1 Rethinking the Scope of Sunnī Prophetological Discourse
It suffices for the intelligent reader to realise that we did not collect all that is in our book for those who deny the prophethood of our Prophet, or for those who slander on his miracles, so that we would need to engage in proofs [â¦], but we wrote it for the people of the Prophetâs community who respond to his call and believe in his prophethood, in order to affirm their love for him (taʾkÄ«dan li-maḥabbatihim lahu) and that their deeds may increase and their faith be reinforced.1
The Moroccan MÄlikÄ« scholar AbÅ« al-Faá¸l Ê¿IyÄḠal-YaḥṣubÄ«2 (d. 544/1149), commonly called al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, explains in this way the purpose of his treatise al-ShifÄʾ bi-taÊ¿rÄ«f ḥuqÅ«q al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ (âThe healing through the recognition of the rights of the chosen Prophetâ), which can rightly be considered the major reference text of SunnÄ« prophetology and one of the most widely read and diffused works in the history of Islamic literature. Despite this explicit indication of the author, studying the ShifÄʾ with regard to its purpose to induce the love for the Prophet in the Muslim community has not yet attracted any attention in academic research on this important work. As astonishing as this might seem, it is, in fact, understandable when bearing in mind the background from which the general theme of the ShifÄʾ â that is, the veneration of the Prophet â has been considered. Just to give a few examples, even for such a sensitive observer like the Neo-Thomist historian of Muslim theology Louis Gardet, the veneration of the Prophet has its basis in the dichotomy between popular and learned Islam, and is clearly a phenomenon related to the first.3 More recently, Tilman Nagel opts for an Islamicised version of the âpriest fraudâ theory (âPriesterbetrugstheorieâ) and argues the other way around, namely that the veneration of the Prophet was constructed by the Ê¿ulamÄʾ in order to enforce Islamic norms on the Muslim community: The Muhammadglauben (âbelief in Muḥammadâ) and its implied veneration of the Prophet serves in fact the âself-reassuranceâ (Selbstvergewisserung) of the Muslim masses.4 Both theses, which underly a large proportion of academic writing about Muslim attitudes towards the Prophet, have the idea in common that the veneration of the Prophet, and the belief in his pre-eminence, serve to fulfil, in one way or another, the needs of the uneducated and uncritical Muslim masses; hence, they do not represent a genuinely theological or intellectual theme of Islamic thought.5
It is not surprising, then, that against this background, the veneration of the Prophet has, with notable exceptions,6 not attracted much interest in academic research until recent political events made evident the mobilising force of the reference to the Prophet,7 in this way pushing academia to acknowledge the necessity of obtaining a deeper understanding of Muslimsâ relationship to their Prophet.8 What applies to the theme of veneration of the Prophet is even more true for the notion of love (maḥabba) as the evident core of an attitude of veneration for the Prophet, despite its being ever-present in Islamic literatures and cultures. Far from representing merely a moral or sentimental device for the masses, love for the Prophet is the notion through which Islamic sources, beginning with the QurʾÄn and the ḥadÄ«th,9 qualify the relationship of the Muslim community to its founding figure and the normative character of its commitment and reconnection to him.10
As the ShifÄʾ illustrates, the concept of maḥabbat al-nabÄ« is part of a highly sophisticated scholarly discourse which traverses various Islamic disciplines and traditions. So besides being a genuinely theological issue, the veneration of the Prophet constitutes also a topos which relies heavily on the ḥadÄ«th tradition, on philosophical thought and on Muslim spirituality. With about 1800 narrations, the ShifÄʾ draws heavily on the corpus of Prophetic Tradition and adopts in many ways the views of traditionalist scholarship which became prominent amongst âreformedâ MÄliki scholars of this period.11 But although the ShifÄʾ is sometimes referred to as a work of ḥadÄ«th or sÄ«ra, it is far more than a simple thematic or biographical anthology in the framework of that literature. Its thematic and argumentative structure appears to be determined by a sophisticated theological reasoning,12 partly influenced by philosophical thought and by notions from Islamic spirituality.
