The literary genre of letters addressed to the Prophet in his tomb (al-rawá¸a al-nabawiyya), hailing him and asking for his intercession in worldly and eschatological matters (wa al-tashaffuÊ¿ bihi ilÄ AllÄh fÄ« l-maqÄá¹£id al-dunyawiyya wa l-ukhrawiyya) (al-QalqashandÄ«), was particularly popular in al-Andalus;1 the author of the á¹¢ubḥ al-AÊ¿shÄ describes this genre as a speciality of the people of the Maghrib because, he writes, of the remoteness of their homeland (buÊ¿di bilÄdihim wa nuzūḥ aqá¹Ärihim).2 The immediate motivation for the writing of such letters seems to be the inability of their authors, and of the people commissioning them, to visit the holy places of the ḤijÄz and perform the ziyÄra at the Prophetâs tomb; these letters also provided an opportunity for their authors to express in a direct style their feelings of yearning at being far from Medina and the holy sanctuary of Mecca, and their love for and attachment to the Prophet, whose noble virtues and eminent qualities they praise, along with the marks of his election by God; they also express their personal worries, grievances and complaints. They seek a guarantee of baraka, but beyond this they wish for some consolation, comfort, and support in the here and now, and intercession in the next world. These letters make up a specific genre,3 one that has something in common with the literature of madÄʾiḥ (panegyrics), khaá¹£Äʾiá¹£, and shamÄʾil (treatises of prophetology). The eighth/fourteenth century was marked everywhere in the Maghrib by an upsurge of forms of piety and devotion to the Prophet: starting in the seventh/thirteenth century, across the east and the west of the Muslim world, including the Naá¹£rid court, the celebration of the Prophetâs birth (mawlid) was the most outstanding example of this. In addition, his heirs (or presumed heirs) came to be subjects of particular veneration and recipients of economic and social privileges; in the construction of authority and legitimacy the status of the sharaf (ancestry dating back to the Prophet) becomes an important reference point. From the sixth/twelfth century, a whole literature on the merits of the prayer on the Prophet (faá¸l al-á¹£alÄt Ê¿alÄ al-nabÄ«) develops, especially in al-Andalus: just for the sixth/twelfth and seventh/thirteenth centuries no fewer than fourteen treatises of this type have been accounted for; nine of these were specifically Andalusian.4 From the eighth/fourteenth century there was a measurable increase in the production of such texts across the whole Muslim world, both east and west.5
According to al-QalqashandÄ«, the letter written in the name of the Naá¹£rid sovereign of Granada6 AbÅ« al-ḤajjÄj YÅ«suf b. IsmÄÊ¿Ä«l b. Naá¹£r (r. 733â55/1333â54)7 by Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, the text of which al-QalqashandÄ« published in extenso in his á¹¢ubḥ al-AÊ¿shÄ,8 was âthe best he has ever seenâ (min aḥsani mÄ raʾaytu fÄ« al-maÊ¿nÄ) in the genre of letters addressed by people of the Maghrib to the Prophet after his death.9 Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b wrote another letter to the Prophet, this time on behalf of the son of YÅ«suf I, al-GhanÄ« bi-llÄh Muḥammad b. AbÄ« al-ḤajjÄj (r. 755â60/1354â9 and 763â93/1362â91); the two letters, published by Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b himself in the IḥÄá¹a10 and in RayḥÄnat al-kuttÄb wa-nujÊ¿at al-muntÄb11 were reissued by al-MaqqarÄ« in his Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b12 (and have since been cited mostly from this source); the letters share a similar structure and touch more or less on the same themes, but the second of them focuses on an account of the battles and victories of Muḥammad al-GhanÄ« bi-llÄh13 that dominates the entire text. This second letter, written at the beginning of 771/1369,14 was carried by a messenger to the holy places of the ḤijÄz the same year, during the month of RabÄ«Ê¿ al-awwal (the month of the Prophetâs birth). The messenger who carried it15 also brought two other missives from the Naá¹£rid, one addressed to á¹¢Äḥib Makka, Ê¿AjlÄn ibn Asad al-DÄ«n AbÅ« al-Faá¸l Rumaytha b. Muḥammad b. AbÄ« SaÊ¿d Al-ḤasanÄ«16 and the other to the Prince of Medina,17 informing them of the letter to the Prophet in which, he says, details of Muslim victories (nuÊ¿arrifuhu bi-hÄdhihi al-barakÄt) are âbrought to his attentionâ. With these letters were sent bells that had been taken in the battles (nawÄqÄ«s al-faranj), so that they could be displayed to pilgrims as a reminder of these glorious victories, and so that âprayers and invocations might be addressed to God in those noble places, that victory over their enemies should be granted to the armies of Islam (tastadÊ¿Ä« al-imdÄd bi-l-duÊ¿Äʾ wa taqtaá¸Ä« bi-tilka al-maÊ¿Ähid al-sharÄ«fa al-naá¹£r Ê¿alÄ al-aÊ¿dÄʾ)â.18 Unfortunately, we do not have any comparable information about the first letter, written in the name of AbÅ« al-ḤajjÄj. This first letter is not dated, but in it the memory of the Naá¹£rid battles against the âCatholic kingsâ is still fresh. The Naá¹£rids were unable to face the intrigues of their Christian neighbours alone, and in the absence of effective support from the Egyptian Mamluks, who proved to be âpurely passiveâ,19 their dependence on help from Moroccoâs Marinid Sultanates, solicited directly in AbÅ« al-ḤajjÄjâs letters,20 increased; this assistance was often decisive.21 The jihÄd on the frontiers played a central role in the rivalry for legitimacy and recognition of Caliphal dignity between the monarchs of the two countries.22 Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâs letter is part of a genre, and many of its themes, and even its structure, arise from that genre â but it also contains community motifs that are closely related to the situation in which the Naá¹£rid Sultanate of Granada found itself, motifs of âpoliticalâ significance, with, in the background, the Caliphal pretensions of the monarch, and also some more personal motifs relating to the economy of salvation. These give Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâs letter a certain specificity. Written as a result of particular circumstances, and seeking to project a certain image of the sovereign and his relationship with the Prophet, which is the basis of his authority and his political and religious legitimacy, Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâs letter is nevertheless part of the devotion to the Prophet that developed strongly from the twelfth century, especially devotion to his figure as a source of succour here and in the next life. It is this figure on whom the faithful (Ê¿ulamÄʾ, scholars, political figures etc.) call in times of adversity, and to whom they address grievances and complaints. How do the contingencies and demands of the times interact with this devotion, and with its unvarying elements: expressions of profound love and veneration for the Prophet and his merciful figure that here take the form of letters addressed to him? Such letters demonstrate the permanence of the Prophetic presence, constantly actualised by the practice of the tawassul and the istighÄtha. We will examine these questions here.
We propose first to outline the contours and structure of a literary genre that was already at least three centuries old in our authorâs day, and examine some of the models from which he drew inspiration. Then we will evoke the man known as DhÅ« al-wizÄratayn, (the one who unites the two functions of Vizier, that of the army and that of the pen) whose biography is very well-known, focusing on his relationship with the commissioner of the letter, the Naá¹£rid Sultan, and on the context in which this occurred. In a third section we will analyse the letter itself, considering it in its entirety, as a literary production, examining particularly its representation of the Prophet and his figures, his role in this world and in the economy of salvation, as well as the marks of his active and living presence in the community. We will take a special interest in the Prophetic heritage claimed for the Naá¹£rid, notably in the context of jihÄd. We will also study the personal, intimate and affective relationship between the sender and the Prophet, and the devotional aspect of the text, referring to the ritual of the ziyÄra.
