vasa. He found support in the Lutheran theory of state, where lay authority was assigned responsibility for the law, including religion. He as the ruler saw himself as custos utriusque tabulae (‘keeper of both tables’). This is a reference to the Decalogue, the two stone tablets of Mosaic Laws. They set the conditions for welfare and peace as defined in a tradition confirmed both by Luther and Melanchthon. As a ruler he claimed the position of defender of the church (custos ecclesiae) as well, similarly confirmed both by Luther and Melanchthon: Karl wanted to protect the evangelical faith and the resolutions of the Uppsala Synod. He was not only the leader of the country but as well the leader of the Swedish church. That is why he also was very active in theological questions and personally intervened in ecclesiastical affairs. His reign established Lutheranism at the state religion of Sweden. His son and successor, Gustav II Adolf, promised to adhere to the Augsburg Confession and the Uppsala Resolution. Thus the decisions of the Uppsala synod of 1593 came to be acknowledged as the basis of doctrine in Sweden.36
However, as Michael Roberts pointed out as long ago as 1968, ‘No king of Sweden is more in need of a modern biography than Karl IX’.37 Today there are a couple of modern biographies.38 Yet, there are still gaps in the bigger picture: Karl as regent and as a representative of the ‘Second Reformation’ wanted to oversee both religion and justice and saw himself as responsible of the renewal of Christian life. In several instances, the clergy did not expedite the adoption of measures agreed at the synod of 1593, for instance the preparations for a new Bible translation. The proactive and swift-acting duke then appointed a Bible translation committee in 1600 (Swedish) and 1602 (Finnish). He was actively engaged in several other theological questions as well, for instance literary discussion with the archbishop on Holy Communion. The duke wanted to take holy scripture as the only basis for his planned revision. Already at the Diet of Söderköping in 1595 he had demanded a reform of the church manuals. A couple of months later he called for a revision of the manual, and also a new and improved edition of the catechism of 1593. At the Diet of Linköping (1600), a service-book proposed by him was rejected by the clergy.39 As a consequence Karl later presented his own Handbook (manual, 1602) and Catechism (1604).40 The former was written for the court congregation but was in reality intended for use by the church in general. The books themselves do not mention the author, but both of them were, nonetheless, known as his works.41 Otto Holmdahl, Herder Block and Ingun Montgomery list altogether five theological works by Karl.42
Among the clergy, there was a discussion concerning competence. They rejected the changes suggested by the duke, accusing him of ‘some dangerous opinions inspired by Calvinists and Sacramentarians’. The leader of the ecclesiastical opposition was Olaus Martini, who had in 1599 drafted a new manual, which the duke had rejected. Martini was then elected archbishop in 1600. The theological confrontation between these leaders of church and state continued at full intensity; the question was, who should administer the teaching of the church. They both wrote a series of religious tracts. Karl published his Bevisbok (1604) with plenty of quotations from Luther and Melanchthon; Olaus Martini responded immediately with a tract. Karl’s catechism was then published at the end of the same year. It drew mainly on Luther’s Small Catechism but also included material from the Reformed Heidelberg and Emden Catechisms. The archbishop answered with a hostile response. The controversies continued until Olaus Martini died in 1609. Karl himself pointed out that he based his work solely on the word of God.43 New research into the theology of this ‘independent lay theologian’, as seen in his activities and works, would be valuable.44
When Karl published regulations for the reform of Christian life, he used as his source Lex Politica Dei. The original source was the Latin Leges Politicae (1577) by the French Hugenot lawyer, Francescus Raguellus. It had been translated into German by Conrad Gerhard Saurius. His translation, Lex Politica Dei, for its part was however based on another German version, Leges Politicae translated by his father, Abraham Saurius. The German translation of the younger Saurius had then been translated into Swedish from German by the Vyborgian interpreter Henrik Jönsson Careel. He was a brother of the Theologian Simon Johannis Carelius, who seems also to have participated. The work – the creation of the first legal treatise in Swedish – was apparently supervised by the Swedish court chancellor of Karl, Nils Chesnecopherus, and printed in Rostock on Karl’s orders in 1607. The apparent motivation for the publication was the idea about the absolute power of the monarch and the biblical fundamentalist understanding of the judicial system.45
In Swedish or Finnish hymnological research Karl seems only seldom to have received attention. For example, P. J. I. Kurvinen mentions King Johan III several times in his classic hymnological study, while Karl is referred to only once.46 Pentti Lempiäinen and Seppo Suokunnas do not mention him at all in connection with the so-called hymnal of Hemmingius Henrici of Masku, the second Finnish hymnal.47 Yet here too more attention should be paid to the potential influence of this monarch: this self-styled Prince Regent of the Kingdom of Sweden (‘Sweriges Rijkes Regerende Arffurst’) is said to have held firmly to his own theological principles.48 He was well-versed in theology and presented his own works, and had received musical education along with the rest of the royal family and played several instruments.49 He also wrote a rhymed work on his own life up to 1592 (Rim-Chrönika).50 Karl considered himself responsible for both the people and the church: his interests might well have extended to hymnals as well.51
The Uppsala synod of 1593, summoned by him, calls for further research. The Postulata of the clergy, issued in 1594, already demanded an updating of the hymnal: ‘The Swedish hymnbook must be checked and those beautiful hymns that have been omitted must be replaced, and others that are indifferent must be removed, and yet others that do not appear in the old one must be printed separately.’52 This statement could also be considered as a theological critique of Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582 published during the reign of King Johan III. The criticism may have given Karl – as a representant of the ‘Second Reformation’ – further impetus for practical action also on the hymnbook front. Yet, the clergy did not hurry with the adoption of several measures agreed at the synod. As there was no progress regarding the hymnbook either, it is quite possible that Karl took it on himself to promote its publication.
5 Een liten Psalmbook: a Forgotten Genre of Swedish Hymnal
Research on the Swedish hymnbook has focused on the tradition of Then Swenska Psalm(e)boken (‘The Swedish Hymnbook’), and this has influenced views in Finland as well. Nevertheless, a Danish hymnologist, Pastor Jens Lyster, made an interesting find in the Herzog August Bibliothek (Wolfenbüttel, Germany) already in the 1970s: a Swedish hymnbook, printed in Rostock in 1602, titled Een liten Psalmbook (‘A Small Hymnbook’). The discovery, presented in an article in three parts in Hymnologiske Meddelelser, was soon assessed in Sweden by Allan Arvastson, for whom the find radically altered the Swedish literary history of the seventeenth century: with Een liten Psalmbook began a new, important and forgotten genre or tradition of Swedish hymnals.53 In Collijn’s bibliography there had been five versions of the book; Lindquist had then mentioned two more. Lyster for his part mentions altogether twelve editions with the title En liten Psalmbok (1596?–1691), printed mostly in Stockholm, and Arvastson added a further one. This adds up to twenty different editions up to 1691.54 Yet, Een liten Psalmbook (1602) seems very seldom to have been considered after Lyster and Arvastson.55
This new tradition involved a musician by the name Torsten Johannis Rhyacander, also known as Torstenius Johannes.56 Rhyacander first worked as a court musician during the reign of King Johan III of Sweden. He then continued as court conductor for Karl, at this time still the Duke of Södermanland. Rhyacander seems to have been the editor of the first, lost version of Een liten Psalmbook 1596 (?), which can be regarded as the starting point of this tradition. It appears that this court musician had the authority to freely publish and arrange hymns according to his own taste – he was also known as a hymn lyricist and was well versed in theology. Given its origins at the court, the new hymnal tradition seems to have been issued under royal authority from the very beginning. The printer of this hymnal in Rostock (1602) was Christopher Reusner, a German, who later moved to Stockholm. Also the publisher Herman Sulke (Sulcke, Sulken; d. 1611) was from Germany. He had already settled in Stockholm and was known as ‘Karl’s court bookseller’; he had had dealings with Karl at least since 1591.57
There are 121 hymns in the second edition of Een Liten Psalmbook (1602). It is a remarkable number, given that it was mainly intended as a portable travel version. On the other hand, such a number seems, at the end of the sixteenth century, to have been around the norm in hymnbooks in Sweden in general.58 28 of the new hymns in the 1602 version had previously been thought to have arrived later. Three of them are marked with the initials T. R. or T. J. R., the initials of Rhyacander. A translation of an old macaronic Christmas song (Latin–German) had been published earlier as a Latin–Swedish version IN dulci iubilo, Nu siunge wij i-o i-o, and as well in the hymnbook of Finno (1583?) as a version in Finnish Ilon cans weisatcam.59 In this forgotten Een liten Psalmbook of 1602 there is a new Latin–Swedish translation of the same song, marked with Rhyacander’s initials: IN dulci jubilo, Siunger på Jorden boo. Some years later, a Latin–Finnish translation of this hymn was also published in the newly discovered Finnish hymnal of 1607 (IN dulci iubilo. Nyt on isoi ilo, no. 136), with the initials P. M., for Petrus Melartopaeus (d. 1610).60
The subsequent edition of Een Liten Psalmbook came out in 1608 in Stockholm, published by Gutterwitz, with some new hymns added. It is important to pay attention to the fact that it was edited by Sigfridus Aronus Forsius, the versatile Finnish theologian and astronomer, who was also known as a hymn writer. When visiting Germany from autumn 1605 until May 1606 (for example Lübeck and Rostock) Forsius also met the Finnish theologian Simon Johannis Carelius, the editor of the Finnish hymnal and catechism (1607). Returning home, Forsius was arrested on the order of Karl and imprisoned in 1606–7 in Örebro castle, as the prince regent suspected him of having had contacts with King Sigismund’s supporters abroad. Sigismund, the Catholic king of Poland, had legitimate claims to the Swedish throne as the son of Johan III. However, Karl’s trust was later restored: Forsius was released and named as professor in astronomy at Uppsala University. The hymns Forsius added to Een Liten Psalmbook (1608) were also used in other hymnals. The arrangement of hymns had an influence up to the first official Swedish hymnbook of 1695 (Then Swenska Psalmboken), which included some hymns from this tradition – these were still in use as late as 1937.61 In addition, it is important to mention the small choral book Någhra Nyia Psalmers / Loffsångers och Andelighe wijsors Thoner (Stockholm, Gutterwitz 1608), which is the oldest Swedish choral book. It works together with the Een Liten Psalmbook 1608 and was also published by Sigfrid Aronus Forsius.62
6 Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria, 1607: the First Part of the Discovery
It was in this context that the next Finnish hymnbook came into existence. It has been named the hymnal of Hemmingius after Hemmingius Henrici (c.1550–1619), the vicar of Masku parish, and has been recognized as a central work in the development of literary Finnish and of the Lutheran church of Finland.63 Yet in the research of the history of the Finnish Lutheran hymnals there have been different opinions and views on the state of affairs at the beginning of the seventeenth century because of the lacking or defective sources. The two copies that have been considered to be the earliest examples of this hymnal are defective, even the title pages are missing. That is why we have to ask: When was this hymnal published for the first time? According to Julius Krohn (1880) this occurred in 1610–1614. The Finnish Hymnbook (1938) and Onni Kurvinen (1941) proposed that the hymnal had been published around 1614. Jorma Vallinkoski wrote in 1952 about his observations regarding the handwritten inventory (1664) of the Finnish church in Stockholm. He had noticed there a mention of a hymnal consisting entirely of Finnish hymns and printed in 1605. However, he gives no name for the book, mentions only that it had been printed by Gutterwitz in Stockholm. In the inventory itself the book is anonymous. Nevertheless, Vallinkoski suggested that this was the hymnbook published by Hemmingius of Masku, allowing no other possibilities. His opinion became an undisputed ‘fact’ for a long time, until in 2009 Pentti Lempiäinen did not consider that the anonymous hymnal (1605) could be attributed to the so-called hymnal of Hemmingius. The archival record and printing year of the anonymous hymnbook (‘12mo der alenast är finske psalmer, tryckt af Anders Gutterwitz, 1605’) is not – even with a caveat addition ‘probably’ – a sufficient proof. Lempiäinen suggested that there may however have been a Finnish hymnal printed in 1605 in the archives in question even though it then has no more been mentioned in the later inventories but if there was a publication produced by Gutterwitz in 1605 it might have been a new edition of the hymnal of Finno. Furthermore, he stated that the hymnal of Finno probably was complete already in 1583: The print of the defective copy of this hymnbook evidences that it had been printed at the Gutterwitz press. Already 1988 Lempiäinen had pointed out that the hymnal of Finno appears to have been out of print in the beginning of the seventeenth century: only two manuscript versions have been preserved. The one is from the year 1604; the completion year of the other is unknown. In 2009 he added that the so-called hymnal of Hemmingius ought to have been published at the latest in 1610.64
Two more viewpoints can be added. In the handwritten inventory itself the hymnbook (1605) is anonymous, and Finnish hymnbooks were not published as often as the Swedish ones. As far as is known, the next hymnal, published in 1621 in Stockholm, was only the third one. It was the Soomenkielinen wirsikiria, the so-called hymnal of Elimaeus. It was then followed by two new editions of Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria (published in Stockholm by Ignatius Meurer in 1630 and 1639).65
And now in 2015 a new book has been added into this short list of early Finnish hymnbooks. It is Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria, a hitherto totally unknown Finnish hymnbook with the same heading. It had been printed in Rostock 1607 and surprisingly discovered by the author of this chapter in The Saxon State and University Library (SLUB) in Dresden (Germany) with the catalogue reference Lit. var. 167.