The text of the ShifÄʾ is organised in four larger parts (aqsÄm) which cover both doctrinal and practical aspects of Islamic prophetology. The first part is concerned with the status and rank of the Prophet Muḥammad and includes sections on QurʾÄnic evidence, on his miracles, on his virtuous and physical appearance or his announcement in previous religious scriptures. This part is informed by various genres of prophetological discourse and literature and is primarily exegetical, although it also includes elements from philosophical ethics and purely prophetological considerations inspired by taá¹£awwuf or kalÄm. The second part is dedicated to the ârights of the Prophetâ and expounds how Muslims should behave towards their Prophet, and which attitude they should adopt. This part in fact develops practical consequences of the pre-eminence of the Prophet and elaborates on the implementation of its meaning for Muslims. It represents the most unique and original part of the ShifÄʾ, as it draws on such varied discourses and genres as kalÄm, fiqh and taá¹£awwuf. In particular, one has to note a very long part on the theme of love for the Prophet, probably pioneering in Islamic literature. Part three deals with the prophetic reality of Muḥammad and its theological articulation in terms of what must be affirmed about the Prophet, what is impossible to affirm and what can be possibly affirmed with regard to him. This part represents a classical kalÄm approach to prophetology, but with a particular focus on the crucial question of the relationship between the human nature and the prophetic authority of Muḥammad.13 The theme of the Prophetâs impeccability and infallibility is treated in detail, including for example the issue of the so-called âSatanic Versesâ.14 The last and fourth part discusses the violation of the rights of the Prophet and is concerned with the normative regulations concerning blasphemy. Hence, it deals with the collective implementation of the rights of the Prophet and their social and political aspects, and addresses more specifically the duties of an Islamic government. Unlike the other chapters, it is characterised by a purely fiqh approach. But again, with regard to this topic, the ShifÄʾ is recognised as one of the reference works, with a particularly severe stance against blasphemy.15
This concise overview shows how the ShifÄʾ draws on multiple types of literature and discourse about the Prophet Muḥammad in order to present a coherent, comprehensive and systematic prophetological work.16 But al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdoes not contend himself to merely collect and compile these elements. He uses these in a new way, developing a new approach to prophetology, and therefore, besides synthesising what was before him, he at the same time marks a new phase of prophetological writing. Whereas previous literature was chiefly concerned with either the significance or the content of the prophetic teaching and mission, the ShifÄʾ focuses on the person of the Prophet and its meaning for religious life.17 In this way, the author endeavors to offer, in the context of dramatic political and religious upheavals,18 an answer to the following interrogation: how should Muslims, individually and collectively, relate to their Prophet, and what meaning does this relationship have? In other words: what kind of relationship should Muslims have to their Prophet?
As a synthesis and culmination of a discursive tradition concerning the Prophet Muḥammad in SunnÄ« Islam, the ShifÄʾ represents a landmark in the history and literature of âProphetic pietyâ19 or âMuḥammadan spiritualityâ20 and prophetology. It has been extensively referred to in academic research, mainly by historians of al-Andalus who are interested in the religious-political context of the Islamic West during the Almohad period and who have insisted on the polemical scope of the ShifÄʾ,21 as well as by historians of Muslim thought and literature who have referred to the ShifÄʾ as an important source for the history of representations of the Prophet.22 However, a systematic and in-depth study of its theological concepts and argumentation or of the use of sources and discursive traditions, remains a desideratum. While not pretending to fill this gap in an exhaustive manner, this study focuses on two core themes of the ShifÄʾ which have not been analysed so far. On the one hand, this is the question of manâs knowledge of the Prophetâs status, dignity and reality, and of the conditions and sources of this knowledge. On the other hand, corresponding to the purpose of the work according to its author, it is the theme of love for the Prophet, its meaning and its normative character. As the study will show, both themes are in fact interconnected, and the argument of the ShifÄʾ, as well as the issue of the veneration of the Prophet in general, cannot be understood without considering them in relation to each other. Besides the fact that these two themes constitute the nodal points of the workâs argumentative structure, their originality and their impact23 alone justify an analysis of the ShifÄʾâs doctrinal content for the history of Islamic ideas. Considering the way al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, as a major representative of both ḥadÄ«th and theology in the Maghreb of the sixth/twelfth century,24 uses various Islamic genres and discourses, this study analyses how the author develops his argumentation in order to demonstrate the pre-eminent status of the Prophet and to argue the duty for Muslims to adopt an attitude of love and veneration for him.