1 A Genre and Its History
This particular epistolary genre was not new in the eighth/fourteenth century. It had blossomed in the fifth/eleventh century, in the specific conditions that obtained in al-Andalus after the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate of Cordoba and the fragmentation of power during the era of the Taifa kingdoms (399â483/1008â1090), with their constant wars that were followed by Christian offensives against Islamic possessions in the Iberian Peninsula. The genre developed continuously through the subsequent centuries, alongside an upsurge of practices expressing devotion to the Prophet, spurred by the increasing difficulty of travelling to the Holy Places in Mecca and Medina: in the specific circumstances of the Muslim west, giving priority to jihÄd, numerous Maghribi jurists had reached decisions (fatwÄ-s) that had effectively forbidden the performing of the ḥajj (pilgrimage) for people from this region;23 undertaking the pilgrimage was ruled to bring no reward to those who persisted, in spite of everything, in accomplishing it; they were enjoined to put off their travels.24 In spite of the encouragement, under the Marinids, to begin making the pilgrimage again,25 it remained difficult to fulfil this canonical obligation: the routes were perilous by land and sea; by sea it was often necessary to embark on Christian ships. The principal deterrent, though, was the need to practise jihÄd.26 In his letter to the SharÄ«f of Mecca, Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b emphasises: âjihÄd and pilgrimage are two brothers [â¦], of almost equal worth and bringing almost equal reward (wa-yakÄd an yatakÄfaâÄn fÄ« al-muḥÄsaba)â.27
In al-Andalus from the fifth/eleventh century, a risÄla was any writing addressed by a secretary (kÄtib) to another person. This âwritingâ could even be a poem,28 leading some to assert that the genre is closer to poetic writing than to prose.29 Thus it is not surprising that letters to the Prophet, such as the one written by Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, often begin with a poem. By the eighth/fourteenth century the genre was already well-respected and al-MaqqarÄ«, in his AzhÄr al-riyÄḠfÄ« akhbÄr Ê¿IyÄá¸, mentions numerous Ê¿ulamÄʾ, poets, and scholars from the Maghrib and al-Andalus whose letters became famous. One of the earliest such letters was written by the faqÄ«h and secretary (al-kÄtib) Muḥammad b. Ê¿Abd AllÄh b. al-Jadd (d. 415/1024), who writes as a pilgrim who has just left the sanctuary in Mecca and the Prophetâs tomb in Medina, and is expressing his love for the Prophet (wa qalbÄ« bi-ḥubbi-ka maÊ¿mÅ«r wa-maʾhÅ«l), allowing free reign to his regret at having left the holy tomb behind, and describing his deep longing for it now that he is far away (laḥiqanÄ« min al-asaf li-buÊ¿di mazÄri-ka). The author invokes the Prophet directly (fa-lÄ tansÄ lÄ« yÄ rasÅ«l AllÄh), both as refuge and recourse, and by describing his haste to visit the tomb, that he might be granted the Prophetâs shafÄÊ¿a on Judgement Day. Al-Jadd invokes God, asking Him to facilitate a return to the Holy Places, and a new visit to the Prophetâs tomb, again so that he might be blessed with the Prophetâs intercession on Judgement Day.30 Among the best-known authors of letters to the Prophet is AbÅ« Ê¿Abd AllÄh Muḥammad b. MasÊ¿Å«d b. AbÄ« al-Khiá¹£Äl (d. 540/1146), a faqÄ«h, traditionist, historian, poet and Andalusian Vizier, known as âDhÅ« al-wizÄrataynâ.31 Al-MaqqarÄ«âs AzhÄr al-riyÄḠpreserved the text of the letter al-Khiá¹£Äl wrote (on his own behalf) to the Prophet,32 as well as the text of a letter he wrote for a certain Ê¿Abd AllÄh b. Ê¿Abd al-Ḥaqq al-á¹¢ayrafÄ«, of Cordoba, who suffered from paralysis â as soon as this letter arrived in Medina, al-á¹¢ayrafÄ« was immediately healed.33 QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠ(d. 544/1149) himself addressed a letter to the Prophetâs tomb, which is also reproduced by al-MaqqarÄ« in his AzhÄr.34 Ibn al-SÄ«d al-Baá¹alyÅ«sÄ« (d. 521/1127) (sometimes transcribed as al-Baá¹alyawsÄ«), a faqÄ«h, traditionist, philosopher, poet and grammarian,35 also sent a letter to the Prophetâs tomb. Another Andalusian who excelled in the genre was AbÅ« al-Ḥasan Ê¿AlÄ« b. al-GhammÄd (d. 530/1135); so did AbÅ« Zayd Ê¿Abd al-RaḥmÄn al-FazÄzÄ« (d. 627/1229â1230). A letter to the Prophet is also attributed to AbÅ« Ê¿Abd AllÄh Muḥammad b. al-JannÄn al-AndalusÄ« al-Aná¹£ÄrÄ« (d. in BijÄya between 646/1248 and 648/1250); he was a traditionist, jurist, and writer of prose and poetry. He was born in Murcia and in 641/1243 sought refuge in Sabta after the seizure of his home city by Alphonse of Castile. Eventually he settled in the IfrÄ«qiyan port city of BijÄya, where he remained until his death. He was known to be shÄÊ¿ir al-madīḥ al-nabawÄ« (a panegyrist of the Prophet).36 The existence of these scholars and writers, who wrote letters to the Prophet not just for themselves but also for others, confirms the idea of a veritable genre, in which ordinary people, as well as the élite and sovereigns, took part.
These letters share an easily recognisable structure whose elements can be found in the letter by Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b. Authors begin with the basmala and the taá¹£liya or âprayer on the Prophetâ; this is followed by a list of the qualities, attributes, names and noble characters that God has given him, concentrating especially on his eschatological figure and the universal dimension of his mission, and on his miracles and other specific graces. Then the object of the letter is detailed, along with a presentation of its author and of his firm respect for the sunna and attachment to the Prophetâs message, his love and yearning for the Prophet and his profound sorrow and regret that he has been unable to visit his tomb. Some authors, such as QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, confess their sins of omission and commission, and their disobedience, at this stage. When the Prophetâs tomb is mentioned, the memory of the Holy Places of the ḤijÄz and their sacred Prophetic history is invoked (the descent of the revelation, the Night of Power, etc.). There follows a series of invocations to God, in order to facilitate the ziyÄra and obtain for the author the sweetness of proximity, with protection and forgiveness of sins, and guidance on the path of the Prophet. Then the writer addresses the Prophet directly, requesting his intercession on the Day of Judgement by virtue of his âpraised estateâ (al-maqÄm al-maḥmÅ«d), because of which his succour is sought; the author then calls on his letter to stand in for him, so that by the Prophetâs mediation God might convey upon him the benefits of having visited the tombs of the Prophet and his two companions (buried at his side), the first Caliphs AbÅ« Bakr al-á¹¢iddÄ«q (r. 11â13/632â4) and Ê¿Umar b. al-Khaá¹á¹Äb (r. 13â23/634â644); he will also receive the benefits of having visited all the places that are closely linked with the holy history of Muḥammad, the people of his house, his wives, his aṣḥÄb, (in some letters, such the one written by Ibn AbÄ« l-Khiá¹£Äl, these Companions are mentioned specifically). Finally, the letter ends with an invocation asking God to offer a profusion of salutations and blessings to the Prophet.
2 The Man and the Letter in Their Time
2.1 Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b
Regarding Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b37 I repeat what E. Chaumont wrote about Ibn KhaldÅ«n: âhe is a personality who no longer requires any introductionâ.38 In fact, the two men were friends and have a great deal in common. Here I will discuss only the part of Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâs life that concerns us, while he was in the service of the Naá¹£rid YÅ«suf I, in whose name he addressed this letter to the Prophet. Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b entered the service of the seventh monarch of the Naá¹£rid state of Granada, Sultan AbÅ« al-ḤajjÄj YÅ«suf b. IsmÄÊ¿Ä«l, as a secretary after the death of his father at the battle of Rio Salado (ṬarÄ«fa) in 741/1340. He and the Sultan were almost the same age (wa sinnÄ« yawmaâidhin qarÄ«bun mi sinnihi);39 they were close, and he was a favourite with the young monarch, but he was under the administrative and technical direction of the Vizier AbÅ« al-Ḥasan Ê¿AlÄ« b. al-JayyÄb. When the latter died of plague in 749/1349, Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b was elevated to the function of kÄtib al-inshÄʾ, chief of the royal chancellery,40 with the title of Vizier. He retained these functions under the reign of al-GhanÄ« billÄh, YÅ«sufâs son, who acceded to the throne after his fatherâs assassination in 755/1354; it was at this time that the elevation of his rank and category led him to take the title of DhÅ« al-wizÄratayn. The letter whose contents we analyse and attempt to understand is not some trivial text: it comes from a man of whom it has been said that he offered âalmost unique witness to history and culture at the end of the seventh/thirteenth century and through most of the eighth/fourteenthâ;41 this was a culture in which the presence of the Prophet and the signs of veneration of his person occupied an important place: did not Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b himself compose numerous panegyrics to the Prophet and many mawlidiyyÄt to be recited (especially at the court of AbÅ« l-ḤajjÄj YÅ«suf42) during celebrations of the Prophetâs birth? Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b was a man who belonged to the intellectual, literary and political élites, all deeply impregnated with Sufism. These different circles to which the author belonged interact in the contents of the letter, beyond the formal and stylised elements common to many missives of this type.
2.2 The Context
As we have mentioned, the letter composed by Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b for the Naá¹£rid AbÅ« l-ḤajjÄj YÅ«suf bears no date. It could have been written at any time between 749/1349, the year in which the writer replaced his master Ibn al-JayyÄb as Vizier and kÄtib al-inshÄʾ, and 755/1354, the year in which AbÅ« l-ḤajjÄj was assassinated; it may even have been composed during Ibn al-JayyÄbâs lifetime, when our author had already assumed the function of kÄtib for the young monarch, since it was as bearer of this title that, in 748/1347, he accompanied the Naá¹£rid sultan on a tour of the eastern limits of his kingdom.43 In any case, the context is redolent of the last battles of the Naá¹£rid against his Christian neighbours, whose echoes are present in the letter to the Prophet. In the entry devoted to YÅ«suf I in his AÊ¿mÄl al-AÊ¿lÄm, Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b informs us that YÅ«suf I led the battle of ṬarÄ«fa (Rio Salado) in 741/1340 alongside the MarÄ«nÄ«d AbÅ« al-Ḥasan (whose son had just died in one of the skirmishes), facing the armies of Alphonse XI of Castile and his brother-in-law Alphonse IV of Portugal; the battle ended in defeat for the two Muslim armies.44 Subsequently, AbÅ« al-Ḥasan retreated to his home in Morocco, while YÅ«suf returned to Granada. On both sides the retreat had profound repercussions: the Muslims had not faced such a defeat since al-Ê¿UqÄb (Las navas de Tolosa, in 609/1212);45 the Christians, on the other hand, were reminded of that very victory, which marked the beginning of their ascendency over the Muslims and the gradual loss of Muslim territories in al-Andalus. The reign of YÅ«suf I would be marked by additional defeats, as Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b testifies: QalÊ¿at Yaḥṣub, also called QalÊ¿at BanÄ« SaÊ¿Ä«d, north-east of Granada (todayâs Alcala la Real), and al-JazÄ«ra al-Khaá¸rÄâ (Algesiras);46 this last defeat came after a lengthy siege in 742/1341; in taking the city, Alphonse XI benefited from reinforcements from across Europe, including England. Because of its strategically important location at the southern-most tip of al-Andalus, Al-JazÄ«ra al-Khaá¸rÄâ had been the link between the province and the rest of the Muslim west; in fact, Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b calls it âthe gate of al-Andalusâ (bÄb al-Andalus).47 Its loss contributed to the isolation of the last Muslim possessions in Iberia, and cut off the route for assistance arriving from the Maghrib by sea, though in 744/1344, YÅ«suf I did obtain a ten-year truce from Alphonse of Castile after the fall of al-JazÄ«ra al-Khaá¸rÄâ. Nevertheless, danger continued to menace the Naá¹£rid state and its possessions. The Khaá¹rat al-á¹ayf (748/1347) speaks of the permanence of conflict and the anxiety created among the populations of the borders (especially the inhabitants of Vera)48 by frequent Castilian incursions. After the victories mentioned above, the king of Castile breached the treaty, and even menaced Jabal al-Fatḥ (the Strait of Gibraltar); the entire province of al-Andalus, according to Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, very nearly fell into the kingâs hands.49 Alphonse succumbed to the Black Death in 1350; his son and successor, Peter I, agreed a treaty with YÅ«suf, whose relationship with the Marinids was decaying.50
3 Analysis of the Letter
A 33-verse poem precedes the prose section of the letter. These verses express the longing of the author for the places of pilgrimage from which he is so distant: the Holy Places of the ḤijÄz and the sanctuary of Mecca, especially the well of Zamzam and al-Ḥaá¹Ä«m, also called Ḥijr IsmÄÊ¿Ä«l,51 with which he literally feels at one (fa-zamzamuhu damÊ¿Ä« wa-jismÄ« ḥaá¹Ä«muhu: âits Zamzam is my tears, and my body its Ḥaá¹Ä«mâ). He speaks of his ardent desire to visit the Prophet, to whom he addresses his supplications. Other themes include the Prophetâs light, his ontological primordiality, and his role in cosmogenesis, as well as the pre-eminence of the Prophet above other envoys, and the excellence of his character. Then the poem addresses the Prophetic heritage of al-ḤajjÄj (wa lÄ« yÄ rasÅ«l AllÄh fÄ«ka wirÄthatun), and his genealogy (nisba), which goes back to the Aná¹£Är of the Khazraj.52 This heritage is also recalled in the prose section of the letter. After this, Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b denounces the factors that keep the Naá¹£rid sultan away from the Prophetâs tomb, in particular the war waged by the Kingdom of Castile, against whom the Sultan is leading jihÄd in the face of a much more powerful enemy (ummatan hiya l-baḥru yuÊ¿yÄ« amrahÄ man yarÅ«muhu), thus following in the Prophetâs footsteps (fÄ« sabÄ«lika). This theme will also be developed and amplified in the prose section of the letter; had it not been for the protection afforded by the Prophet, qualified as ârefuge for mankindâ (maljaʾ al-warÄ), the reserved territories would have been frightened, and the protected dependencies violated (la-rÄ«Ê¿a ḥimÄhu wa-stubīḥa ḥarÄ«muhu53). After this the author begs the Prophet not to snap the cord that binds them together, and returns to the themes of his longing and his distance from the Prophetâs tomb. Adding a mention of all the complaints and anxieties with which his missive has been entrusted (wakkaltu bihÄ hammÄ«), he pleads with its addressee not to forget him and, finally, ends his poem with the prayer on the Prophet.