The title page explains the short history of the Finnish hymnbooks: the first hymnal for the Finnish divine services had been carried out by Jacobus Finno and other clergymen of Finland. It had been printed in Stockholm with the costs borne and support of Hemmingius of Masku and under the auspices of the bishop Erik and members of the Diocesan Chapter of Turku. This new Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria (“a Small Finnish Hymnbook”) – updated by the order of Herman Sulke – in turn has been printed in Rostock 1607 by Stefan Möllemann. Jacobus Petri Finno (circa 1540–1588) had been the headmaster of the cathedral school of Turku, where Hemmingius Henrici had studied. The latter became the vicar of Masku parish (1586–1619) and had been present at the Uppsala synod 1593. The expression ‘vaeval ja culutuxel’ on the title page means ‘with the efforts and costs, by financing’. Hemmingius was known as a wealthy man – that is why he can have participated in the work economically as well.66 Further research, including a comparative study of the vocabulary, is required to confirm the background of this discovery. It could be either a reprint of an earlier (if the presumption of the possible first edition of this Finnish hymnbook ‘perhaps 1605’ is correct) so-called Hemmingius hymnal or the first edition of the second Finnish hymnal.67
Title page of Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria, 1607
The Saxon State and University Library Dresden (SLUB)
Be this as it may, this discovery from Dresden is now the oldest hymnbook in the Finnish language preserved in complete form. It was published ‘by order of Herman Sulke’, the German publisher in Stockholm and the court bookseller of Karl IX. It is very interesting that he was the very same person who had already been involved with the publication of the Swedish Een liten Psalmbook (1602) printed in Rostock by Christopher Reusner. The printing of Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria (1607) was carried out at the ‘Printing House of Staffan Mylläri’, referring to another Rostock printer, Stephan Möllemann (Müllman, Myliander; 1561–1610).68 At the end of the hymnbook, there is a very short and practical ‘dedication’ to its prospective user by Simon Johannis Carelius, who had also been supervising the printing process in Rostock. It begins with some warm words addressed to ‘Racas Suomalainen’ (‘Dear Finn’).69
As to the title of this 1607 hymnbook, Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria (‘A Small Finnish Hymnbook’), we may ask where the expression Yxi Vähä (‘A Small’) comes from. The Danish hymnologist Jens Lyster actually hinted to this point earlier when he already raised another interesting question. When did the Finnish (Lutheran) church come into contact with Een liten Psalmbook? We now continue with asking: Could the Finnish Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria (‘A Small Finnish Hymnbook’) be linked to the Swedish Een liten Psalmbook (‘A Small Hymnbook’) tradition? As stated earlier, within research into the Swedish hymnbook, the tradition of Then Swenska Psalm(e)boken (c.1542, ‘The Swedish hymnbook’) has been dominant, also in Finland. Nevertheless, the context of its origin suggests that the new Swedish hymnal tradition of Een liten Psalmbook had a royal connection and maybe royal authority as well from the very beginning.
Then why did the Finnish hymnal appear in 1607? Karl’s aim was to safeguard the welfare of the people. He was the guardian of the dual supporting pillars of religion and justice. The power of the clergy was restricted by this prince regent, especially from 1604 to 1607. He was then crowned king as Karl IX in March 1607.70 The already mentioned Swedish translation of Lex Politica Dei (originally 1577), the first legal treatise published in Swedish, appeared in Rostock in the same year, 1607, translated by Henrik Jönsson Careel, who was a brother of Simon Johannis Carelius.71 From the viewpoint of the ‘Second Reformation’ alone it is possible to consider the Finnish hymnbook and catechism, together with the Swedish translation of Lex Politica Dei, as part of a spiritual reform entrusted to the monarch for the celebration during the very special coronation year of 1607 of Karl IX.
The hymnbook Een liten Psalmbook of 1602 differed from the predominant tradition of Swedish hymnals: a quarter – 30 of the total number 121 of the hymns – were missing from Then Swenska Psalmeboken tradition and its appendix, Någhra nyttigha Andelighe Loffsånger och wijsor. In other words, the 1602 Swedish hymnal seems now to be the earliest known version of the significant but largely forgotten hymnbook tradition that continued well into the seventeenth century.72
The royal context had given the Swedish hymnbook of 1602 a special authority. It is now important to answer the question Lyster raised in 1975, to clarify how the pressure to update the Swedish hymnal is also reflected in Finland: Petrus Henrici Melartopaeus, Ericus Erici Sorolainen and Hemmingius Henrici of Masku had been present at the Uppsala synod in 1593. Two of them are mentioned on the title page of the newly discovered hymnal of 1607. Surprisingly, the first is the bishop of Turku, Ericus Erici Sorolainen, who had often incurred Karl’s displeasure, being accused by him of popery and imprisoned. The bishop seems to have regained his status and privileges only in 1609. The other name is Hemmingius Henrici, the vicar of Masku parish. The name of Petrus Melartopaeus is missing from the title page but his initials (P. M.) can be found with five hymns in the book. As the dean of Turku Cathedral, he was a member of the diocesan chapter, mentioned in the title page. It was his task to adopt the decisions of the Uppsala synod and to act as the stand-in for Bishop Sorolainen when he was imprisoned and suspended in 1600.73 A preliminary appraisal shows that several new hymns of the Swedish hymnbook 1602 are translated into the Finnish hymnbook 1607 as well – including hymns translated first by Sigfridus Aronus Forsius into Swedish. This could be an evidence of some kind of collaboration between Forsius and Simon Johannis Carelius. Forsius had during his long visit in Germany 1605–1606 also met Carelius.74
Generally, the so-called Hemmingius hymnal has previously been reckoned as containing 242 hymns, which is a significant number.75 However, the hymnbook of 1607, which now seems to be the earliest version of this second Finnish hymnbook, contains one less, that is, 241 hymns: the last one is titled Ruomin Antichristuxest (‘Of the Antichrist of Rome’).76 It begins RVomi röyhkjä cuing kätes käi nyt? (‘Insolent Rome, what will happen to you now?’). Its origins were in the early Swedish Reformation period, and it expresses overt opposition to the Catholic Church. The lyricist of this originally Swedish acrostic hymn (‘O Rom går thet nu så med tig’) was the schoolmaster Olaf Svensson (Suensson). It was one of the four anti-papist songs of the booklet called Någre Gudhelige Wijsor (1530), edited by Olaus Petri, the Swedish reformer. It had also already been included in the Swedish hymnbook of 1601 (Then Swenska Psalmboken, Stockholm).77 Finno’s hymnbook (c.1583) had been put together during King Johan III’s reign and had omitted any material critical of the Catholic Church.78 It is thus quite telling that this Finnish hymnal, published during the reign of King Karl, ends with this early, fervently anti-papist hymn. In contrast, the hymn Ota pois Jumal, päldäm julma vihas (‘God, take away from us thy cruel wrath’), by the vicar of Mikkeli, Paulus Johannis Carelius, appeared not 1607 but only much later, in the Elimaeus hymnal of 1621. Nine years later it was finally taken into Yxi Vähä Suomen=kielinen Wirsikiria (Stockholm 1630), in the tradition of the so-called Hemmingius hymnal.79 It belonged to the hymns of the following edition (1639) as well. The initials of its author are P. I. C. We shall return to this other brother of Simon Johannis Carelius later.80
7 The Catechimus [sic], 1607: the Second Part of the Discovery
The second part of my discovery was another, hitherto wholly unknown Finnish catechism. Like the hymnbook, it was printed in Rostock in 1607.81
This catechism had lain undiscovered at the Saxon State and University Library (SLUB) in Dresden. It is not mentioned on the spine of the old binding, which merely reads, ‘Finnisches Gesangbuch 1607’ (‘Finnish Hymnal 1607’).82 It is so far the oldest Finnish catechism to survive in its entirety. The indication is that this fairly limited book, printed in Rostock in 1607, may actually be the earliest Finnish version of Luther’s Small Catechism.83 At an initial estimate, it may well reflect Luther’s original German work, although the editor and translator of the book Simon Johannis Carelius actually mentions both versions of Luther’s Catechism in the foreword of this edition.84 Carelius was also an adherent of David Chytraeus’ theology. In addition, we need to clarify whether Carelius’ work was influenced by the Swedish version of the catechism (1604) published by prince regent Karl.
Title page of Catechimus [sic], 1607
The Saxon State and University Library Dresden (SLUB)
The title page explains that the catechism contains ‘The main tenets of the Christian doctrine as set out by Dr Martin Luther’s publication’, stating that these are now ‘interpreted into the Finnish language’. Carelius specifies his motivation for creating it so that ‘each Christian can practise the catechism every day for his/her own great benefit’. The work is ‘published through the sponsorship of Simon Johannis Carelius’.85 In the foreword Carelius mentions a pressing reason for the publication of the book: a shortage of catechetic material in Finnish. Furthermore, he confirms that the source of the work is Luther’s ‘smaller’ catechism.86 The editor, publisher and sponsor of this book is thus the same Carelius whose initials appeared in the postscript of the hymnal of 1607 and whose share in the work needs to be established by further research. Here he also appears as the translator. The present research into his catechism is thus only the beginning.