2 Knowledge of the Prophetâs Pre-eminence
It is clearly apparent for anyone who has any practice of science (Ê¿ilm) or has the slightest degree of understanding (fahm) that God exalted the dignity of our Prophet (taÊ¿áºÄ«m AllÄh qadr nabiyyinÄ), and that He singled him out with countless virtues, beautiful character traits and illustrious deeds, and that He acclaimed his exalted dignity with what the words and pens cannot express.25
At first sight, this introductory remark, which al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠplaces at the beginning of the first part of the ShifÄʾ, does not represent anything unusual. The theme expressed in this passage constitutes a common topos in Islamic literature dealing with Muḥammadan prophecy. In fact, the issue of the latterâs authenticity, role and status is commonly approached in terms of the Prophetâs pre-eminence, expressed through notions like ânoblenessâ (sharaf) or âfavourâ (faá¸l). The pre-eminence of the Prophet Muḥammad is presented as evidence of the authenticity of his prophetic mission and of the revelation he claimed to have received. It is the pre-eminence of the Prophet, his superiority towards the other prophets, his function as a seal of prophethood, but also his physical, moral and spiritual excellence, which give evidence of his claims to be a messenger from God. Furthermore, the discourse of pre-eminence is meant to demonstrate that Muḥammadan prophethood constitutes the apogee of the history of salvation. Showing that Muḥammad is the creature most beloved and esteemed by God aims to prove the superiority of the Prophetâs religion over the other religions.
According to previous research, the early prophetological treatises articulating this conception were designed to respond to the contestation of Muḥammadâs prophetic status from other religions.26 However, this interpretation has since been considerably nuanced by Mareike Körtner in her study of the DalÄʾil al-nubuwwa literature. She shows that these works were not merely polemical, i.e., intending to convince or defeat a theological opponent, but that it was constitutive for the formation of a distinct SunnÄ« identity.27 Now al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠintegrated the various prophetological genres and discourses, even those originally developed in an apologetical context, into a mainly intra-Muslim one. As indicated in the passage quoted above, and as will become clear when analysing the topics and the argumentative structure of the ShifÄʾ, he based his elaboration of the theme of Muḥammadâs pre-eminence on three interrelated postulates. The first was that the reality of Muḥammadâs status is wholly determined by Godâs will and work, the second, that God accorded to Muḥammad the most eminent status amongst His creatures, and the third, that, in its divine determination, the reality of this status is beyond human comprehension and expression. The theme of Muḥammadâs pre-eminence no longer serves to argue and to demonstrate the authenticity and superiority of his prophetic claim against non-Muslims, but to disclose the soteriological meaning of Muḥammadâs prophetic status to those who believe in him and follow him. Thus, from this perspective, the pre-eminence of the Prophet is not merely the sign of his veracity, but of his unique relationship to God.
2.1 The Notion of Qadr and the Issue of the Prophetâs Status
Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs new approach is visible in his use of a distinctive term in order to address the theme of the Prophetâs pre-eminence. The notions of qadr al-nabÄ« (âthe status, worth and dignity of the Prophetâ) and of Ê¿aáºÄ«m qadrihi (âthe immense and exalted reality of his dignityâ) refer to the QurâÄnic term qadr28 as used in Q 65:3, âGod gave to every thing its measure (qadr)â, and in Q 39:67, âAnd they did not give God the measure/value (qadr) which is truly Hisâ.29 While the first reference identifies the qadr as the particular and divinely determined reality of a thing, the second reference relates the qadr to the quality of manâs relationship to God. Without stating it explicitly, the term qadr applied to the Prophet suggests an analogy between the failure to recognise Godâs status as omnipotent Creator, and the negligence towards the Prophetâs eminent status and dignity.