Addressed directly to the Prophet: âTo Godâs (al-Ḥaqq) envoy, to the totality of all creatures (al-khalq), to the cloud of mercy (ghamÄm al-raḥma)â, the prose section of the letter will develop and amplify the ideas of the poem, many themes of which also occur in other letters of the same type that share a structure with Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâs epistle, such as the QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs risÄla of a few centuries before, or that of Ibn AbÄ« l-Khiá¹£Äl, in both of which the first paragraph is devoted to their addressee (ilÄ rasÅ«l al-Ḥaqq, etc.) and to an evocation of his sublime traits and the signs of his elect status. After this long paragraph addressed to the letterâs recipient, the Prophet Muḥammad, the sender presents himself. Here again the structure is the same as in older letters, and even the phrases used resemble each other strongly; this section of Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâs letter particularly resembles that of Ibn AbÄ« l-Khiá¹£Äl.54 After this the author gives the reasons for having composed the letter, detailing his yearning, compunction and sorrow at not being able to perform the ziyÄra at the Prophetâs holy tomb (turbatika55 al-muqaddasat al-laḥd). Once again, Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b is clearly inspired by his predecessor Ibn AbÄ« l-Khiá¹£Äl,56 notably in his mention of al-mashÄhid wa al-maÊ¿Ähid, places that were once familiar to the Prophet, sanctified by his presence and visited by pilgrims: he praises Mecca and Medina, laden with the Prophetâs sacred history, where revelation came down upon him. The author then describes the reasons that prevent him from undertaking a pilgrimage to the Holy Places: the enemy already mentioned in the preceding poem. Here the letter takes on an epic flavour. After this, the author writes of the ziyÄra ritual itself, tasking the letter with accomplishing it in his place; then he addresses God through the mediation of the Prophet, exalting his election by God and his dignity. This once again resembles the genres of khaá¹£Äʾiá¹£ (the Prophetâs particular traits) and shamÄʾil (the physical and moral characteristics of the Prophet). The author, writing in the name of AbÅ« l-ḤajjÄj, then details the latterâs genealogy, going back as far as SaÊ¿d b. Ê¿UbÄda, the oldest member of the Prophetâs Aná¹£Är, begging the Prophet to take account of this noble descent so that even if AbÅ« l-ḤajjÄj had no praiseworthy actions to his credit, [the purity of] his intentions would count in his favour. In the course of this plea the recent and current political and military situations dominate. The letter ends with the taá¹£liya, prayer of blessings on the Prophet, on his allies (aḥzÄbika), on those close to him (Älika),57 and on the two companions buried near him, as well as on his cousin and son-in-law Ê¿AlÄ«.58
4 The Representation of, and Relationship with, the Prophet
Here we will attempt to tease out a number of themes that are developed in the letter, notably the representation of the Prophet Muḥammad, his presence, and the relationship with him.
4.1 The Supra-Terrestrial and Sacred Person of the Prophet
The universal nature of Muḥammadâs message (with reference to Q 34:28) is underlined right from the first lines of the letter: âhe is Godâs envoy to all creaturesâ (rasÅ«l al-Ḥaqq ilÄ kÄffat al-khalq), as is his apostolateâs function of mercy (wa ghamÄm al-raḥma); he is the seal of prophets, and the author exalts his ontological primacy (âHe was a prophet when Adam was between water and mudâ (man wajabat lahu al-nubÅ«wa wa Ädam bayna al-á¹Ä«n wa-al-mÄʾ),59 his status as intercessor for âsinners laden with faultsâ (shafÄ«Ê¿ arbÄb al-dhunÅ«b), and his function as mediator between mankind and God the Omniscient (al-wasÄ«la ilÄ Ê¿AllÄm al-ghuyÅ«b).60 As in the traditions of shamÄʾil and khaá¹£Äʾiá¹£ al-nubÅ«wa, the author lists the attributes and functions of the Prophet, concentrating on the economy of salvation; he also enumerates the signs of his elect status and of his perfection. He evokes Muḥammadâs role in cosmogenesis, his nocturnal voyage and celestial ascension, and his primordial light that is the origin of all light (man al-anwÄru min Ê¿uná¹£uri nÅ«rihi mustamadda). Following the MawlidiyyyÄt tradition this time, Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b writes of the luminous and miraculous signs that accompanied the Prophetâs birth: âAt his birth the fortresses and palaces of Syria were illuminatedâ (wa aá¸Äʾat li-mÄ«lÄdihi maá¹£ÄniÊ¿u al-ShÄm wa quṣūruhu); he also recounts the Prophetâs miracles (dhÅ« al-muÊ¿jizÄt).61
Lord, You have made of him the first of prophets in spirit and the last in body; You have granted him the banner of praise; Adam and all his descendance walk in his unfolding shadow; You granted to his community the earth that You folded for him [so that he saw its easts and its wests].62
This representation of the Prophet is very close to that seen in the letter attributed to QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, and it indicates the existence of a âprophetic cultureâ that was fairly widespread in scholarly and Sufi circles in the Maghrib, as in other regions of the Muslim world.
4.2 The Shadow That Covers All of His Community
The prophet is the shadow that covers all of his community (al-áºill al-khaffÄq Ê¿alÄ ummatihi).63 This protective aspect of the Prophet is praised particularly strongly in these times of disturbances and war, circumstances that are evident throughout Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâs letter. Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b underlines the superior forces of the enemies of the little Naá¹£rid state; it is under siege from all sides, its strength cannot be compared in extent or numbers to the massed contingents of its adversaries (Ê¿adÅ«w tatakÄthafu afwÄjuhu): the dust from their horsesâ hooves masks the sunâs light at its zenith (wa yaḥjubu al-shamsa Ê¿inda al-áºahÄ«rati Ê¿ajÄjuhu). Despite the modesty of their means,64 the Muslim combatants display magnanimity in the face of troops that the author compares to the armies of Caesar and KisrÄ: âThey exchange blow for blow with troops as numerous as those of Caesar or of Khosrowâ (wa yuqÄriÊ¿Å«na wa hum al-fiʾatu al-qalÄ«la65 jumÅ«Ê¿an ka-jumÅ«Ê¿ Qayá¹£ar wa KisrÄ). Thanks to the Prophetʾs support, these believers (al-muʾminÅ«n) arm themselves with patience; their complete surrender to God and the Prophet, from whose approbation they draw their strength, is their armour (labÅ«suhum); they have exchanged this earthly existence for the final life.66 This quasi-epic invocation of battles between Muslim armies and their enemies67 awakens echoes of the battle of Badr,68 with the actions of the Prophet and his Companions in the face of the Qurayshis, and also of the wars that later pitted the young Muslim state against the Byzantine and Sassanid Empires. Through references to events that are foundational for the entire community, collective memory is mobilised in the present, not only by invoking the symbolic power of those events, but also by the quest for a mimesis of those excellent men whose vigorous faith and abandonment to God brought them victory.
Indeed, is it not surprising that among the grievances addressed to the Prophet, the ongoing political and military situation in al-Andalus constitutes a sort of recurring leitmotif, emphasising and exalting his protective functions:
Do not forget me, nor the inhabitants of this isle that was conquered by the sword of your word (al-muftataḥa bi-sayfi kalimatika),69 by the best men of your community; we are but a trust beneath one of your locks; may the face of your Lord preserve us from neglecting [your rights]; we breathe the perfume carried on the breeze of your protection and await your agreement, through which we will repel a despotic and oppressive enemy who, through his harassment, has attained his aim; the constant trials to which we are exposed have wearied our historians; and the sea has silenced all our cries for help (wa l-baḥr qad aá¹£mata man istaá¹£rakha) [â¦] The enemy is resolute and the ally70 is deficient (al-Ê¿aduww muḥalliq wa l-walÄ« muqaṣṣir);71 in the name of the consideration you possess [from God], we reject [a yoke] that overwhelms our forces, and thanks to your care we tend those whose religion has weakened, that they might recover [their belief]; do not abandon us, do not neglect us; invoke your Lord for us: âOur Lord! Impose not on us that which we have not the strength to bearâ (Q 2:286). Your protection suffices to preserve the safety of groups that belong to your community; has not your Lord said: âBut Allah would not punish them while thou wast with themâ (Q 8:33)?72
After having initially spoken of the great feats of arms accomplished by Muslim forces under the Naá¹£rid banner (since jihÄd remains one of the fundamental duties of a sovereign, and the seal of his legitimacy), the admission of impotence in the final plea, and the Sultanâs confession that he is not up to accomplishing this duty in the defence of Islam, read more like a common and current motif in prayers on the Prophet, not necessarily to be taken literally. In any case, such avowals would reinforce the image of a pious, magnanimous, and valiant ruler, who humbly recognises his own limitations, even his failures, and who faces overwhelming forces: an external enemy and the wavering faith of his own people. All of these elements would be likely to inspire sympathy and help from Islam â such help as was cruelly lacking for the Naá¹£rid.