Carelius dedicated the catechism to his ‘Noble and Sovereign Lord Gustav Adolf, the Eldest Son of the Great Sovereign, Mighty and Powerful Lord Karl, by God’s grace the King of Swedish etc. Realm, the Grand Duke of the whole wide of Finland’.87 This refers to the future King Gustav II Adolf (1594–1632). The crown prince, who was only twelve at the time, was given the title ‘Grand Duke of Finland’ in connection with his father’s coronation 1607.88 It makes perfect sense to have the catechism dedicated to a member of the royal family: King Karl was an advocate of the ‘Second Reformation’. He had published a handbook for the services at court in 1602. His ‘everyman’s’ catechism had appeared in 1604 in Swedish. He seems also to have been interested in hymnbooks, and he wanted to strengthen the normative position of the Bible. As the ruler, he considered himself responsible for both the people and the church.89 Simon Johannis Carelius had connections with the royal family. In his dedication to Gustav Adolf he even suggests that the trigger for the Finnish translation may have been this young man: the prince had voiced his wish three years earlier, in 1604, when Carelius worked in the Finnish congregation of Stockholm.90 He decided to publish the catechism because, he states, ‘I have seen very few examples in my own mother tongue’. It seems that there was a real shortage of material in Finnish. As a cultured and educated Finn, Carelius viewed himself as being in a privileged position. As such, he was ‘in debt’ to God’s people: he had been called to serve them with his talents. He explains himself as follows:
I have had it printed again so that, bound together with the hymnal, it may become a handbook for every Finnish youth, in order that both clergymen and students and others who are literate may read it before the people in the same manner and so train everyone who has received baptism and wishes to be a Christian in the main tenets of the Christian faith.91
The publication of the hymnbook and the catechism together was thus entirely intentional: they constitute a handbook for the literate. In his dedication to Crown Prince Gustav Adolf, Carelius had also cited his appreciation of the fact that the latter, who had learnt many languages, did not ‘overlook the Finnish language’ but had asked for the catechism in order to ‘learn that language also’.92 An examination of the demanding text of the work makes one wonder at the difficulty of learning Finnish by reading it.93 However, in this way Carelius communicates to his readers the fact of the influential support that he has received from such a high authority. He actually gives the impression that he himself and the crown prince are working together, for the good of the people.94
8 Simon Johannis Carelius: the Polymath at Work
Finally, we still need to discover a little more about the identity of Simon Johannis Carelius previously almost unknown in the context of research into Finnish history and church history. His personal touch is apparent in the creation of both the hymnal and the catechism. Carelius had previously acted as curate or preacher with the Finnish congregation in Stockholm (1603–4).95 He came from Vyborg (Viborg in Swedish, Viipuri in Finnish), situated at the eastern end of the Gulf of Finland – Carelius signed in at Rostock University as ‘Simon Iohannis Carelius Wibergensis Suecus’.96 He was a member of an influential ecclesiastical family and belonged to the ruling elite of the country’s secular government: his father Johannes Matthiae was the vicar of Sysmä and his mother, Karin Teit, belonged to the noble family of Teit. The dean of Turku Cathedral, Gregorius Martini Teit, was a cousin of Simon Johannis and married to the widow of Jacobus Petri Finno.97 The most famous member of the family at that time was probably the brother of Simon Johannis, the interpreter Henrik Jönsson Careel, who, as mentioned earlier, had been responsible for the important translation of Lex Politica Dei. His other brother, the vicar of Mikkeli Paulus Johannis Carelius (d. 1621), was later known as the lyricist of the hymn Ota pois Jumal, päldäm julma vihas, which appeared in the Elimaeus hymnal of 1621, and then in the following edition of Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria (Stockholm 1630).98
Simon Johannis Carelius himself was one of a number of Finns who studied theology exclusively at Rostock. He registered with the university in July 1605 after his years in Stockholm. The dominating figure at Rostock University had been Professor David Chytraeus (1530–1600), whose Philippo-Ramist philosophy had also found favour in Finland. Carelius disputed twice at Rostock for the master’s degree at the private theological college of the professor of theology, Lucas Bacmeister the Younger (1570–1638).99
Whilst still a student in Rostock, Simon Johannis had also had contact with Sigfridus Aronus Forsius, who had come to Germany in the autumn of 1605 in order to have his work printed, returning from Germany only in May 1606.100 It would seem likely that as these two learned Finnish men were both involved with publishing hymnals and had connections with Duke Karl, their discussions may have touched on the prospective new Finnish hymnbook. The Finnish hymnal 1607 includes new Finnish translations of the new hymns by Forsius from Een liten Psalmbook tradition.
Simon Johannis Carelius engaged also in other literary activities during the years 1605–7 in Rostock. The printing of the Swedish version of Lex Politica Dei, translated by his brother Henrik Careel, took place under his editorship and direction. Martti Takala even proposes the possibility that the entire work was translated as a joint effort under the supervision of the court chancellor, Nils Chesnecopherus, as may be indicated by evidence in the text of the tell-tale poetic talents of Simon Johannis.101 The translation ends with his hymn Hwar Christen weta skal, based on Psalm 15. It is intended to be sung as there is a reference to a melody: ‘to be sung as’ (‘Siunges såsom Tacker Herranom som är ganska blijder …’). The hymn is a so-called acrostic: the initial letters of every other line make the name HENDRJCH JÖNSSON. The hymn is thus dedicated to Henric Jönsson Careel. Underneath are the initials S. J. C. meaning Simon Johannis Carelius.102 Hence, future research has to pay attention to the fact that he was not just the editor of the hymnal (1607) but could equally have turned his hand to composing lyrics.
As mentioned earlier, Lex Politica Dei had been carried out at Karl’s request. The linguistically gifted Simon Johannis Carelius was counted among Karl’s men and was thus connected in one way or another with several significant literary enterprises over just a few years. After his years at Rostock, Carelius assumed a new post at the Vyborg school.103 The post of Lector theologiae was founded by Karl IX in order to improve the training of the clergy. An open letter from the king is dated 17 October 1607; it shows that the gifted and erudite Finnish theologian was given this post as a reward for his work.104 However, the career of Simon Johannis Carelius in Vyborg was cut short, as he passed away in 1610.105 Karl’s actions indicate that, as was the case with his elder brother Johan III before him, his views probably influenced the publication of the new Finnish hymnal and catechism (1607).
9 Discoveries and Challenges for Future Research
The hymnbook has quite rightly been called a ‘people’s book’. It has had a long history, in the same way as the catechism. The Lutheran Reformation was a great song movement. It had begun with the so-called Achtliederbuch (‘Book of eight songs’, Nuremberg, 1523/4) followed by the earliest domestic and congregational hymnbooks. The first hymnal to appear in Wittenberg was Eyn geystlich Gesangk Buchleyn (1524). In the same year Luther also mentioned the need to publish a catechism. Der kleine and Der grosse Catechismus (The Small and The Large Catechism) then appeared in 1529 – in the same year as the so-called Klug hymnal (Geistliche Lieder auffs new gebessert zu Wittemberg, 1529). It is considered to be the earliest congregational Lutheran hymnbook.
Hymns and hymnbooks were central to both church services and personal devotional life. There are many reasons for this living tradition. One of them is the use of the vernacular. Services in the native tongue helped significantly to elevate the importance of collective and individual hymn-singing in central and northern Europe. Literacy was low but everyone could join in. No reading skills were needed, as it was easy to learn hymns – poems with music – by heart. This connection was very important. The literate were called to sing and read hymns before the people, who then repeated them ‘in the same manner’. In practice, hymns were effective in spreading the message of the Reformation among the lay people. Hymn lyrics were composed by many major poets. Luther’s own work culminated in his last hymnal, the Babst Hymnal (Leipzig, 1545).106 The foreword was written by the reformer himself. He compares the preconditions for singing in the Old and New Testament: a joyful heart and mind were granted by God through his beloved Son. Faith in him is the source of joy in singing. The gospel is advancing:107
The Reformation spread rapidly to Denmark, Sweden and also Finland, part of the Swedish realm. It had a significant role in the development of the literary languages. The remarkably wide circulation of hymnbooks and catechisms as well as the popularity of Luther’s own hymns tell the story of the spread of the movement into more and more parts of Europe. It has even been said that the Lutheran Reformation was carried out by singing.108
Hymnbooks were important as a type of everyday literature in advancing literacy. They became the most widely circulated of all publications during the Swedish Reformation, although the editions could be small. Print runs of hymnbooks printed in or for Sweden in the sixteenth century numbered apparently around ten to twenty thousand. This raises the question: why have there been only a few discoveries? The explanation is the character of these books. Hymns could be sung not only in the church but at home as well, alone or together with other people. They could also be used as prayers. The books could be emotionally very beloved and valuable: as a hymnologist I have seen many old hymnbooks provided with dedications – for instance from a father or mother to a son or daughter. In domestic use the books could easily become totally worn out. According to some stories, the books were even put onto the graves with their owners. The deep emotional and personal relation to hymnbooks explains why so few have been preserved.
The discoveries of hymnals mentioned in this chapter have been made by researchers in three European countries: Then Swenska Psalmeboken (Stockholm, 1562) was found in Reykjavík (Iceland) by Arthur Malmgren, the Stockholm edition of 1582 both in Strängnäs (Sweden) and in Leipzig (Germany) by Otfried Czaika and En liten Psalmbook (Rostock, 1602) in Wolfenbüttel (Germany) by Jens Lyster. An important discovery was an unknown miniature (!) hymnal in Finnish, with the heading Yxi Wähä suomenkielinen Wirsikirja (printed mid-seventeenth century in Stockholm), found in a mansion library by an anonymous Finnish bibliophile and bought and published by the Finnish National Library in 2005.109 The newest discovery in Dresden in 2015 by the author of this chapter, first the Finnish hymnbook, then surprisingly also the catechism (both Rostock, 1607), both as a miscellany volume in the Saxon State and University Library (SLUB). This combined Finnish volume had only the description ‘ein Finnisches Gesangbuch’ on its back cover. It consisted, however, of two parts – it was a handbook for the literate. On the inside of the cover the work was classed as representing Belgian (!) literature (‘Litt. Belg. 114’). The catechism was missing from the catalogues of the library.
These examples highlight how there can be surprising challenges. New strategies may be useful in order to find possible further treasures. Discoveries can be made not only in public libraries but elsewhere, too: a number of valuable works may still be awaiting discovery for instance in second-hand bookshops or private collections. Furthermore, parish hymnbook exhibitions or events in the parishes – combined with hymn singing together – may offer surprises. A hymnologist can first give information about previous discoveries, then the event participants can get their possible old hymnals they have preserved at home analysed. In these settings, I have met many Finns interested in lost books and have seen some very interesting ancient hymnbooks.
Suvi-Päivi Koski, ‘Ennennäkemätön kirjalöytö Saksasta’, Bibliophilos, 1 (2016), pp. 4–12; Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria / Suomencocouxis Jumalata kijttä Suomenkielellä / tehty M. Jacobilda Suomalaiselda / ja muild Suomen papeilda. Cunnjalisten herrain Turun Pispan M. Erichin / ja Capitularesten tiedhost ja suosjost / H. Hemmingin Maschun kircko=herran vaevall ja culutuxell / ensin Präntätty Stocholmisa. Mutta nyt Herman Sulkin käskyst / Staffan Myllärin Präntill uudhistettu Rostochis / […] (Rostock: Stephan Möllemann, 1607), urn:nbn:de :bsz:14-db-id4257186705 (SLUB, Lit.var.167, misc.1, Dresden), also https://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi-fe2015120321826 (Finnish National Library), USTC 2092729; Catechimus [sic] Se on Christilisen opin Pää cappaleet / D. Martinus Lutherin vlostoimituxen cansa / Soomen kielen tulkitut. Lyhykäisen Esipuheen cansa iosa yxikertaisesta tiettäväxi tehdän/ quinga itze cukin Chri=stitty/ hänens swren hödytyxen cansa ioca päivä Catechismuxessa harioitta machta. Simonis Iohannis Carelij culutuxel vlos käynyt ia Prentätty Rostokissa Staffan Mylly mieheldä/ […] (Rostock: Stephan Möllemann, 1607), urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-db-id4257198128 (SLUB, Lit.var.167, misc. 2, Dresden), also https://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi-fe2015120321827 (Finnish National Library), USTC 2092731.
Pekka Rautio, ‘Yllätyslöytö vuodelta 1607: kaksi uutta kirjaa suomeksi’ (7 December 2015), in Uutiset ja tiedotteet (Helsinki: Helsingin yliopisto), https://www.helsinki.fi/fi/uutiset/kieli-kulttuuri/yllatysloyto-vuodelta-1607-kaksi-uutta-kirjaa-suomeksi, accessed 28 December 2020; Kansalliskirjasto (Helsinki): ‘Poimintoja vuodelta 2015: Tutkija löysi Lutherin Katekismuksen varhaisimman suomennoksen – digitallenne Kansalliskirjastoon’, in Vuosikertomus 2015, https://www.kansalliskirjasto.fi/fi/poimintoja-vuodelta-2015#tutkija-loysi-lutherin-katekismuksen-varhaisimman-suomennoksen---digitallenne-kansalliskirjastoon, accessed 28 December 2020; Koski, ‘Ennennäkemätön kirjalöytö’, pp. 4–12; Anna Perälä, ‘Tulkintoja aiemmin tuntemattomasta Fennicasta’, Bibliophilos, 1 (2016), pp. 12–23; Thomas Haffner, ‘Ältestes vollständig erhaltenes finnisches Gesangbuch in der SLUB Dresden’ (4 January 2016), https://blog.slub-dresden.de/beitrag/2016/01/04/aeltestes-vollstaendiges-finnisches-gesangbuch-entdeckt/, accessed 28 December 2020; ‘Oldest complete Finnish songbook discovered in Dresden’ (7 January 2016), Répertoire international des sources musicales, http://www.rism.info/en/home/newsdetails/select/rediscovered/article/64/oldest-complete-finnish-songbook-discovered-in-dresden.html, accessed 10 March 2019; Antti Raunio, ‘Luther in Finnish’, Lutheran Quarterly, 30/2 (2016), p. 205, https://doi.org/10.1353/lut.2016.0046; Tuomas M. S. Lehtonen and Kati Kallio, ‘Petrus Melartopaeuksen kirjeet ja virsisuomennokset: seremoniat, kansanusko ja runokieli 1500- ja 1600-luvun taitteessa’, Suomen kirkkohistoriallisen seuran vuosikirja, 106 (2016), pp. 178–9; Otfried Czaika, ‘Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582. Avsnitt 2. Det andra exemplaret’, Biblis 77 (2017), p. 63, https://issuu.com/biblis/docs/biblis77.issuu, accessed 31 December 2020; Tuija Laine, ‘Viipurin kirjallinen kulttuuri vuoteen 1710’, in Petri Karonen (ed.), Arki, kirkko, artefakti (Helsinki: Viipurin suomalainen kirjallisuusseura, 2017), pp. 129–30, 143; Ilmari Karimies, ‘The Appeal to Luther in the Conflicts between the Finnish Pietist Movements in the 19th and Early 20th Century’, in Heinrich Assel etc. (eds.), Reformatio Baltica. Kulturwirkungen der Reformation in den metropolen des Ostseeraums (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2018), p. 948, https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110573558-059; see also Otfried Czaika, ‘A Vast and Unfamiliar Field: Swedish Hymnals and Hymn-Printing in the Sixteenth Century’, In Maria Schildt etc. (eds.), Celebrating Lutheran Music (Uppsala: Uppsala universitet, 2019), p. 130.
For example, Simo Heininen, Professor emeritus of Church History (University of Helsinki); see Elise Tarkoma and Riku Jokinen, ‘Yhteiset löydöt’, Bibliophilos, 1 (2016), p. 3.
Seppo Suokunnas and Pentti Lempiäinen, ‘Kristillisen virren vaiheet’, in Pentti Lempiäinen (ed.), Virsitieto. Käsikirja virsikirjan käyttäjille (Helsinki: Kirjapaja, 1988), pp. 28–32; Hans Rupprich, Die deutsche Literatur vom späten Mittelalter bis zum Barock. Erster Teil. Das ausgehende Mittelalter, Humanismus und Renaissance 1370–1520 (2nd edn, München: Beck, 1994), pp. 191–3; Erkki Tuppurainen, ‘Hemminki Maskulaisen virsikirjaan liittyneet sävelmät’, Hymnos (2005), pp. 53–64; Jorma Hannikainen, ‘Suomenkielinen psalmilaulu’, Hymnos (2009), pp. 128–34. Henning P. Jürgens, ‘Das Evangelium singen. Gesangbücher und Psalter im europäischen Kontext’, in Irene Dingel etc. (eds.), Entfaltung und zeitgenössische Wirkung der Reformation im europäischen Kontext (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2015), pp. 104–5.
Christian Möller, ‘Das 16. Jahrhundert’, in Christian Möller etc. (ed.), Kirchenlied und Gesangbuch. Quellen zu ihrer Geschichte. Ein hymnologisches Arbeitsbuch (Tübingen: Francke, 2000), pp. 69, 71, 85–6; Lukas Lorbeer, Die Sterbe- und Ewigkeitslieder in deutschen lutherischen Gesangbüchern des 17. Jahrhunderts (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2012), pp. 38–41; Jürgens, ‘Das Evangelium singen’, p. 104; Otfried Czaika (ed.), Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582 (Skara: Skara Stifthistoriska Sällskap, 2016), p. 60.
See e.g. Friedrich Zelle, Das älteste lutherische Hausgesangbuch. Färbefaß-Enchiridion 1524 (Göttingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 1903), title page, pp. 4–6, 127; L. Zscharnack and W. Jannasch, ‘Gesangbuch. I. Geschichte und gegenwärtiger Beistand’, in Kurt Galling (ed.), Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Handwörterbuch für Theologie und Religionswissenschaft, 3 (2nd edn, Tübingen: Mohr, 1958), p. 1452; Gerhard Hahn: Evangelium als literarische Anweisung. Zu Luthers Stellung in der Geschichte des deutschen kirchlichen Liedes (München: Artemis, 1981), p. 12; Robin A. Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music. Principles and Implications (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdman, 2007), pp. 117, 127, 145, 162–3, 393, 404; Martin Rössler, ‘“Ein neues Lied wir heben an”. Luther als Liedermacher des neu entdeckten Evangeliums’, in Bene Cantate Ei. Festschrift 50 Jahre IAH (Graz: Selbstverlag der IAH, 2009), pp. 307–29; Lorbeer, Die Sterbe- und Ewigkeitslieder, p. 35; Jürgens, ‘Das Evangelium singen’, pp. 105–9.
Hahn, Evangelium, pp. 38–43, 61–3; Inge Mager, ‘Lied und Reformation. Beobachtungen zur reformatorischen Singbewegung in norddeutschen Städten’, in Das protestantische Kirchenlied im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert. Text-, musik- und theologiegeschichtliche Probleme (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1986), p. 25; Suvi-Päivi Koski, Geist=reiches Gesang=Buch vuodelta 1704 pietistisenä virsikirjana. Tutkimus kirjan toimittajasta, taustasta, teologiasta, virsistä ja virsirunoilijoista. Diss. (Helsinki: Suomen kirkkohistoriallinen seura 1996), pp. 15–7, 165–80; Patrice Veit, Kirchenlied in der Reformation Martin Luthers. Eine thematische und semantische Untersuchung (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1986), pp. 68–9; Möller, ‘Das 16. Jahrhundert’, pp. 70–1; Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music, pp. 108, 110; Lorbeer, Die Sterbe- und Ewigkeitslieder, pp. 33–42; see also Rössler, ‘Ein neues Lied wir heben an’, pp. 311–25; Miikka E. Anttila, Luther’s Theology of Music. Spiritual Beauty and Pleasure (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013), pp. 190–2.
Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music, pp. 109–11; Simo Heininen, ‘Abckirian sisältö ja lähteet’, in Kaisa Häkkinen (ed.), Mikael Agricola. Abckiria. Kriittinen editio (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2007), pp. 42–3.
See Martin S. Lausten, Die Reformation in Dänemark, tr. Lise Miller Tönnies, ed. Johannes Schilling (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2008), pp. 40–3; Birger Olsson, ‘Bibeln på svenska’, in Sveriges kyrkohistoria, III. Reformationstid (Stockholm: Verbum, 1999), p. 240. See also Kaisa Häkkinen, Spreading the Written Word. Mikael Agricola and the Birth of Literary Finnish (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2015), pp. 24–5.
Oskar Lövgren, Psalm- och sånglexicon (2nd edn, Stockholm: Gummesson, 1964), pp. 541–2; Pentti Lempiäinen, ‘Ensimmäinen suomalainen virsikirja’, in Pentti Lempiäinen (ed.), Jaakko Finnon Virsikirja (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 1988), pp. 358–9; Suokunnas and Lempiäinen, ‘Kristillisen virren vaiheet’, p. 62; Jürgen Henkys, ‘Aus Liedtraditionen der fremdsprachigen Ökumene’, in Christian Möller (ed.), Kirchenlied und Gesangbuch (Tübingen: Francke 2000), pp. 372–3; Peter Balslev-Clausen, ‘Reformationstidens salmesang i Danmark. Kreativ kontinuitet og folkelig legitimitet’, Hymnologiske meddelelser, 34/3 (2005), pp. 1–2, 10–11; Lausten, Die Reformation in Dänemark, pp. 22–5, 33, 41–3, 49–51, 162–3; F. J. Billeskov Jansen, ‘From the Reformation to the Baroque’, in Sven H. Rossel (ed.), A History of Danish Literature (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992), pp. 71–7.
According to Czaika, Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582, pp. 21–2, 62, who considers this information (date) somewhat uncertain; cf. Sven Ingebrand, Swenske songer 1536. Vår första bevarade evangeliska psalmbok (Uppsala: Uppsala universitet, 1998), p. 8.
Olsson, ‘Bibeln på svenska’, pp. 239–41; Harald Göransson, ‘Musiken under reformationstiden’, in Sveriges kyrkohistoria, III. Reformationstid (Stockholm: Verbum, 1999), p. 262; Czaika, Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582, pp. 50, 62–5, 68–74. The forerunner of the hymnal was Någre Gudhelige Wijsor from 1530 (ed. by Olaus Petri), USTC 300153. There was an attachment of four anti-papist songs (om Antichrist och hans wesende). They have also been associated with the schoolmaster Olaf Svensson. Emil Liedgren, Svensk Psalm och Andlig Visa. Olaus Petri-föreläsningar i Uppsala mars 1924 (Stockholm: Svenska Kyrkans Diakonistyrelse, 1926), pp. 85, 104–113; Allan Arvastson, Den svenska psalmen (Lund: Gleerup, 1963), pp. 57–8.
Stockholm [1542 (?), 1543, 1549, 1562, 1567, 1572, 1576, 1582, 1586 (also in Lübeck), 1589 (also in Lübeck), 1594 (probably three times)]. Czaika, Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582, pp. 16–27, 125, lists the editions according to Isak Collijn, Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600, 1–3 (Uppsala: Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland, 1927–38). He ascertains 20 Swedish hymnals of this bibliography with two editions of the 1536 hymnal but puts emphasis on the fact that 9 of them were known by Collijn only secondarily or as incomplete fragments. Czaika, ‘A Vast and Unfamiliar Field’, pp. 125–7; Otfried Czaika, Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582, pp. 60–6. The Libris database of the National Library of Sweden (Kungliga Biblioteket, KB) mentions seven more editions from 1601 (Stockholm, defective), 1603 (Lübeck), 1607 (also Lübeck), 1608 (Rostock), [1610] (Lübeck), 1611 and 1613 (Stockholm); cf. https://libris.kb.se/, accessed 3 October 2019.