With regard to the theme of the presence of the Prophet, the verse Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b chooses to quote is significant: the bonds between the Prophet and his community have not been broken by the formerâs death and disappearance from the stage of history; he lives on in and through his community, and his bodily and/or his spiritual heirs, in particular, perpetuate the Prophetic charisma.73 According to one exegesis of the verse cited (Q 8:33), and the one that follows it, âwa mÄ kÄna muÊ¿adhdhibahum wa hum yastaghfirÅ«nâ (Nor will He punish them while they seek forgiveness),74 the Prophet said, on the subject of these verses and the two conditions that preserve Muslims75 from Godâs punishment, âAllah sent down two guarantees of safety for the benefit of my Umma (anzala AllÄh Ê¿alayya amÄnayn li-ummatÄ«). So when I pass, I leave seeking forgiveness among them until the Day of Resurrection.â76 From this point we can address the genuinely eschatological dimension of this letter.
4.3 Tawassul in This World and Intercession in the Hereafter
Tawassul (the invocation of God through the mediation of the Prophet) is very present in this letter, confirming what we have observed in other written production: the istighÄtha (call for succour) addressed to the Prophet is required as much for âworldlyâ issues as for eschatological reasons. The Prophetâs mediation may be sought in order to confront community enemies whose power is crushingly superior, to whip up tired and sore souls and wake them from their lethargy, or to âheal sick heartsâ (isnât he called âthe doctor of heartsâ, á¹abÄ«b adwÄʾ al-qulÅ«b?); however, he can also be asked to intercede for the Day of Counting, of which this letter shows great awareness, evoking certain episodes from the Last Judgement as well as the eschatological figure of the Prophet; the letter contains no fewer than eight occurrences of eschatological themes.
Initially these motifs appear with regard to the collective: the Prophet is called shafÄ«Ê¿ arbÄb al-dhunÅ«b (the intercessor for human beings weighed down with sins); he carries the unfolded banner on the Day of Resurrection (á¹£Äḥib al-liwÄʾ al-manshÅ«r yawm al-nushÅ«r); he is the answered intercessor â literally the one whose intercession is received â on the Day of Facing God (al-shafÄ«Ê¿ al-mushaffaÊ¿ yawma l-Ê¿Ará¸);77 his is the most certain assistance on the Day of Great Fear (al-mafzaÊ¿ al-amnaÊ¿ yawm al-fazaÊ¿ al-akbar). All of these episodes (the resurrection, the great gathering al-ḥashr, the presentation in ranks before God, yawm al-Ê¿Ará¸) are part of the âeventsâ of the Last Judgement, affecting the collective fate of all the dead.78 Another element is the calling and appearance of individuals before God, to be questioned (al-musÄʾala or al-suʾÄl) and have their actions weighed in the balance (al-mÄ«zÄn) according to the books or registers (al-dawÄwÄ«n) in which the sins and merits of each are noted;79 all of these episodes relate to the fate of the individual. However, according to a Prophetic tradition, from the moment of the opening of each one book (and according to whether the human being receives his book into his right or his left hand, Q 17:71), and when he is crossing the bridge (al-á¹£irÄá¹), each human being is entirely alone. At this stage, the Prophet cannot help even his own People.80 Nevertheless, the letter solicits the intercession of the Prophet for the Naá¹£rid: âMy God, accord me the assistance of his intercession on the day I take up my book (TadÄraknÄ« bi-shafÄÊ¿atihi yawma akhdhi kitÄbÄ«)â,81 referring to Q 17:13â14 (âand We shall bring forth for him on the Day of Resurrection a book which he will find wide open. Read thy Book. Thy soul sufficeth as reckoner against thee this dayâ). His prestigious descent from the Aná¹£Är via his ancestor SaÊ¿d b. Ê¿UbÄda, mentioned a few lines further down, is what gives the Naá¹£rÄ«d sultan this right and this privilege with the Prophet: âBy my genealogy, which goes back to the eldest of your Auxiliaries, SaÊ¿d [b. Ê¿UbÄda], I benefit from recourse to privileged and manifest favour from you (fa-lÄ« bi-ntisÄbÄ« ilÄ SaÊ¿d, Ê¿amÄ«di aná¹£Ärika, maziyya wa wasÄ«la athÄ«ra khafÄ«ya)â.82 Even the terms used to present the Naá¹£rid bear witness to this genuinely eschatological dimension: Ê¿atÄ«q shafÄÊ¿atihi, the one who is freed [from fire] through the Prophetâs intercession â this refers to a tradition from the á¹¢iḥÄḥ (canonical collections),83 according to which at the Last Judgement all the prophets from Adam onwards will recuse themselves from intercession, and it will revert to Muḥammad. By virtue of this tradition, the Prophet obtains from God the ability to deliver sinners âin whose hearts there is faith even to the lightest, lightest mustard seedâ from the fires of Gehenna.
4.4 Prophetic Heritage and Its Mobilisation
Without going into too much detail about Naá¹£rid genealogy, let us just remain aware that genealogists and chroniclers, including Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b,84 ascribe to them a descent from Qays b. SaÊ¿d b. Ê¿UbÄda al-Aná¹£ÄrÄ« al-KhazrajÄ« al-SÄÊ¿idÄ« al-MadanÄ«, the chief of the Khazraj (sayyid al-Aná¹£Är) in Yathrib, to whom al-DhahabÄ« attributes the titles of Sayyid and sharÄ«f.85 The letter underlines this prophetic heritage twice.86 There is an abundant literature on the merits of the Aná¹£Är (faá¸Äʾil al-Aná¹£Är), who are mentioned in the QurʾÄn (for example, Q 8:72, 8:74 and 59:9) and in traditions.87 The QurʾÄn and the ḥadÄ«th that followed both praised the merits of the Aná¹£Är,88 âthe Auxiliaries of Allah and His Envoy (Aná¹£Är AllÄh wa Aná¹£Är rasÅ«lihi):â they are âthose who took in [those who believed and left their homes and strove for the cause of Allah] and helped themâ, and who, along with the Ãmigrés, fought in the path of God, âthese are the believers in truthâ (Q 8:74), an idea that is re-stated in a ḥadÄ«th we have already mentioned;89 a variant of this ḥadÄ«th reported by Anas b. MÄlik has the Prophet saying: âThe very sign of faith (Äyat al-Ä«mÄn) is love for the Aná¹£Är; to detest them is a sign of hypocrisy.â When, in the QurʾÄn, the BanÅ« Naá¸Ä«r depart and the Prophet distributes their lands to the Ãmigrés, the selfless friendship of the Aná¹£Är for the Ãmigrés is praised: âWho love those who flee unto them for refuge and find in their breasts no need for that which hath been given them, but prefer [them] above themselves though poverty become their lotâ (Q 59:9). After the battle of Ḥunayn, the Auxiliaries who resented their modest booty in comparison to that lavished by the Prophet on Qurayshi chiefs and other tribes (in order to win them over to Islam) are said, according to a tradition recorded in the canonical collections, to have been comforted thus: âIs it not enough for you, Oh Auxiliaries, while these people take away sheep and camels, that you take Godâs Envoy with you to your homes? If every human except the Auxiliaries took one path and the Auxiliaries took another, I would take the Auxiliariesâ path. May God have mercy on the Auxiliaries, on their sons and the sons of their sons!â90 According to another, clearly eschatological, ḥadÄ«th, which is considered authentic, the Prophet addressed the Aná¹£Är as follows: âArm yourselves with patience in order to meet me again at the Basin (al-ḥawá¸).â91
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâs reference to his monarchâs Prophetic heritage would be inherently supportive of the claims of the Naá¹£rids, especially YÅ«suf, to the title of Caliph, and affirm the latterâs religious and political authority;92 the text of the inscription on the funeral stele of Sultan YÅ«suf, which was also written by Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, assigns to his grandfather, AbÅ« SaÊ¿d Faraj b. IsmÄÊ¿Ä«l ibn Naá¹£r, the attribute of KabÄ«r al-khilÄfa al-Naá¹£riyya (the Senior of the Naá¹£rid Caliphate).93 The claim to the title of Caliph assumes full significance when seen from an eschatological perspective and in the context of a war with Christian kingdoms and jihÄd at the frontiers of the DÄr al-Islam, which it is a sovereignâs duty to pursue. By virtue of the above-cited traditions, such noble descent provides the assurance of salvation; on the Sultanâs funerary stele Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b also invokes God, that He might âwelcome him to Paradise by the side of his ancestor SaÊ¿d b. Ê¿UbÄda [â¦] and resuscitate him with his forefathers, the Aná¹£Är, thanks to whom He brought about the triumph of the faith and saved them from the Fireâ.94
4.5 The Living Presence of the Prophet and the Intimate Love Shared with Him
This letter also merits attention to its quasi-private dimension, to which the epistolary genre lends itself. Here our author gives free reign to an outpouring [of love] and describes an intimate relationship with the Prophet Muḥammad, one that has echoes of Muḥammadâs relationship with his Companions.95 This participation in the Prophetâs life, and this desire for communion with the Prophet, also appears in the evocation of the most intimate part of the spiritual and divine experience of the Envoy himself, his conversations with the Archangel Gabriel. Before stating the nominal identity of the letterâs sender (Sultan AbÅ« l-ḤajjÄj YÅ«suf), Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b expresses a series of attitudes, credos, ways of being, and above all facts and gestures, drawn from daily life, that are signs not only of the living presence of the Prophet, but also of this quasi-intimate relationship with him, a relationship in which love plays a big part:
On behalf of the one [Sultan YÅ«suf] who is freed [from the fire] thanks to his [the Prophetâs] intercession (Ê¿atÄ«q shafÄÊ¿atihi), slave of obedience [to the Prophetâs prescriptions] (Ê¿abd á¹ÄÊ¿atihi), firmly attached to him; from the one who believes in God and then in him, find in his invocation a remedy for his suffering (al-mustashfÄ« bi-dhikrihi kullamÄ taâallama), bring down the divine blessings on him each time he speaks, and, if he [the Prophet] is mentioned in front of him [Sultan YÅ«suf], he pictures his appearance, among his Companions and the People of his House. If a scented breeze blows, he [Sultan YÅ«suf] thinks it the scent of his [the Prophetâs] friendship, and if he hears the call to prayer he remembers the voice of his muezzin [BilÄl], and if the QurʾÄn is recited [he] pictures JibrÄ«l seeking him [the Prophet] in the places he was wont to go, or that were familiar to him (bayna maÊ¿Ähidihi wa khilÄlihi); he [YÅ«suf] embraces the earth [that shelters the Prophetâs remains] (lÄthim turbihi)96 and hopes for his proximity (muʾammil qurbihi); he is a hostage to obedience [to the Prophetʾs injunctions] and to his love [for the Prophet] (rahÄ«n á¹ÄÊ¿atihi wa ḥubbihi), and invokes divine consent by his mediation (al-mutawassil bihi ilÄ riá¸Ä llÄh Rabbihi), YÅ«suf b. IsmÄÊ¿Ä«l b. Naá¹£r.97
Love for the Prophet is very present in this letter, on the individual and the collective level. Love for his person âreplaces breath for soulsâ (wa jarÄ fÄ« l-nufÅ«s majrÄ l-anfÄs ḥubbuhu),98 and is also consubstantial with Muḥammadâs community; this love itself is also inscribed in a soteriological finality, as expressed in the terms of this invocation addressed to God in the Naá¹£rÄ«dâs name:
You brought me forth in his umma whose substance and primary nature are love [of the Prophet] (al-majbÅ«la Ê¿alÄ á¸¥ubbihi l-mafá¹Å«ra); You increased my desire to visit the places that are sanctified by his presence and You gave my tongue the task of praying on him (wa wakkalta lisÄnÄ« bi-l-á¹£alÄt Ê¿alayhi), and my heart a yearning for his ziyÄra [â¦]. Do not break the cord that attaches me to him, do not deprive me of the rewards of his love, and grant me his intercession on the Day I receive my book.99
In a similar way, the familial metaphors very often used about the Prophet surface here, too, notably his representation as a father whose compassion and mercy would âmelt the souls of the fathers in commiserationâ (law kÄna li-l-ÄbÄʾi raḥmatu qalbihi, dhÄbat nufÅ«suhum ishfÄqan).100
4.6 Before the Tomb of the Prophet: Letter and ZiyÄra
âI have mandated it to fly to you on the wings of my ardent desireâ (istanabtu ruqÊ¿atÄ« hÄdhihi li-taá¹Ä«ra ilayka min shawqÄ« bi-janÄḥin khÄfiqin), writes Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b in the name of his king. He has this missive make all the gestures of humility and devotion he would himself have made on a ziyÄra, gestures laden with a powerful emotional burden and with a quest for a âphysicalâ contact; they express both veneration and love: ârubbing oneâs cheek againstâ (wa tuÊ¿affiru al-khadda fÄ« turbika wa tumarrigh) the earth sheltering the Prophetâs remains.101 He tasks the letter with transmitting his grievances (fa-tuʾaddÄ« Ê¿an Ê¿abdika wa tuballigh),102 reciting a series of invocations addressed directly to the Prophet, in his roles as âsuccour for his communityâ (ghiyÄth al-umma) and âcloud of mercyâ (wa ghamÄm al-raḥma), that the Prophet might pity the writerâs ghurba (exile) and inqiá¹ÄÊ¿ (isolation);103 if the first word (ghurba) seems once more to refer to the origins of the Naá¹£rid, that go back to the Aná¹£Ärs of Medina, the second (inqiá¹ÄÊ¿), following and emphasising the word ghurba, signifies the rupture of the senderâs ties with his people, and his isolation.104 He also asks the Prophet to approve this delegation or âmandatingâ of the letter (qÄbil bi-l-qabÅ«l niyÄbatÄ«).
5 Conclusion
Love and profound veneration for the Prophet are largely considered to be unvarying; however, letters addressed to him may rightly be seen as an expression of the specifically Muḥammadian devotion that developed from the sixth/twelfth century, and became widespread during the seventh/thirteenth century; the profoundly uncertain circumstances in the Sultanate of Granada in the eighth/fourteenth century served to emphasise the Prophetic figure of succour, protection, and intercession in difficult times. When Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b was writing, such letters addressed to the Prophet from this part of the Muslim world were, through their common themes and even in the organisation of their discourse, already a veritable genre, one from which our author drew much inspiration and that, specifics aside, remained very consistent.
Yet if we put the letter composed in the name of the Naá¹£rid YÅ«suf I back into the context of other missives addressed to the Prophet, just such specifics do appear. Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâs epistle was written at a difficult time, in the name of a sovereign who was at war with Christian kingdoms, and while the Muslim side seemed demoralised, weakened by divisions and contradictions. This mood is perceptible in the text of Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâs letter, which contains themes that are absent in its predecessors; here jihÄd is simultaneously: an obstacle to the accomplishment of ziyÄra at the Prophetâs tomb; a destiny that is inscribed in a Prophetic history of which the Sultan is at once the depositary and the heir; a title to glory in the service of Islam and its Prophet â reinforcing the legitimacy of its possessor when he exercises this right â and, finally, an object of istighÄtha (a request for succour) addressed to the Prophet. Whatâs more, a certain image of the monarch is fashioned here: he is pious, humble and magnanimous; jealous of his territorial sovereignty and of the integrity of the DÄr al-IslÄm; a worthy continuer of the acts of his pious predecessors, and a king whose love and respect for the Prophet are at the centre of his piety, his daily life, and his hopes. The Prophetic heritage claimed by the author for the Naá¹£rid, especially in a context of jihÄd, reveals the importance that is henceforth accorded to a spiritual or physical link with the Prophet: this will act as a guarantee at once of baraka, of salvation, of legitimacy, and of participation in a sacred history, that of the Prophet and his Companions. This being said, and despite the fact that this letter was composed on behalf of a monarch, the individual and personal dimension that is very present in letters such as those of QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠor Ibn al-JannÄn is no less important here: Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b gives his sensibility and emotions free reign, along with his complaints and his outpourings that are often lyrical and always marked by a tone of great sincerity. One cannot help but think that here, screened by his prince, it is the individual man, Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, who is expressing himself, and thus offering us much insight into his perception of the Prophetâs interior reality and the sacredness of his person, as well as into his own love for the Prophet and faith in his assistance here below, and his intercession in the next world. Couldnât one compare these representations, which our author shares with his predecessors, with the manifestations of devotion to the person of the Prophet and to the figure or figures of the Prophet that were in general circulation in the scholarly and Sufi circles of eighth/fourteenth century Granada? All of this is part of what one can henceforth consider to be a genuine and growing âProphetic cultureâ, nourished by a literature centred on the Prophet that, starting with QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs ShifÄʾ and amplified in all the prophetology that followed, takes its doctrinal form in the writings of Ibn Ê¿ArabÄ«. This Prophetic culture is profoundly cohesive, crossing social and geographical boundaries and informing the spirituality of mystics, scholars and humble pious people alike. Researchers become accustomed to considering the manifestations of piety, empathy and emotion that this veneration brings forth to be particular to a âpopularâ Islam, so-called; in fact, these manifestations are common to the masses and the élites.
The interpretation of such letters in the light of the debate concerning Ibn Taymiyyaâs (d. 728/1328) writings on the ziyÄra, the contested authenticity of the ḥadÄ«th on the visit to the Prophetâs tomb, and the Damascene juristâs opposition to the practice of the istighÄtha,105 demonstrates that in the Maghrib the ziyÄra at the Prophetâs tomb, the writing of letters addressed to the Prophet, and the practice of tawassul and istighÄtha were widespread, among the people as among jurists and MÄliki scholars of the best tradition.
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Ê¿AkkÄm, M. F. âDes fondements de la propriété dans la jurisprudence musulmane. La mainmise sur les biens vacants (al-istÄ«lÄʾ Ê¿alÄ al-mubÄḥ)â, in S. Denoix, ed. Biens communs, patrimoines collectifs et gestion communautaire dans les sociétés musulmanes, REMMM, 79â80 (1996), 25â41.
Amri, N. Les saints en islamâ : Les messagers de lâespérance. Sainteté et eschatologie au Maghreb aux XIVe et XVe siècles, Paris, Cerf, 2008.
Arié, R. âLes relations diplomatiques et culturelles entre Musulmans dâEspagne et Musulmans dâOrient au temps des Naá¹£ridesâ, in Mélanges de la Casa de Velasquez, 1965/1, 87â107.
Arié, R. âAl-Andalus vu par quelques lettrés orientaux du Moyen Ageâ, in R. Arié, Etudes sur la civilisation de lâEspagne musulmane, Leiden, Brill, 1990.
Berque J. Le Coran. Essai de traduction, Paris, Albin Michel, 1995.
Bosch-Vilà , J. âIbn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâ, Encyclopédie de lâislam, III, 859â860.
Chaumont, E. âLâÃgo-histoire dâIbn KhaldÅ«n, historien et soufiâ, Comptes-rendus des séances de lâAcadémie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, 140â3 (1996), 1041â1057.
Dejugnat, Y. âLa mer, miroir de la légitimité du califat naá¹£ride. A propos du Khaá¹rat al-á¹ayf dâIbn al-Khatîb (1347)â, in C. Picard, ed., La mer et le sacré en Islam médiéval, REMMM, 130 (February 2012), 85â101.
DhahbÄ«, N. AbÅ« Muḥammad á¹¢Äliḥ al-MÄjirÄ«, al-shaykh wa l-tajriba, Rabat, 2016.
FalÄḥ al-QaysÄ«, F. Ê¿A.-N. Adab al-RasÄʾil fÄ« al-Andalus fÄ« al-qarn al-khÄmis hijrÄ«, Amman, 1989.