Then Swenska Psalmboken (Stockholm: Anders Torstensson, 1582), USTC 300418; Czaika, Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582, pp. 13–6, 18; Czaika ‘A Vast and Unfamiliar Field’, pp. 129–30.
Czaika, Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582, pp. 26–46, 463–6; Czaika ‘A Vast and Unfamiliar Field’, pp. 126–30.
According to Åke Andrén, Sveriges kyrkohistoria 3. Reformationstid (Stockholm: Verbum, 1999), p. 87, the catechism probably appeared in 1537, either as a reprint or for the first time. Cf. the DISA catalogue of Uppsala University Library, which however lists an edition both from 1530, Sv. Rar. 10:43, and from 1537, Sv. Rar. 10:33.
Czaika, Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582, pp. 20–1, 84–7; Czaika, ‘A Vast and Unfamiliar Field’, pp. 128–34. On the phenomen lost books in Europe see Andrew Pettegree, ‘The Legion of the Lost. Recovering the Lost Books of Early Modern Europe’, in Flavia Bruni and Andrew Pettegree (eds.) Lost Books. Reconstructing the Print World of Pre-Industrial Europe (Leiden: Brill, 2016), pp. 1–27.
Michael Agricola, Abckiria (Stockholm: Amund Laurentsson, 1543), USTC 300213; Agricola, Rucouskiria (Stockholm: Amund Laurentsson, 1544), USTC 300208, Agricola, Se Wsi Testamenti (Stockholm: Amund Laurentsson, 1548), USTC 300229. Markku Heikkilä and Simo Heininen, A History of the Finnish Church (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2016), pp. 98–9; Esko M. Laine, ‘Did Mandatory Literacy Distort Lutheranism?’, in Tuija Laine (ed.), Luther, the Reformation and the Book (Helsinki: Suomen kirkkohistoriallinen seura, 2012), pp. 81–2.
P. J. I. Kurvinen, Suomen virsirunouden alkuvaiheet vuoteen 1640 (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 1929), pp. 221–39; Hannu Vapaavuori, Virsilaulu ja heräävä kansallinen kulttuuri-identiteetti, Diss. (Helsinki: Suomen Kirkkohistoriallinen Seura, 1997), pp. 13–5; Jussi Nuorteva, Suomalaisten ulkomainen opinkäynti ennen Turun akatemian perustamista 1640. Diss. (Helsinki: Suomen Kirkkohistoriallinen Seura, 1997), pp. 182, 185–6; Lempiäinen, ‘Ensimmäinen suomalainen virsikirja’, pp. 361–4; Erkki Tuppurainen, ‘Mikael Agricola und das Kirchenlied’, IAH – Bulletin. Publikation der Internationalen Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Hymnologie 35–6 (2007–8) s.l., pp. 435–8; Tuomas M. S. Lehtonen, ‘Pious Hymns and Devil’s Music. Michael Agricola (c.1507–57) and Jacobus Finno (c.1540–88) on Church Song and Folk Beliefs’, in Tuomas M. S. Lehtonen and Linda Kaljundi (eds.), Re-forming Texts, Music, and Church Art in the Early Modern North (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2016), p. 193; Häkkinen, Spreading the Written Word, pp. 53–7, uses the title ‘primer catechism Abckiria’. See Tuija Laine, ‘Finnish Primary Religious Books from the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, in Laine, Luther, p. 63; see also Laine, ‘Viipurin kirjallinen kulttuuri, pp. 128–9; Suvi-Päivi Koski, ‘Paul Gerhardt in Finnland. Aspekte der Verbreitungsgeschichte seiner Lieder im Norden’, in Winfried Böttler (ed.), ‘Wach auf, mein Herz, und singe’. Paul Gerhards Lieder im Ostseeraum (Berlin: Frank & Timme, 2020), pp. 88–9.
On Chytraeus and his contacts to Sweden see especially Otfried Czaika, David Chytraeus und die Universität Rostock in ihren Beziehungen zum schwedischen Reich. Diss. (Helsinki: Luther-Agricola-Gesellschaft, 2002).
Ericus Erici Sorolainen, Catechismus eli Christilisen opin pääcappalet (Stockholmis, Christoph. Reusnerild, 1614), USTC 251830; Jukka Paarma, Hiippakuntahallinto Suomessa 1554–1604 (Helsinki: Suomen kirkkohistoriallinen seura, 1980), pp. 143, 152–3, 220–2, 226–7; Nuorteva, Suomalaisten ulkomainen opinkäynti, pp. 185–6, 189, 262–3, 270, 273, 317; Pentti Lempiäinen, ‘Finno, Jacobus’ in Kansallisbiografia-verkkojulkaisu (11 January 2012) (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 1997–); http://urn.fi/urn:nbn:fi:sks-kbg-002310, accessed 9 September 2019; Lehtonen, ‘Pious Hymns’, pp. 200–1. Regarding the role of the works of Professor Chytraeus in the Kingdom of Sweden see Czaika, ‘David Chytraeus’, pp. 359–78.
Nuorteva, Suomalaisten ulkomainen opinkäynti, pp. 192–6; Czaika, David Chytraeus, pp. 59–60, 248–9, 299, 392–4; Simo Heininen, and Otfried Czaika, Otfried, ‘Wittenberg Influences on the Reformation in Scandinavia’ (EGO European History Online, 2012), urn:nbn:de:0159-2012080109; see also Birgitta Lager-Kromnow, ‘Johan III’. In: Svenskt biografiskt lexikon, urn:sbl:12099, accessed 27 August 2021. According to Czaika, Johan however – in dissonance with Irenic convictions – allowed his son Sigismund a Catholic education. After the death of his first wife, Catharina Jagellonica in 1583, the king began to move back towards German Lutheranism, but was still trying to establish his liturgy. For a long time, Johan also had contact with the Rostock professor Chytraeus, see Czaika, David Chytraeus, pp. 125, 227–30, 248–9, 299, 393–8.
The favouring of Finno is evident from the financial rewards from Johan III. Lempiäinen, ‘Finno, Jacobus’; Jyrki Knuutila, ‘Jacobus Petri Finno: Yxi wähä rucous kiria, 1583’; and Jyrki Knuutila, ‘Jacobus Petri Finno: Catechismus, 1583’; and Jyrki Knuutila, ‘Yxi wähä suomenkielinen wirsikirja, 1605’, in Tuija Laine (ed.), Vanhimman suomalaisen kirjallisuuden käsikirja (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 1997), pp. 81–2, 136–7, 147–8; Martti Takala, Lex Dei – Lex Politica Dei: Lex Politica Dei -teos ja Kaarle IX:n lainsäädäntö. Diss. (Helsinki: Suomen kirkkohistoriallinen seura, 1993), pp. 71–3; Lehtonen, ‘Pious hymns’, p. 194; Kati Kallio, ‘Changes in the Poetics of Song during the Finnish Reformation’, in Lehtonen etc. (eds.), Re-forming Texts, pp. 136–8.
Jacobus Finno, Catechismus eli sen Christilisen opin pää cappalet (Stockholm: Christopher Reusner, 1615), USTC 252785; Knuutila, ‘Yxi wähä suomenkielinen wirsikirja’, pp. 81–2, 136–7, 147–8. The main contents of the catechism had, however, already been printed in Agricola’s spelling primer Abckiria in 1543, see Simo Heininen, ‘Michael Olai Agricola: Abckiria, 1543’, in Laine (ed.), Vanhimman suomalaisen, pp. 80–1; Laine, ‘Finnish Primary Religious Books’, p. 63.
Piae cantiones ecclesiasticae et scholasticae veterum episcoporum (Greifswald: Augustin Ferber I, 1582), USTC 684082; Paarma, Hiippakuntahallinto, pp. 152–3; Lehtonen, ‘Pious hymns’, pp. 193–5; Jorma Hannikainen and Erkki Tuppurainen, ‘Vernacular Gregorian Chant and Lutheran Hymn-singing in Reformation-era Finland’, in Tuomas M. S. Lehtonen etc. (eds.), Re-forming Texts, p. 172; see Chapter 1 by Tuomas Lehtonen about Piae Cantiones.
Jacobus Finno, [Wirsikiria], (Stockholm: Andreas Gutterwitz, 1583), USTC 300513. The hymnal is part of Uppsala University Library’s collections. Because of the missing title page of the book, Lempiäinen uses the heading Jaakko Suomalaisen virsikirja, see Lempiäinen, ‘Ensimmäinen suomalainen virsikirja’, pp. 361–8, 374–7, 388–95; Knuutila, ‘Yxi wähä suomenkielinen wirsikirja’, pp. 136–7; Lempiäinen, ‘Finno, Jacobus’; Czaika, Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582, p. 24. Cf. Heikkilä and Heininen, A History of the Finnish Church, p. 81, who only mention the hymnbook (1583) and Väänänen, according to whom it had been headed Yxi wähä suomenkielinen wirsikiria, see Kyösti Väänänen, ‘Finno, Jacobus Petri (noin 1540–1588)’. in Turun hiippakunnan paimenmuisto 1554–1721 -verkkojulkaisu (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2011–), http://urn.fi/urn:nbn:fi:sks-thp-000649, accessed 26 August 2021. However, Väänänen mentions no sources.
Knuutila ‘Yxi wähä suomenkielinen wirsikirja’, pp. 136–7; Tauno Väinölä, ‘Hemminki Maskulaisen virsikirja’, in Hymnos (2005), p. 47; see also Kallio, ‘Changes in the Poetics’, pp. 141–2. Also the 1589 version of Then Swenska Psalmeboken contained material consistent with the liturgical movement of Johan III, see Allan Arvastson, Svensk psalm genom tiderna (Lund: Liber Läromedel, 1975), p. 34.
Then Swenska Psalmboken (Stockholm: Amund Laurentsson, 1572), USTC 300083; Kurvinen, Suomen virsirunouden alkuvaiheet, pp. 14–7, 256–312; Lempiäinen, ‘Ensimmäinen suomalainen virsikirja’, p. 382; Lehtonen, ‘Pious Hymns’, pp. 194, 198; cf. H. Schück, ‘Våra äldsta psalmböcker’, Samlaren 12 (1891), p. 10.
See e.g. Ilkka Oramo, ‘Virsikirjan vaiheita’ (4 November 2005), in Veijo Murtomäki (ed.), Muhi: Musiikin historiaa (Helsinki: Taideyliopiston Sibelius-Akatemia, 2006–), https:// muhi.uniarts.fi/suomi_uskonpuhdistus3/, accessed 31 December 2020.
Czaika, Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582, pp. 18, 64, 7–8, 87–96.
See Lempiäinen (ed.), Jaakko Finnon virsikirja; Lempiäinen, ‘Ensimmäinen suomalainen virsikirja’, p. 382.
Lempiäinen, ‘Ensimmäinen suomalainen virsikirja’, pp. 366–74; Pentti Lempiäinen, ‘Hemminki Maskulainen 1605 – totta vai tarua?’, Hymnos (2009), pp. 93–4, 96.
Nuorteva, Suomalaisten ulkomainen opinkäynti, pp. 191–9, 207, 223, 230–1, 236–9, 241, 250–4, 285–6; Lennart Hedberg, Karl IX. Företagarfursten & envåldshärskaren (Stockholm: Prisma, 2009), pp. 245–63, 355; Heikkilä and Heininen, A History of the Finnish Church, p. 67; Paul Douglas Lockhart, Sweden in the Seventeenth Century (New York: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2004), pp. XV, 10–13; Sven Ulric Palme, ‘Karl IX’, in Svenskt biografiskt lexikon, urn:sbl:12354; cf. Nuorteva, who dates the coronation only to the 18 August 1607, see Jussi Nuorteva, ‘Kaarle IX’, in Kansallisbiografia-verkkojulkaisu (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 1997), http://urn.fi/urn:nbn:fi:sks-kbg-000312, accessed 6 October 2019.