Ferhat, H. âLe culte du Prophète au Maroc au XIIIe siècleâ : organisation du pèlerinage et célébration du Mawlidâ, in La religion civique à lâépoque médiévale et moderne (chrétienté et islam), Actes du colloque de Nanterre, 21â23 juin 1993, Rome, Ecole française de Rome, 1995, 89â97.
Gril, D. âProphétie et charisme en islamâ : naissance et renaissanceâ, in G. Filoramo, ed., Carisma profetico. Fattore di innovazione religiosa, Brescia, Morcelliana, 2003, 27â36.
Gril, D. ââComme sâil y avait des oiseaux sur leur têteâ. Entre vénération et amour, lâattitude des Compagnons envers le Prophèteâ, in N. Amri, R. Chih, D. Gril, eds. Le prophète de lâislamâ : instauration dâun modèle et formes de dévotion, Numéro thématique, Archives de sciences sociales des religions, 178 (JulyâSeptember 2017), 25â40.
Guichard, P. âLa conquête arabe de lâEspagne au miroir des textesâ, Cahiers dâEtudes Hispaniques Médiévales, 28 (2005), 377â389.
Hamidoune, M. A. âLa pratique de la âprière sur le Prophèteâ en islam. Analyse philologique et implications doctrinalesâ, PhD diss., Aix-Marseille Université, 2012.
ḤaqqÄ«, M. âal-Ḥajj fÄ« al-Maghrib wa al-Andalus fÄ« al-Ê¿Aá¹£r al-wasÄ«á¹. al-JidÄl ḥawla istimrÄr farÄ«á¸at al-ḥajj [Pilgrimage in the Maghrib and al-Andalus during the medieval period. The debate around the conditions for discharging the legal obligation to perform the Ḥajj]â, in Ê¿Uṣūr al-jadÄ«da, VII/26 (winter-spring 2016â2017), 84â101 [consulted online].
Kaptein, N. Muḥammadâs Birthday Festival. Early history in the Central Muslim Lands and Development in the Muslim West until the 10th/16th century, Leiden, Brill, 1993.
Lagardère, V. âTerres communes et droits dâusage en al-Andalus (XeâXVe siècles)â, in S. Denoix, ed. Biens communs, patrimoines collectifs et gestion communautaire dans les sociétés musulmanes, REMMM, 79â80 (1996) 43â54.
Latham, J. D. âNaá¹£ridesâ, in Encyclopédie de lâIslam, 2nd Edition, VII, 1022â1030.
Lings, M. Le Prophète Muhammad. Sa vie dâaprès les sources les plus anciennes, Paris, Seuil, 1986.
MarÃn, M. âà lâextrémité de lâIslam médiévalâ : élites urbaines et islamisation en Algarveâ, Annales. Histoire, Sciences sociales 53/2 (1998), 361â381.
Masson, D. (trans.) Essai dâinterprétation du Coran Inimitable, reviewed by S. El-Saleh, Beirut, 1980.
NÅ«rÄ«ya, A. âMawlidiyyÄt LisÄn al-DÄ«n b. al-Khaá¹Ä«bâ : mawá¸Å«Ê¿ÄtuhÄ wa simÄtuhÄ al-fanniyyaâ, Majallat al-ÄdÄb wa-al-lugha, 21 (2014), 115â136.
Pickthall, M. Roman Transliteration of the Holy QurʾÄn with full Arabic text, English translation, Lahore, Qudrat Ullah Co., 2011.
Rubiera Mata, M.-J. âEl Califato NazÄrÄ«â [The Nasrid Caliphate], Al-Qantara XXIX/2 (JulyâDecember 2008), 293â305.
Torremocha Silva, A. âLes Naá¹£rides de Grenade et les Mérinides du Maghrebâ, in J. Paez Lopez, ed., Ibn KhaldÅ«nâ : La Méditerranée au XIVe siècle, Madrid, 2006, 77â85.
Watt, W. M. âal-Aná¹£Ärâ, in Encyclopédie de lâIslam, consulted online http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004206106_eifo_SIM_0678. First published online 2010.
I would like to thank Denis Gril for his enlightening insights and suggestions for the translation of certain passages.
QalqashandÄ«, á¹¢ubḥ al-AÊ¿shÄ, 6:469. Although Andalusians were particularly fluent in this genre, it was not unknown in IfrÄ«qiyÄ, where scholars did not hesitate to write such letters addressed to the Prophet in his tomb when they had undergone some trouble, or as a sign of gratitude or grace, or, finally, to express their yearning and love for the Prophet. Ê¿Abd al-WÄḥid Muḥammad b. al-ṬawwÄḥ (d. after 718/1318), a Sufi scholar from Tunis, was comforted, when he was suffering a crisis (ubtulÄ«tu bi-baliyyatin) in 704/1304, by a dream-vision of the Prophet, and wrote a letter to him in his tomb, entitled Nuzhat al-aḥdÄq wa rawá¸at al-mushtÄq, which is published in extenso in Ibn al-ṬawwÄḥ, Sabk al-maqÄl, 97-101.
See below. For more on this type of letter, classed among âreligious lettersâ (al-rasÄʾil al-dÄ«niyya), see (notably) FalÄḥ al-QaysÄ«, Adab al-RasÄʾil, 194-98.
Hamidoune, âLa pratique de la âprière sur le Prophèteââ, 49-51.
Hamidoune, âLa pratique de la âprière sur le Prophèteââ, 52 and subsequent.
The Naá¹£rid kingdom in the far south of Spain covered the area that is now the eastern part of Cadiz province and the provinces of Malaga, Granada, and Almeria. Al-Ê¿UmarÄ«, the author of the MasÄlik al-Abá¹£Är and a contemporary of the Naá¹£rid ruler YÅ«suf I, travelled throughout al-Andalus in 738/1337; at the time it took three days to cross the width of the Naá¹£rid kingdom on foot, and ten days to cross its length; see Arié, âAl-Andalusâ, 165. For more on the history of the Naá¹£rids, see Latham, âNaá¹£ridesâ, 1022â30, A.
For more on him, see Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, AÊ¿mÄl al-AÊ¿lÄm, Second Section: 264â5, and, from the same author, al-Lamḥa al-badriyya, 127â138.
QalqashandÄ«, á¹¢ubḥ al-AÊ¿shÄ, 6:469â76.
QalqashandÄ«, á¹¢ubḥ al-AÊ¿shÄ, 6:469.
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, IḥÄá¹a, 5: 859â78 for the first letter, and 879â928 for the second.
Ibn al- Khaá¹Ä«b, RayḥÄnat al-kuttÄb, 1:55â62 for the first letter, and 1:62â80 for the second.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6; respectively 354â360 and 360â379.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6: 367â378 (almost two thirds of the letter).
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, IḥÄá¹a, 5:879. Not 761/1359 as stated in Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, RayḥÄnat al-kuttÄb, 1:63; for obvious reasons of chronology, the victories related in the letter date from 768/1366â7 and 769/1367â8.
Might this be the faqÄ«h AbÅ« al-Ḥasan al-BannÄ, the same messenger who had during the previous year (770/1368), in the month of RabÄ«Ê¿ II, carried a letter and gifts to the Hafsid Sultan of Tunis, AbÅ« IsḥÄq IbrÄhÄ«m b. AbÄ« Bakr (r. 751â70/1350â69) (for more on him, see ZarkashÄ«, TÄrÄ«kh al-dawlatayn, 187â212), informing him of the victories of al-GhanÄ« bi-llÄh (Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, RayḥÄnat al-kuttÄb, 1:179)?
Ê¿AjlÄn (d. 777/1375) succeeded his father Rumaytha in 746/1345 in an atmosphere of bitter competition between himself and his brothers, especially Thaqaba. At the end of his life he passed power on to his son, Aḥmad; see the entry on him in al-FÄsÄ«, al-Ê¿Iqd al-thamÄ«n, 6:58â73. In Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, RayḥÄnat al-kuttÄb, 1:206, his genealogy, claiming descent from AbÄ« SaÊ¿Ä«d al-ḤusaynÄ«, is incorrect; the sharÄ«fs of Mecca are descended from the Ḥasanite branch (which goes back to QatÄda b. IdrÄ«s al-ḤasanÄ«, see al-FÄsÄ«, al-Ê¿Iqd al-thamÄ«n, 6:58), whereas those of Medina are descended from the Ḥusaynite branch, see below.
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, RayḥÄnat al-kuttÄb, 1:213â5. The prince in question appears to be Ê¿Aá¹iyya b. Manṣūr b. JammÄz b. Shīḥa b. HÄshim b. QÄsim b. MuhannÄ b. Ḥusayn, who, according to SakhÄwÄ«âs account, became Prince of Medina in 759/1358; the following year (760/1359) his investiture by the Mamluks took place. In 773/1371 he was removed from power by a nephew, and returned to lead the Holy City in 782/1380, dying the following year. See SakhÄwÄ«, al-Tuḥfa al-laá¹Ä«fa, 1:56â7, and MaqrÄ«zÄ«, Durr al-Ê¿uqÅ«d al-farÄ«da, 1:569.
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, RayḥÄnat al-kuttÄb, 1:212.
Rachel Arié writes: âNo effective aid was ever envisioned in order to save Islam in Spain, which was dyingâ; for more on the relationship with Egyptâs Mamluks, see Arié, âLes relations diplomatiquesâ, 93â7. On the Naá¹£rid search for support from the Mamluks in order to reduce the kingdom of Granadaâs dependence on its southern neighbour in the struggle against the Christians, see Dejugnat, âLa mer, miroir de la légitimitéâ, 85â101.
As happened twice in 750/1349, see Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, RayḥÄnat al-kuttÄb, 1:359â65 and 365â72.
See Latham, âNaá¹£ridesâ, 1025. According to some authors, the support offered by the MarÄ«nid Sultanate to the Naá¹£rids for the survival of the kingdom of Granada should not be over-emphasised; more important might have been the role played by âthe social and political instability that affected Castile during the last decades of the thirteenth century and all of the fourteenthâ, Torremocha Silva, âLes Naá¹£rides de Grenadeâ, 78. The rivalry between the kingdoms of Castile, Portugal and Aragon is also cited.
See Dejugnat, âLa mer, miroir de la légitimitéâ, 85â101. Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, who calls both AbÅ« al-ḤajjÄj YÅ«suf and the MarÄ«nid by the title AmÄ«r al-MuslimÄ«n (prince of Muslims), adds, on the subject of AbÅ« Ê¿InÄn, who succeeded his father AbÅ« al-Ḥasan, that he had adopted the Caliphal title al-Mutawakkil Ê¿alÄ AllÄh; Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, al-Lamḥa al-badriyya, 131. For his part, the Naá¹£rid YÅ«suf I had adopted the Caliphal honorific with billÄh, Muâayyad billÄh, Dejugnat, op. cit. and Latham, âNaá¹£ridesâ, 1022. His successors, Muḥammad V, YÅ«suf II (r. 793â4/1391â2) and YÅ«suf III (r. 810â20/1408â17) were respectively to adopt the names al-GhanÄ« bi-llÄh, al-MustaghnÄ« bi-llÄh and al-NÄá¹£ir li-dÄ«n AllÄh, ibid. (See below).
As a reaction to these consultations, the Moroccan Sufi AbÅ« Muḥammad á¹¢Äliḥ (d. 631/ 1234), with the help of his sons, put in place a network of stages and relays to make it easier for Maghribi pilgrims to get to Medina; DhahbÄ«, AbÅ« Muḥammad á¹¢Äliḥ, 64â80; Ferhat, âLe culte du Prophèteâ, 90â91.
WansharÄ«sÄ«, MiÊ¿yÄr, 1: 432. In fact, this was a debate on the legal obligation to undertake the ḥajj; the undertaking was subject to the individualâs capacity to reach the Holy Places safely; Ibn Rushd had already considered this not to fulfil the canonical conditions (li-Ê¿adam al-istiá¹ÄÊ¿a) required to make this farḠlicit (wa-hiya al-qudra Ê¿alÄ al-wuṣūl maÊ¿a al-amn Ê¿alÄ al-nafs wa-al-mÄl).
âThe opportunity to fulfil this sacred duty had not presented itself for a long timeâ, writes Ibn KhaldÅ«n, cited in Arié, âLes relations diplomatiquesâ, 103.
For more on this debate, see ḤaqqÄ«, âAl-ḥajj fÄ« l-Maghrib wa al-Andalusâ 84â101.
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, RayḥÄnat al-kuttÄb, 1:209.
FalÄḥ al-QaysÄ«, Adab al-RasÄʾil, 79.
FalÄḥ al-QaysÄ«, Adab al-RasÄʾil, 80.
Ibn BassÄm, al-DhakhÄ«ra, II, 1:286â8 and FalÄḥ al-QaysÄ«, Adab al-RasÄʾil, 194â48.
Ibn AbÄ« al-Khiá¹£Äl, RasÄʾil.
MaqarrÄ«, AzhÄr al-riyÄá¸, 4:20â29.
MaqarrÄ«, AzhÄr al-riyÄá¸, 4:29â31.
MaqarrÄ«, AzhÄr al-riyÄá¸, 4:11â20.
For more on him, see MaqarrÄ«, AzhÄr al-riyÄá¸, 3:103 and subsequent.
For more on him, see MaqarrÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 7:415; see also GhubrÄ«nÄ«, Ê¿UnwÄn al-dirÄya, 349, footnote 108; Ibn al-JannÄn, DÄ«wÄn. For more on his madīḥ nabawÄ« or al-nabawiyyÄt, see Ibn al-JannÄn, DÄ«wÄn, 25â30; in addition, its editor has written several works on Ibn al-JannÄn and his madīḥ nabawÄ«, the references for which feature in this text.
For more on him, see Bosch-Vilà , âIbn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâ, 859â60.
Chaumont, âlâEgo-histoire dâIbn KhaldÅ«nâ, 1041.
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, AÊ¿mÄl al-AÊ¿lÄm, 265.
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, Al-Lamḥa al-badriyya, 129.
Bosch-Vilà , âIbn al-Khaá¹Ä«bâ, 860.
See Kaptein, Muhammadâs Birthday, 131â2. For more on these mawlidiyyÄt, see NÅ«riyya, âMawlidiyyÄt LisÄn al-DÄ«nâ, 115â136.
This tour was recounted by Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, Khaá¹rat al-á¹ayf, 31â56; see also Dejugnat, âLa mer, miroir de la légitimitéâ op. cit.
See also Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, al-Lamḥa al-badriyya, 130â1.
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b writes of Alphonse XI of Castile: awqaÊ¿a bi-l-muslimÄ«n al-waqÄ«Ê¿a al-Ê¿uáºmÄ bi-ṬarÄ«fâ (âHe inflicted upon the Muslims the great defeat of ṬarÄ«fâ â), al-Lamḥa al-badriyya, 133.
Wa laqiyat ayyÄmuhu shidda li-tamalluk al-Ê¿adÅ«w QalÊ¿at Yaḥṣub wa-l-JazÄ«ra al-khaá¸rÄʾ, Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, AÊ¿mÄl al-AÊ¿lÄm, 265, see also al-Lamḥa al-badriyya, 135.
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, al-Lamḥa al-badriyya, 135.
Baldatun Ê¿aduwwuhÄ mutaÊ¿aqqib wa sÄkinuhÄ khÄʾif mutaraqqib, Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, Khaá¹rat al-á¹ayf, 44, and Dejugnat, âLa mer, miroir de la légitimitéâ, op. cit.
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, al-Lamḥa al-badriyya, 133. The Naá¹£rid was twice to call on the MarÄ«nÄ«d AbÅ« Ê¿InÄn for help in 750/1349, notably for Jabal al-Fatḥ and the town of Runda; Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, RayḥÄnat al-kuttÄb, 1:359â365.
For more on these events, see Latham, âNaá¹£ridesâ, 1025â6.
A small semi-circular wall north of the Kaʿba; tradition has it that it was there that the Prophet lay sleeping the night that Gabriel came to find him for his nocturnal voyage; see Lings, Le Prophète Muhammad, 171.
Aná¹£Är: âThe âAuxiliariesâ is the usual designation for those inhabitants of Medina who supported Muḥammad; this distinguishes them from his Meccan partisans, the MuḥÄj̲irÅ«n or âemigrantsâ. After the conversion en masse of the Arabs to Islam, the former name, BanÅ« Qayla, which referred to both al-Aws and al-K̲h̲azrad̲j̲, fell from use, being replaced by Aná¹£Är (singulative Aná¹£ÄrÄ«) (see QurʾÄn, IX, 100â1, 117â18). Thus was the memory of the first services rendered to Islam by the Medinese honourably perpetuated. Aná¹£Är is probably the plural of naṣīr. The Khazraj are one of the two principal tribes of Medina; along with the al-Aws [q.v.], they constitute the BanÅ« Qayla of the pre-Islamic period and the Aná¹£Är [q.v.] or auxiliaries (of Muḥammad) under Islamâ; see Montgomery Watt, âal-Aná¹£Ärâ.
Originally, during pre-Islamic times, the ḥimÄ was pasture reserved for the nobles of the tribe. The Prophet and the first Caliphs used the word to refer to reserving the use of certain pastures for the mounts of the Muslim armies, the camels acquired for the Treasury, and the small herds of the poorer Muslims (Chelhod, cited in Ê¿AkkÄm, âDes fondements de la propriétéâ, 30). The notion applies to all land whose use is reserved; the same is true of the ḥarÄ«m, that can also mean the âdependencies of a locationâ over which rights of usage apply. These are therefore common lands, or land reserved for the use of the village community. For more on the legal status of real estate in Muslim law, see Lagardère, âTerres communes et droits dâusageâ 43â54.
See MaqqarÄ«, AzhÄr al-riyÄá¸, 4:23â4.
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, RayḥÄnat al-kuttÄb, 1:60; MaqqarÄ«, AzhÄr al-riyÄá¸, 4:41; and QalqashandÄ«, á¹¢ubḥ al-AÊ¿shÄ, 6:473. MaqqarÄ«, in, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:357 gives turbika: literally the earth; turbat signifies mausoleum only by metonymy; the laḥd is the sloping part of the tomb in which the body lies, Ibn ManáºÅ«r, LisÄn, 13:176â77.
MaqqarÄ«, AzhÄr al-riyÄá¸, 4:25.
On the interpretation of the word Äl, see Addas, La Maison muhammadienne, 144â54.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:354â60.
For more on the ḥadÄ«th âkuntu nabiyyan â¦â (âI was a prophet when Adam was between water and mudâ), see Addas, La Maison muhammadienne, 47â55.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:356.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:356â7.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:359; on the final phrase, see the ḥadÄ«th: âInna AllÄh zawÄ lÄ« l-arḠfa-raʾaytu mashÄriqahÄ wa maghÄribahÄâ, âAllÄh folded the earth so much for me that I saw its easts and its wests. The kingdom of my community will reach as far as the earth was flooded for meâ in Muslim, Saḥīḥ, KitÄb al-fitan wa-ashrÄá¹ al-SÄÊ¿a, ḥadÄ«th n° 2889.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:356.
This theme has virtually become a literary motif, found throughout eastern historiography, see Arié, âLes relations diplomatiquesâ, 98â9.
Al-fiʾa al-qalÄ«la refers to Q 2:249: the 313 companions of Saul who held fast in the face of Goliathâs army, the number of whom anticipates that of the Companions of Badr: âHow many a little company hath overcome a mighty host by Allahâs leave! â Allah is with the steadfast â (kam min fiʾatin qalÄ«latin ghalabat fiʾatan kathÄ«ratan bi-idhni llÄh wa llÄh maÊ¿a l-á¹£ÄbirÄ«n)â trans. Pickthall, Holy QurʾÄn, 45.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:358.
This evocation is nevertheless much less extensive than the description that takes up several pages in the letter written in the name of AbÅ« l-ḤajjÄjâs son and successor, al-GhanÄ« billÄh; see above.
For more on this battle, see Lings, Le prophète Muhammad, 243â253.
For more on the Arab conquest of Spain, see Guichard, âLa conquête arabe de lâEspagneâ, 377â389; on the existence of Arab scholars in al-Andalus during the second/eighth century, often alongside early military settlements, and on the Islamisation of al-Andalus in general, especially the Algarve, see MarÃn, âà lâextrémité de lâIslam médiévalâ, 361â381.