Michael Roberts: The Early Vasas. A History of Sweden, 1523–1611 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), pp. 414–15; Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 18, 73–6, 158, 162–7, 217–18; Pentti Laasonen, Luterilaisuus Rooman ja Geneven välissä. Luterilaisuuden identiteettitaistelu 1577 – noin 1590 (Helsinki: Suomen kirkkohistoriallinen seura, 1998), p. 75; Ingun Montgomery, ‘The Institutionalisation of Lutheranism in Sweden and Finland’, in Ole Peter Grill (ed.), The Scandinavian Reformation from Evangelical Movement to Institutionalisation of Reform (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 160–6; Heikki Ylikangas, ‘Juhana III’ (22 September 2008), in Kansallisbiografia-verkkojulkaisu (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 1997–), http://urn.fi/urn:nbn:fi:sks-kbg-000313, accessed 17 June 2019; Nuorteva, ‘Kaarle IX’; Hedberg, Karl IX, pp. 216–33, 234–41; Ingun Montgomery, Sveriges kyrkohistoria 4. Enhetskyrkans tid (Stockholm: Verbum, 2002), pp. 27–36; Hanna Pirinen, ‘Early Lutheran Networks and Changes in the Furnishings of the Finnish Lutheran Parish Church’, in Lehtonen etc. (eds.), Re-forming Texts, pp. 288, 303–4; Markku Heikkilä and Simo Heininen, Uusi Suomen kirkkohistoria (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2017), p. 85.
Otto S. Holmdahl: ‘Karl IX:s förmenta kalvinism’, in Kyrkohistorisk årsskrift 20 (1919), pp. 237–314; Tobias Norlind, Svensk musikhistoria (Stockholm: Helsingborg, 1901), pp. 38–9; Roberts: Early Vasas, p. 491; Ingun Montgomery, Värjostånd och lärostånd. Religion och politik i meningsutbytet mellan kungamakt och prästerskap i Sverige 1593–1608. Diss. (Uppsala: Uppsala universitetet, 1972), pp. 322–33, 337, 387–90; Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 18, 71–81, 158, 162–7, 217–18; Martti Parvio: ‘Upsalan kokouksen (1593) tunnustusmuodostus Ruotsi-Suomen kirkon reformatorisena pohjana’, in Martti Parvio (ed.), Confessio Fidei. Suomen luterilaisuuden ensimmäinen tunnustuskirja (Helsinki: Suomen kirkkohistoriallinen seura, 1993), pp. 172–3; Kaarlo Arffman, Mitä oli luterilaisuus? Johdatus kadonneeseen eurooppalaiseen kristinuskon tulkintaan (Helsinki: Gaudeamus, 1996), pp. 295–6; Simo Heininen and Markku Heikkilä, Suomen kirkkohistoria (6th edn, Helsinki: Edita, 2010), p. 85.
Holmdahl: ‘Karl IX:s förmenta kalvinism’, pp. 270–86; Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 73–5; Montgomery, ‘Institutionalisation of Lutheranism’, pp. 160–6; see also Olav D. Schalin, Kulthistoriska studier till belysande av reformationens genomförande i Finland 4 (Helsingfors: Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland, 1946), pp. 99–101 and Lockhart, ‘Sweden in the Seventeenth Century’, pp. XV, 12.
Roberts, Early Vasas, p. 491.
Erik Petersson, Den skoningslöse. En biografi över Karl IX (Stockholm: Natur och kultur, 2008) and Hedberg, Karl IX.
Eric Gustave Geijer, The History of the Swedes I (London, 1845), pp. 201–2; Montgomery: Värjostånd och lärostånd, pp. 289–310, 434–5; Montgomery, ‘Institutionalization of Lutheranism’, pp. 161–2.
See Christeligh Ordning och Sätt, huruledes hålles skal vthi then Högborne Furstes och Herres Her CARLS med Gudz nåde … (Stockholm: Andreas Gutterwitz, 1602), title page, USTC 252203. Lund University Library catalogue attributes Karl IX as the author or editor of this work, see Lund University Library, Äldre samlingen, SweLiMuS SLMS0025, urn:nbn:se:alvin:portal:record-104721, accessed 12 July 2020; Catechismus heller rätt christeligh kennedom om wåre christelige troos nödhtorfteligeste artikler … (Stockholm: Andreas Gutterwitz, 1604), Uppsala University Library, Carolina Rediviva Sv. Rar. 10:57 (1), urn:nbn:se:alvin:portal:record-100900, accessed 12 July 2020. See also Lena Huldén, ‘Karl IX (1550–1611) Sveriges konung’, in Biografiskt lexikon för Finland 1. Svenska tiden (2008), URN:NBN:fi:sls-4036-1416928956642, accessed 10 June 2020.
Herder Block, Karl IX som teolog och religiös personlighet. Studier öfver utvecklingen af hans åskådning (Lund: Gleerup, 1918), pp. XIII–XIV, 217–346; Holmdahl, ‘Karl IX:s förmenta kalvinism’, pp. 237–314, 268–9; Montgomery, Värjostånd och lärostånd, pp. 289–310, 434–5; Montgomery, ‘The institutionalisation of Lutheranism’, pp. 161–2.
Block, Karl IX som teolog, pp. XIII–XIV, 221–230, 247; Montgomery, Värjostånd och lärostånd, pp. 289–310, 336–47, pp. 434–5 (the theological works of Karl); Montgomery, ‘The institutionalisation of Lutheranism’, pp. 161–3; see also Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 166–7.
Montgomery, Värjostånd och lärostånd, pp. 434–5; Montgomery, ‘The Institutionalisation of Lutheranism’, pp. 161–7; Norlind, ‘Svensk musikhistoria’, pp. 41, 45. See also Anders Lundberg, Kyrkofäder, reformatorer och ‘ofromma oxförare’. Bruket av kyrkofäderna i polemic gentemot kalvinism och romersk katolicism i Sverige 1527–1604 (Lund: Lunds universitet, 2012), pp. 35–41, 59; cf. Petersson, ‘Den skoningslöse’, pp. 295, 310, mentioning the theological library and the theological works of Charles; Hedberg, Karl IX, p. 230, only mentions the catechism.
To this topic see especially Block, Karl IX som teolog, and critical analysis of it in Holmdahl, ‘Karl IX:s förmenta kalvinism’, pp. 237–314. See also Roberts, Early Vasas, pp. 491–4); Montgomery, Värjostånd och lärostånd; Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 154–74.
Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 7–8, 63–70, 177–93, 216–7, 243–4; Hendrich Jönsson Careell (tr.), Lex Politica Dei; Thet är: Gudz Regementz Ordning …, (Rostock: Christoffer Reusner, 1607), USTC 2150289.
Kurvinen, Suomen virsirunouden alkuvaiheet, pp. 62–3, 142, 8; 156, 191, 207, 217, 397 on Johan III, only p. 416 on Karl; Onni Kurvinen, Vanha virsikirja. Vuoden 1701 suomalaisen virsikirjan synty ja sisällys, Diss. (Helsingin yliopisto) (Rauma: [Onni Kurvinen], 1941), p. 34, only mentions Sigismund ‘at a time when love for the Lutheran faith and orthodoxy received a new boost’.
Suokunnas etc., ‘Kristillisen virren vaiheet’, pp. 68–9. In view of this newly discovered material the research has moved on to another stage. Hence the volume in question is referred to here as the so-called hymnal of Hemmingius Henrici of Masku (the hymnal of Hemmingius).
Holmdahl, Karl IX:s förmenta kalvinism, pp. 237–314; Montgomery, Värjostånd och lärostånd, pp. 322–33; Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 166, 217–18; Hedberg, Karl IX, pp. 216–33; Heininen and Heikkilä, Suomen kirkkohistoria, p. 85.
Beckman, Försök, pp. 474, 833; Norlind, Svensk musikhistoria, pp. 38, 60; Tobias Norlind, ‘Svensk musikodling under reformationstidevarvet’, Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning, 26 (1944) pp. 16, 53, 64–5, 118. The son of Karl, Carl Carlsson Gyllenhielm, the stepbrother of Gustav II Adolf, later published a hymnbook too, see Arvastson, Svensk psalm, p. 40.
Konung CARL den IX:des Rim=Chrönika was printed only in 1759 by Bengt Bergius in Stockholm; Montgomery, Värjostånd och lärostånd, p. 434.
Cf. Palme, ‘Karl IX’. According to Palme the common opinion that Karl had also published a hymnbook in 1601 is based on a misunderstanding. However, he neither mentions any ecclesiastical material amongst the printed works of Karl nor justifies his opinion.
‘then Suenske Psalmboken må öffersees och the sköne psalmer som vthlåttne ähre igen insettias och andra som nya ähre och fögha dochse ähre vht slutas, och huär någre andra psalmer giorde warde icke måga i then förre Psalmboken indmengieas vthan serdeles tryckas.’ Johan Wilhelm Beckman, Försök till Swensk Psalmhistoria (Stockholm: Norstedts, 1869), pp. 473–4; Anton N. Sundberg, Om den svenska kyrkoreformationen och Upsala möte 1593, (Uppsala: Berling, 1893), pp. 90–1; Roberts: Early Vasas, pp. 413–14.
See Jens Lyster, ‘En liten psalmbok – en svensk 1600-talstradition’, Hymnologiske Meddelelser 4 (1974), pp. 160–78; Jens Lyster ‘En liten psalmbok – en svensk 1600- talstradition’, Hymnologiske Meddelelser 2–3 (1975), pp. 114–34 and Jens Lyster ‘En liten psalmbok – en svensk 1600-talstradition’, Hymnologiske Meddelelser 1 (1976), pp. 31–42; Allan Arvastson, ‘Ett halvt sekel av svensk psalmhistoria i ny belysning’, Svensk teologisk kvartalskrift 54/3 (1978); Christian Wedow, Die Rolle des deutschen Luthertums für Schweden zwischen 1600 und 1648, Diss. (University of Rostock, 2013), pp. 318, 324.
The twelve editions with this title listed by Lyster are 1596 (? s.l.), 1602 (Rostock), 1608 (Stockholm, edited by Sigfridus Aronus Forsius), 1614 (Lübeck, a reprint of the 1608 version edited by Forsius), 1622/23 (Stockholm), 1626 (Stockholm – the so-called Hymnbook of Gustav II Adolf), 1647 (Stockholm), 1648 (Stockholm, Meurer – a special miniature hymnal), 1648 (Stockholm, Keyser), 1650 (Strängnäs), 1650 (Stockholm, reprint of 1626), 1691 (Stockholm). See Lyster, ‘En liten psalmbok’ (1974), pp. 157–9, 161, 168–9, 172, 177; Lyster, ‘En liten psalmbok’ (1975), pp. 115–26, 130–3 and Lyster, ‘En liten psalmbok’ (1976), pp. 31, 36–9. Collijn had already earlier listed partly same editions (1596, 1637, 1639, 1647, 1650), then additionally four more versions from Stockholm (1639, 1642, 1651, 1663) and one from Lund (1686), see Isak Collijn, Sveriges bibliografi. 1600-talet. Bidrag till en bibliografisk förteckning I–II (Uppsala: Svenska Litteratursällskapet 1942–6), pp. 727–40. Lindquist had mentioned two more versions (Stockholm 1637 and Göteborg 1675), see David Lindquist, Studier till den svenska evangelieboken. En liten bönbok (Uppsala: Kyrkohistoriska Föreningen, 1944), pp. 89–91. Arvastson added one more (1620 s.l.), see Arvastson, ‘Ett halvt sekel’, p. 136. The real number may be greater: further editions may have been published, for instance as parts of Manuals (Handbooks).
For instance, Suokunnas and Lempiäinen later merely mentioned the heading Een liten Psalmbook of 1602 once, Czaika did not pay attention to this tradition, see Suokunnas and Lempiäinen, ‘Kristillisen virren vaiheet’, pp. 58–9; Czaika, Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582, pp. 22–4.
Cf. Norlind, Svensk musikhistoria, p. 60, and Lyster, ‘En liten psalmbok’ (1974), p. 167, who spell the name as Rhyarander. According to Arvastson, ‘Ett halvt sekel’, p. 137, the correct spelling is Rhyacander.
Lyster, ‘En liten psalmbok’, pp. 167–70, 177–8; Arvastson, ‘Ett halvt sekel’, pp. 135–8. The 1602 title page bears the text ‘Nw nylighen öffuerseed / medh flere Psalmer och Loffsånger förbättrat’ (‘Now newly edited and improved with several hymns and songs of praise’), see Lyster, ‘En liten psalmbok’ (1974), pp. 161–2; cf. Terhi Pursiainen, Sigfridus Aronus Forsius. Pohjoismaisen renessanssin astronomi ja luonnonfilosofi … (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 1997), p. 120; Någhra nyttigha Andelighe Loffsånger (Stockholm: Andreas Gutterwitz, 1601 and 1607), USTC 252371 and 252372; see also Olof Sundel, Kongl. Vitterhets Historie och Antiquitets Academiens Handlingar 9 (Stockholm, 1811), p. 91; Geijer, The History of the Swedes I, p. 202.
Een liten psalmbook (Rostock, 1602), USTC 2139475; Czaika ‘A Vast and Unfamiliar Field’, p. 127.
Kurvinen, Suomen virsirunouden alkuvaiheet, pp. 284–5.
Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria (Rostock: Stephan Möllemann, 1607), USTC 2092729; cf. Kurvinen, Suomen virsirunouden alkuvaiheet, pp. 284–5; Lehtonen etc., ‘Petrus Melartopaeuksen kirjeet’, pp. 178–9.
Arvastson, ‘Ett halvt sekel’, pp. 135–8; Pursiainen, Sigfridus Aronus Forsius, pp. 56–78, 120–2; see also Czaika, ‘A Vast and Unfamiliar Field’, pp. 125–38. According to Lyster the hymnal Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1594 is however important in the background of the new tradition. Lyster, ‘En liten psalmbok’ (1974), p. 169.
Någhra Nyia Psalmers / Loffsångers och Andelighe wijsors Thoner (Stockholm: Andreas Gutterwitz, 1608), USTC 268954; Een Liten Psalmbook (Stockholm, 1608), USTC 268955; Arvastson, ‘Ett halvt sekel’, pp. 136–7; Pursiainen, Sigfridus Aronus Forsius, pp. 56–78, 120–2; Suokunnas and Lempiäinen, ‘Kristillisen virren vaiheet’, pp. 58–9; Tuppurainen, ‘Hemminki Maskulaisen virsikirjaan liittyneet sävelmät’, pp. 55–6. The booklet appeared as a facsimile with comments: Toivo I. Haapalainen (ed.), Någhra Nyia Psalmers, Loffsångers och Andelighe wijsors Thoner: sign. T3(2) i Herzog-August-Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel (Turku: Åbo Akademi, 1973). Regarding Forsius, see also Nuorteva, ‘Kaarle IX’. Heikkilä and Heininen, History of the Finnish Church, p. 82.
Paarma, Hiippakuntahallinto, pp. 261–3; Suokunnas and Lempiäinen, ‘Kristillisen virren vaiheet’, pp. 68–9; Kaisa Häkkinen, ‘Maskun Hemmingin kieli’, Hymnos (2005), pp. 27, 37–8; Heikki Laitinen, ‘Barokki tunteen ja järjen dialogina. Hemminki Maskulaisen Uscovaisen sielun halu Christuxen jälken’, Hymnos (2005), p. 146; Heikki Laitinen, ‘Maskun Hemmingin virsikirjan neljä vuosisataa (1605–2005): veisaajan kokemuksia’, in Tuomas Eerola etc. (eds.), Suomen musiikintutkijoiden symposiumin satoa (Jyväskylä: Jyväskylän yliopisto, 2005), p. 68. http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:951-39-2162-X, accessed 28 December 2020; Väinölä, ‘Hemminki Maskulaisen virsikirja’, p. 39; Anna Viinamäki, Hemminki Maskulainen – virsirunoilija, ed. Raija Miikkulainen, (Helsinki: Kotus, 2005), https://kaino.kotus.fi/www/artikkelit/maskulainen/, accessed 1 January 2021; Ilkka Leskelä, ‘Trade and the Known World. Finnish Priests’ and Laymen’s Networks in the Late Medieval Baltic Sea Region’, in Lehtonen etc. (eds.), Re-forming Texts, p. 80; Perälä, ‘Tulkintoja’, pp. 13–14. Kallio, ‘Changes in the Poetics’, pp. 141–55. See also Lehtonen etc., ‘Petrus Melartopaeuksen kirjeet’, pp. 166–90; cf. SLUB Digitale Sammlungen urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-db-id4257198128 (accessed 17 July 2020) that declares that the author of the 1607 hymnal was Jaakko Finno.
Vallinkoski, Jorma, ‘Milloin Maskun Hemmingin virsikirja ilmestyi?’, in Ramus virens in honorem Aarno Maliniemi (Helsinki: Suomen Kirkkohistoriallinen seura, 1952), pp. 396– 400; Onni Kurvinen, Vanha virsikirja, p. 27; Lempiäinen, ‘Ensimmäinen suomalainen virsikirja’, pp. 366–74; Lempiäinen, ‘Hemminki Maskulainen 1605’, p. 93. P. J. I. Kurvinen did not mention any exact year of publication. According to him the early hymnals are defect. As an example, he, however, mentions an anonymous, defect Swedish hymnbook, Andelighe Psalmer och Wijsor (1614?) of Sigfridus Aronus Forsius – and [Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen Virsikirja s.a.]. Kurvinen as well uses the title of the last-mentioned hymnal (the edition of 1652), see Kurvinen, Suomen virsirunouden alkuvaiheet, pp. 17–8, 65.
Pentti Lempiäinen etc., ‘Kristillisen virren vaiheet’, p. 69.
For Hemmingius Henrici and his background see Aulis Oja, ‘Maskun kirkkoherrat Hemming Henrikinpoika ja Henrik Hoffman’ Genos 35 (1964), pp. 1–13; Kyösti Väänänen, ‘Hemmingius Henrici Maskulainen’, in Turun hiippakunnan paimenmuisto, http://urn.fi/urn:nbn:fi:sks-thp-000929, accessed 24 July 2021.
Cf. Czaika, according to whom this hymnal represents an edited version of Finno’s Hymnbook and is attributed to Simon Johannis Carelius. He neither mentions any Finnish hymnal published 1605 nor Hemmingius. See Czaika ‘A Vast and Unfamiliar Field’, p. 130.
Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria 1607, title page; Anna-Maria Rimm, ‘Herman Sulke’, in Svenskt biografiskt lexikon, http://sok.riksarkivet.se/sbl/artikel/34679, accessed 7 September 2019; Josef Benzing, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet (2nd edn, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1982), p. 394; Koski, ‘Ennennäkemätön kirjalöytö’, p. 7; Perälä, ‘Tulkintoja’, p. 14. The majority of works published by Sulke were printed abroad, particularly in Rostock, see Wedow, Die Rolle des deutschen Luthertums, pp. 312–46.
Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria 1607, [227 b].
Lyster ‘En liten psalmbok’ 1975, p. 134; Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 166, 171–4.
Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 18, 176–86; Nuorteva, Suomalaisten ulkomainen opinkäynti, p. 203; see also Jyrki Knuutila, ‘Franciscus Raguel: Lex Politica Dei, 1607’, in Laine (ed.), Vanhimman suomalaisen, pp. 174–6.
Lyster, ‘En liten psalmbok’, pp. 161–6, 174–8. A commentary on Lyster’s research was then written by Arvastson, ‘Ett halvt sekel’, pp. 135–7; cf. Kurvinen, Suomen virsirunouden alkuvaiheet, pp. 284–5.
Nuorteva, Suomalaisten ulkomainen opinkäynti, pp. 264–6, 269, 274; Simo Heininen, ‘Melartopaeus, Petrus Henrici’ (18 July 2000), in Kansallisbiografia-verkkojulkaisu (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 1997–), http://urn.fi/urn:nbn:fi:sks-kbg-000456, accessed 11 August 2019; Nuorteva, ‘Kaarle IX’; Parvio: ‘Upsalan kokouksen (1593) tunnustusmuodostus’, pp. 174–7. Concerning the hymnological work of Melartopaeus, see also Lehtonen and Kallio, ‘Petrus Melartopaeuksen kirjeet’, pp. 166–90; Mikko Hiljanen, ‘Servants of the Crown or Trustees of the People? Personal Agency among the Local Clergy (1550–1610)’, in Petri Karonen and Marko Hakanen (eds.), Personal Agency at the Swedish Age of Greatness 1560–1720 (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2017), pp. 199–200. According to Paarma, Hiippakuntahallinto, pp. 261–3, the work for a new hymnal belonged to the duties of the chapter.
For instance the following quite new hymns, translated first by Forsius into Swedish (ELPSB 1602), have then been taken into Yksi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria 1607: Martin Luthers Es spricht der Unweisen Mund wohl, in Swedish Then Ogudhachtighe sägher så, in Finnish SVullans tyhmäd kyll kerskavad; Seb. Heyden’s Gott, vnser sterck, in Swedish GVdh är vår starckheet och tilflycht, in Finnish JUmal on meidhän väkevä apum; Paul Ebers Wenn wir in höchsten Nöten sein, in Swedish När wij j höghsta nödhen ståå, in Finnish CUin hätä cova käsis on, see Kurvinen 1929, pp. 315, 19, 368; Lyster 1974, p. 167.
Kurvinen, Suomen virsirunouden alkuvaiheet, p. 64; Kurvinen, Vanha virsikirja, p. 27; Suokunnas & Lempiäinen, ‘Kristillisen virren vaiheet’, p. 68; Tuppurainen, ‘Hemminki Maskulaisen virsikirjaan liittyneet sävelmät’, p. 65; Väinölä, ‘Hemminki Maskulaisen virsikirja’, 39. Cf. Knuutila, ‘Yxi vähä suomenkielinen wirsikirja, 1605’, p. 139, according to whom there had been only 237 hymns. There are two extant copies of this hymnal, one in Uppsala University Library (http://www.alvin-portal.org/alvin/view.jsf?pid=alvin-record%3A156090&dswid=8559): Hemmingus [sic] Henrici Maskulainen, [‘I. Muutamad kiitosvirdhed uudhest, testamentist. …’] (Stockholm: Andreas Gutterwitz, 1605), the other in Finnish National Library (https://kansalliskirjasto.finna.fi/Record/fikka.3886904): Hemmingius Henrici Maskulainen, [‘I. Muutamad kiitos-wirdhed uudhest Testamentist. …’] (Stockholm: Andreas Gutterwitz, c.1610), USTC 252059. The unnumbered pages [221]–[223] are located after the alphabetical index. These hymns passed unnoticed by Knuutila.
Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria 1607, no. [241]. The hymns of this hymnbook are unnumbered; see leaves 1–223. In this paper they are numbered according to P. J. I. Kurvinen, Suomen virsirunouden alkuvaiheet 1929, pp. 313–83 (the section ‘Hemminki Maskulaisen Virsikirja’).