WalÄ« is here intended to mean the ally from whom one awaits aid; for more on the vast semantic field covered by the root w.l.y., see Ibn ManáºÅ«r, LisÄn, 15:281â5.
Apparently Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b is playing on the two senses of ḥallaqa and qaṣṣara: the first meaning that comes to mind is that of the bird of prey circling in the sky (ḥallaqa) before diving onto prey that is powerless (muqaṣṣir) or not doing enough to save itself. The second meaning relates to a well-known episode in the sÄ«ra; according to Abrahamic tradition, pilgrims who had consecrated animals to sacrifice were obliged to perform the sacrifice within the sacred territories, and then to shave their heads. After the signing of the treaty of Ḥudaybiyya with the Qurayshis, which prevented believers from accomplishing the pilgrimage until the following year, the Prophet commanded them to sacrifice their animals and shave their heads. The believers were disappointed at having to skip the pilgrimage for a year and break the Abrahamic ritual, and did not obey. Later, they did follow the Prophetʾs example â except for a few, who only cut a few strands of their hair (qaṣṣarÅ«). The Prophet is said to have invoked God: âO AllÄh, have mercy on those who have themselves shaved.â (AllÄhumma irḥam al-muḥalliqÄ«n); He repeated this duÊ¿Äʾ three times, despite the protestations of those who had only cut a few strands of hair; on the fourth repetition he added, âand on those who clip their hair!â Later, when he was asked why he had initially invoked pity only for the muḥalliqÄ«n, he replied: âbecause they did not doubt!â Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, in using these two words, almost certainly wants to refer to this episode and say that the enemy is resolute and the Muslims are in a state of doubt; for more on this episode in the sÄ«ra, see Lings, Le prophète Muhammad, 416â7.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:360. For English translations of verses, see Pickthall, Holy QurʾÄn, 54 and 200.
See Gril, âProphétie et charisme en islamâ, 27â36.
Trans. Pickthall, Holy QurʾÄn, 200.
And not only the Meccan Qurayshis who, according to the asbÄb al-nuzÅ«l (context of revelation) were the original addressees: see Ibn KathÄ«r, TafsÄ«r, 2:372.
Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, 2:372.
Al-Ê¿ará¸, on the Day of Last Judgement, also refers to the idea of an examination of man by God, as in Q 18:48, âAnd they are set before thy Lord in ranksâ (trans. Pickthall, Holy QurʾÄn, 331) (wa Ê¿uriá¸Å« Ê¿alÄ Rabbika á¹£affan).
Amri, Les saints en islam, 53â56.
Amri, Les saints en islam, 55.
GhazÄlÄ«, IḥyÄʾ, vol. VI, fasc. 16:43, cited in Amri, Les saints en islam, 55â6.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:359.
On the etymology of the word khafÄ: to manifest, make apparent or extract (khafaytu: aáºhartu), see Ibn ManáºÅ«r, LisÄn, 5:116â8.
Notably for BukhÄrÄ«, á¹¢aḥīḥ, KitÄb al-tawḥīd, 9:149â150 and 160â161 (these ḥadÄ«ths are, respectively, numbers 7440 and 7510).
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, al-Lamḥa al-badriyya, 57.
DhahabÄ«, Siyar, 1:270â9. According to the sÄ«ra, when the Prophet went on an expedition the first person designated among his Companions to take on the responsibility for Medina in his absence was the KhazrajÄ« leader, SaÊ¿d b. Ê¿UbÄda (Lings, Le Prophète Muhammad, 226); on the day of the conquest of Mecca the Prophet had given him his standard; this was carried by his son Qays (ibid. 488). After the death of the Prophet, the Aná¹£Är (both Aws and Khazraj) who were in the SaqÄ«fat BanÅ« SÄÊ¿ida, a clan directed by SaÊ¿d, were about to swear allegiance to SaÊ¿d; the latter refused his allegiance to AbÅ« Bakr, and again, later, to the second Caliph, Ê¿Umar; he left Medina for Syria, where he died in ḤawrÄn in 14/635 or 16/637, Lings, Le Prophète Muhammad, 560â1 and Dhahabî, Siyar, 1:277 and 279.
If we look at both the poem and the prose letter that follows it.
See the ḥadÄ«th attributed to the Prophet about the Aná¹£Är and reported by BukhÄrÄ« in his á¹¢aḥīḥ, BÄb ḥubb al-Aná¹£Är, 5:39â40, according to Al-BarÄʾ b. Ê¿Äzib: âNo one loves them except a believer and no one hates them except a hypocrite. Allah loves whoever loves them and hates whoever hates them.â
See the book composed by the Andalusian qÄá¸Ä« AbÅ« Bakr Ê¿AtÄ«q b. al-FirÄʾ al-GhassÄnÄ« al-AndalusÄ« (d. 698/1298), Nuzhat al-abá¹£Är fÄ« faá¸Äʾil al-Aná¹£Är.
Indeed, the canonical collections in the KitÄb al-Ä«mÄn (the Book of faith), devote a section (bÄb) to the Aná¹£Är and the love that is due to them as an article of faith; Muslim, á¹¢aḥīḥ, KitÄb al-Ä«mÄn, BÄb al-dalÄ«l Ê¿alÄ anna ḥubb al-Aná¹£Är wa Ê¿AlÄ« min al-Ä«mÄn; BukhÄrÄ«, in his á¹¢aḥīḥ, KitÄb al-Ä«mÄn, BÄb Ê¿alÄmat al-Ä«mÄn ḥubb al-Aná¹£Är. Elsewhere the latter devotes a section to the Aná¹£Är âtitles of gloryâ: BÄb ManÄqib al-Aná¹£Är, and to the merits of the role they played (BÄb faá¸l dawr al-Aná¹£Är).
This tradition is considered authentic; one version is to be found in BukhÄrÄ«, á¹¢aḥīḥ, 5:38. Another ḥadÄ«th is also attributed to the Prophet: âMay God forgive the Aná¹£Är, their sons and the sons of their sonsâ, AllÄhumma ighfir li-al-Aná¹£Är wa abnÄʾ al-Aná¹£Är wa abnÄʾ abnÄʾ al-Aná¹£Är (Muslim, á¹¢aḥīḥ, BÄb faá¸Äʾil al-Aná¹£Är, ḥadÄ«th 2506).
BukhÄrÄ«, Saḥīḥ, BÄb ManÄqib al-Aná¹£Är, 5:41, BÄb qawl al-nabÄ« [â¦] li-al-Aná¹£Är : iá¹£birÅ« ḥattÄ talqawnÄ« Ê¿alÄ al-ḥawá¸.
For more on this claim, see the above-cited article by Dejugnat: âMarÃa-Jesús Rubiera has recently demonstrated that the Naá¹£rids laid claim to the title of Caliph. YÅ«suf I does indeed have a Caliphian honorific name (laqab), with bi-llÄh, MuÊ¿ayyad bi-llÄh, and his official pangyrists, Ibn al-JayyÄb and Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, call him Caliph with a noticeable frequency, although they never accord him the official titles of âLieutenant of Godâs messengerâ (khalÄ«fat rasÅ«l AllÄh) or âCommander of the faithfulâ (amÄ«r al-MuʾminÄ«n) [only referring to him as AmÄ«r al-MuslimÄ«n]. [â¦] According to MarÃa-Jesús Rubiera, the Naá¹£rids lay claim to the Caliphate from the time of IsmÄÊ¿Ä«l I (r. 1314â1325). In any case, the use of this claim was mostly internal, or even private, in that it would not have done to rub the MarÄ«nids the wrong way, since they were a vital source of support for the kingdom in the face of the Christians, and they also laid claim to the Caliphal title.â; see also Rubiera Mata, âEl Califato NazÄrÄ«â, 293â305. Let us also recall that before the MarÄ«nids and Naá¹£rids, one of the Ḥafá¹£ids of Tunis, al-Mustaná¹£ir bi-llÄh (r. 647â675/1249â1277), the son of the dynastyâs founder Emir AbÅ« ZakariyÄʾ, had pronounced himself Caliph (he took on the Caliphal name of the Abbasid AbÅ« JaÊ¿far al-Manṣūr, d. 640/1242) and received his ḤijÄz bayÊ¿a as brought by the Sufi Ibn SabÊ¿Ä«n in 655/1257, and from al-Andalus; Tunis became, for a time, the capital of the Caliphate; âsuch competition between capitals to occupy the centre of the worldâ (Dejugnat âLa mer, miroir de la légitimitéâ) would be extended to Fez and Granada.
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, al-Lamḥa al-badriyya, 136.
Ibn al-Khaá¹Ä«b, al-Lamḥa al-badriyya, 136.
Gril, âComme sâil y avait des oiseaux sur leur têteâ 25â40.
See this verse from the Burda by al-BūṣīrÄ«, âno perfume is sweeter than the earth that shelters his remains; happy is he who breaths its odour and rubs his face in itâ (lÄ-á¹Ä«ba yaÊ¿dilu turban á¸amma aÊ¿áºumahu/á¹Å«bÄ li-muntashiqin minhu wa multathimi), this is the equivalent of embracing it, lathima, commentators add: Ibn Ê¿ÄshÅ«r, ShifÄʾ al-qalb al-jarīḥ, 163; for another commentary on this verse, see Ibn MarzÅ«q, IáºhÄr á¹£idq al-mawwadda, 1:288â91.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:357.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:356.
Or book drawing up the accounts on the Day of Judgement; MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:359.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:356.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:359.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:359.
MaqqarÄ«, Nafḥ al-á¹Ä«b, 6:359.
âOne says of the stranger in a country that he is cut off from his relations, so is he dissociated from themâ (uqá¹iÊ¿a Ê¿an ahlihi iqá¹ÄÊ¿an fa-huwa muqá¹aÊ¿un Ê¿an ahlihi wa munqaá¹iÊ¿), Ibn ManáºÅ«r, LisÄn, 12:140.
A debate that led SubkÄ« (d. 756/1355) to write his ShifÄʾ al-sÄ«qÄm fÄ« ziyÄrat khayr al-anÄm; Hamidoune, âLa pratique de la âprière sur le Prophèteââ, 54.