Någre Gudhelige Wijsor (Stockholm: Royal Printer, 1530), USTC 300153; Then swenska psalmboken (Stockholm: Andreas Gutterwitz, 1601), USTC 252863; Kurvinen, Suomen virsirunouden alkuvaiheet, pp. 138, 382; Liedgren, Svensk Psalm, pp. 85, 104–13. This hymn had also been published in Swedish in 1598 by the Royal Printing Press at Stockholm as a chapbook song titled En psalm, om Antichristi rijkes affall, [‘A hymn about the fall of Antichrist’s realm’] (Stockholm: Andreas Gutterwitz, 1598), pp. [1]–[5], https://litteraturbanken.se/forfattare/Anonym/titlar/EnPsalmOmAntichristi/sida/I/faksimil, accessed 30 December 2020. Cf. Fredrik Cleve, according to whom the hymn was included in the first (Swedish) ‘official’ hymnal 1695 and had been printed in Finnish in 1614 (!) in the hymnal of Hemmingius of Masku and in the first ‘official’ Finnish Hymnal in 1701, see Fredrik Cleve, ‘Förändringar i tolkningen av reformationen avspeglade i en finländsk psalm’, in Krister Ståhlberg (ed.), Norden och Europa: Språk, kultur och identitet (København: Nordisk Ministerråd, 1999), pp. 59–60. Czaika ‘A Vast and Unfamiliar Field’, p. 138 (especially footnote 39) repeats Cleve’s point of view.
Knuutila, ‘Yxi wähä suomenkielinen wirsikirja, 1605’, pp. 136–7; Väinölä, ‘Hemminki Maskulaisen virsikirja’, p. 47; see also Kallio, ‘Changes in the Poetics’, pp. 141–2. Also the 1589 version of Then Swenska Psalmeboken contained material which was consistent with the liturgical movement of Johan III, see Arvastson, Svensk psalm, p. 34.
Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen Wirsikiria … (Stockholm: Ignatius Meurer, 1630), USTC 252060, no. 242; Lempiäinen, ‘Virsirunoilijoiden elämäkerrasto’, in Lempiäinen etc. Virsirunoilijoiden, p. 212; Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 177–8.
Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen Wirsikiria … (Stockholm: Ignatius Meurer, 1639), no. 242. Even the corpus of old literary Finnish seems to assume the hymn had already appeared in the earlier defective versions of the so-called hymnal of Hemmingius, see ‘[Hemminki Maskulainen: Virsikirja]’, in Vanhan kirjasuomen korpus (Helsinki: Kotus, 2007), http://kaino.kotus.fi/korpus/vks/meta/virret/hemm1605_rdf.xm,l accessed 4 July 2019, no. 242; Väinölä, ‘Hemminki Maskulaisen virsikirja’, p. 39.
Catechimus [sic] […] Simonis Iohannis Carelij culutuxel vlos käynyt … (Rostock, Stephan Möllemann, 1607), USTC 2092731, see the first footnote of this chapter.
The present author discovered the catechism after ordering a digital version of the Finnish hymnal 1607 from the Dresden library (SLUB), which revealed, upon examination, that there could be another volume bound together with it. The librarians were contacted, and the catechism, which had remained unknown, was duly recognised and as well added into the library catalogue.
According to Professor Emeritus Simo Heininen during the publication of the book discoveries at the Finnish National Library on 7 December 2015; see also Koski, ‘Ennennäkemätön kirjalöytö’, p. 9.
It is typical for early modern Finnish catechisms to rely on several sources. For instance the (defective) Catechism of Jacobus Petri Finno (1583–5? and 1615), had several sources. The Catechism of Ericus Erici Sorolainen (1614) is a commentary of the Catechism of Luther. As sources, Sorolainen used several catechisms, for instance those of David Chytraeus (1554) and Simon Musaeus (1569). See Jyrki Knuutila, ‘Jacobus Petri Finno: Catechismus’; Tuija Laine, ‘Ericus Erici Sorolainen: Catechismus, 1614’, in Laine, Vanhimman suomalaisen kirjallisuuden, pp. 80–2, 84–5. Luther’s Small Catechism was translated in 1628 by another Carelius, the vicar of Ala-Tornio, Canutus Martini Carelius. However, it was more a summary while the text and outline of the work did not follow Luther’s original text verbatim. The hitherto oldest preserved Small Catechism of Luther in Finnish that followed the original text was published in Manuale Finnonicum 1646 – this kind of combination normally included a hymnal, a catechism, the Gospels, a handbook and other important ecclesiastical texts. See Tuija Laine, ‘Finnish translations and publication of Luther’s text’, in Laine, Luther, p. 109; Simo Heininen and Tuija Laine, ‘Exhibition Catalogue’, in Laine, Luther, p. 177.
Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria 1607, title page; Koski, ‘Ennennäkemätön kirjalöytö’, pp. 8–11.
Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria 1607, foreword [20].
‘Sille Corkia sucuiselle ja Valdiallen Herrallen / Her Göstaff Adolphille / Sen Swrivaldiaan / Cwluisan ja Voimalisen Her Carlin / Jumalan armost / Rootzin &c. Rijkin Kuningaan Vanhimalle Pojalle / Lavian Soomen maan Ruchtinalle’, Catechimus [sic] 1607, dedication [2].
Jussi T. Lappalainen, ‘Kustaa II Aadolf’ (12 February 2008), in Kansallisbiografia- verkkojulkaisu (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 1997), http://urn.fi/urn:nbn:fi:sks-kbg-000311, accessed 17 October 2019; Koski, ‘Ennennäkemätön kirjalöytö’, p. 11; Perälä, ‘Tulkintoja’, pp. 21–2.
Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 166, 171–4.
In his own words, ‘A feeble servant of the Finnish parish in Stockholm’ (‘Heicko Soomen Seuracunnã palvelia Stocholmissa’), see Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria 1607, foreword [21].
Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria 1607, foreword [20]. The opportunity to hear a written text conveyed by a person reading aloud is called accessive or mediated literacy, see Laine, ‘Did Mandatory Literacy Distort Lutheranism?’, pp. 81–2.
Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria 1607, [21].
Lappalainen, ‘Kustaa II Aadolf’, states that although Gustav II Adolf was well versed in many languages he is unlikely to have known more than a limited amount of Finnish.
Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria 1607, [20]–[21].
Lauri Pihlajamaa, Tukholman suomalaisen seurakunnan papisto 1533–1999 (Stockholm: Terttu Pihlajamaa, 2000), p. 279; Tuija Laine, ‘Viipurin kirjallinen kulttuuri’, pp. 128–9; cf. Karl Gabriel Leinberg, Några underrättelser om finska nationella församlingen i Stockholm (Helsingfors: Svenska Literatursällskapets i Finland), p. 15. Leinberg does not mention Carelius.
Adolph Hofmeister (ed.), Die Matrikel der Universität Rostock, 2: Mich. 1499–Ost. 1611 (Rostock, 1891; repr. Nendeln: Kraus, 1976), p. 282; see also Nuorteva, Suomalaisten ulkomainen opinkäynti, p. 293.
Nuorteva, Suomalaisten ulkomainen opinkäynti, p. 293. As to the family Teit, see also Kyösti Väänänen, ‘Teet, Gregorius Martini’, in Turun hiippakunnan paimenmuisto, http://urn.fi/urn:nbn:fi:sks-thp-002453, accessed 8 July 2020.
Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 177–84; Nuorteva, Suomalaisten ulkomainen opinkäynti, p. 293; cf. Kurvinen, Suomen virsirunouden alkuvaiheet, pp. 242–3; Kurvinen, Vanha virsikirja, p. 28; Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen Wirsikiria 1630, no. 242; Väinölä, ‘Hemminki Maskulaisen virsikirja’, p. 39; cf. Pentti Lempiäinen, ‘Virsirunoilijoiden elämäkerrasto’, in Lempiäinen, Virsitieto, p. 212; Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 177–8.
Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 155–6, 182; Nuorteva, Suomalaisten ulkomainen opinkäynti, p. 293. A short dissertation was required for the master’s degree. It was often composed by the professor advising the student, but the master’s candidate had to demonstrate his competence by defending the dissertation in a public defence. See Heininen etc., ‘Exhibition Catalogue’, p. 169.
Fredrik Wilhelm Pipping, Historiska bidrag till Finlands calendariografi, (Helsingfors: Finska Vetenskaps-Societeten, 1858), pp. 41–4; Kyösti Väänänen, ‘Sigfridus Aronus Forsius’, Turun hiippakunnan paimenmuisto, http://urn.fi/urn:nbn:fi:sks-thp-000704, accessed 26 August 2021; Haapalainen, ‘S. A. Forsius’ koralhäfte och dess melodier’, in Haapalainen, Någhra Nyia Psalmer, pp. 2–3; Pursiainen, Sigfridus Aronus Forsius, p. 120.
Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 191–3; cf. Czaika, who does not mention the engagement of Carelius but writes: ‘Carelius is not known to appear elsewhere as a writer’, see Czaika, ‘A Vast and Unfamiliar Field’, p. 130.
Takala, Lex Dei, pp. 182, 191; Careell, Lex Politica Dei, unnumbered page [3] after p. 153.
Nuorteva, Suomalaisten ulkomainen opinkäynti, p. 355; cf. Takala, Lex Dei, p. 183, Knuutila, ‘Lex Politica Dei, 1607’, p. 175, and Czaika, ‘A Vast and Unfamiliar Field’, p. 130.
In the letter ‘Kongl. Maj:ts Bref angående tillsättandet af en Lector Theologiae i Wiborg, gifvet den 17. Oktober 1607’ Karl urged, ‘så mycket Oss om hans lärdom är kunnigt vordet, är så skickelig, att han samma kall må förestå, hafve Wij honom dertill förordna låtit, och på det han sig uti samma kall och embete skall dess flitigare bruka och befinna låta’. The task also merited an annual remuneration. See Karl Gabriel Leinberg, Handlingar rörande finska skolväsendets historia 2 (Jyväskylä, 1887), p. 370, and Pipping, Historiska bidrag, pp. 43–4; cf. Takala, Lex Dei, p. 183, and Czaika, ‘A Vast and Unfamiliar Field’, p. 130.
Nuorteva, Suomalaisten ulkomainen opinkäynti, p. 355.
Geystliche lieder (Leipzig: Valentin Bapst, 1545), USTC 659758; Czaika (ed.), Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582, pp. 69–74, 137; Mager, ‘Lied und Reformation’, pp. 25, 27, 29–30, 32–3; Veit, ‘Kirchenlied in der Reformation Martin Luthers’, p. 11; Suokunnas etc., ‘Kristillisen virren vaiheet’, pp. 30–1; Rössler, ‘Ein neues Lied wir heben an’, pp. 204–8. Möller ‘Das 16. Jahrhundert’, pp. 69–85; Lorbeer, ‘Die Sterbe- und Ewigkeitslieder’, p. 37.
Luther [1545] 2004, foreword, unnumbered page 3, Anttila, ‘Luther’s Theology of Music’, pp. 95–7, 101, 137–45.
Hahn, Evangelium, pp. 61–3; Mager ‘Lied und Reformation’, pp. 25–38; Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music, 2007, pp. 168–9, Jürgens, ‘Das Evangelium singen’ 2015, pp. 105–11.
See Suvi-Päivi Koski, ‘Yxi Wähä suomenkielinen Wirsikirja – arvokas harvinaiskirjahankinta’, in Kansalliskirjasto. Helsingin yliopiston kirjaston tiedotuslehti 1 (2005), https://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:ELE-1282205, accessed 18 July 2020.