The use of the term qadr for Muḥammadâs status can equally be traced back to a ḥadÄ«th that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠmentions in the chapter relating narrations which attest to the Prophetâs eminence: âIt is narrated from AbÅ« Muḥammad al-MakkÄ«, AbÅ« al-Layth al-SarmaqandÄ« and others that Adam said when he disobeyed God: âMy God, by the right (bi-ḥaqq) of Muḥammad, forgive me my fault!â [â¦] and in another version: âGod asked Adam: How do you know Muḥammad?â and Adam answered: âWhen You created me, I raised my head to Your throne and I saw inscribed on it âThere is no divinity except God, Muḥammad is His messengerâ and I understood that there is nobody whose status is greater in Your sight (aÊ¿áºam qadran Ê¿indaka) than he whose name You associated to Yours [â¦]â.30 The semantic field of the term qadr shows how it allows al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠto treat the soteriological significance of Muḥammadâs prophethood and its reality as determined by God, as well as to emphasise the practical and normative meaning of the Prophetâs pre-eminence. In this way, the recognition of the Prophetâs qadr becomes constitutive for Islamic faith and is shown to determine the quality of a Muslimâs relationship to the person of the Prophet.
If the aim of the first part of the ShifÄʾ consists in the knowledge of the Prophetâs qadr, the question arises how his qadr can be known? This is indeed theologically important, since it determines how the relation between revealed and human knowledge on the Prophet can be conceived. Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄd answers this question through the structure of this part. Its title âThe exaltation (taÊ¿áºÄ«m) of the Chosen Prophetâs dignity with God the Most High through word (qawlan) and deed (fiÊ¿lan)â31 expresses the idea that the Prophetâs status is exalted and thus not comparable to the status of any other creature, but also that this exaltation is caused and carried out by God Himself.32 In other words, the exalted status of the Muḥammadan person is rooted in nothing other than Godâs creative action and grace. The titles of the four chapters of this part further indicate explicitly that the Prophetâs qadr is made known and disclosed by God. In order to be apprehended and known by mankind, the exalted and immense reality of the Prophetâs status needs to be made manifest through Godâs manifestation (iáºhÄr), in order to become intelligible for human understanding.
This way of presenting the evidence of the Prophetâs status is consistent with the AshÊ¿arÄ« conception of prophecy as a divine gift.33 However, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠin fact thinks through the AshÊ¿arÄ« approach to prophethood to its end, and at the same time establishes in this way the theological basis of the Prophetâs pre-eminence as well as of the practice of his veneration. Considering prophecy as a divine gift, and thus as the result of Godâs work of grace and not of manâs moral or intellectual excellence, has precise consequences for the possibility of prophetological knowledge: if the reality of prophethood has a supra-human cause and reason, it cannot be explained in purely human or naturalistic terms, and therefore it is necessarily beyond human understanding. This entails the incapacity of the human mind to grasp the reality of the Prophetâs status on its own. Mankind is in need of a divine communication as the only effective and truthful source for the knowledge of the reality of Muḥammadâs qadr.
This conception of the reality of prophethood in general, and of Muḥammadâs prophetic dignity in particular, is further buttressed by the use of the adjective Ê¿aáºÄ«m in order to qualify the qadr and the manzila of the Prophet Muḥammad.34 Firstly, because Ê¿aáºÄ«m is considered to be one of Godâs 99 âmost beautiful namesâ.35 Secondly, because it is equally an attribute of the QurʾÄn, that is, the divine word.36 And thirdly, because Ê¿aáºÄ«m is associated in the QurʾÄn with the inner nature, the khuluq, of the Prophet Muḥammad.37 The concept of Ê¿aáºÄ«m then, denoting the idea of immensity and applied theologically to the incommensurability between the transcendent and the contingent, symbolises a commonality between God, the revelation and the Prophet.38 It is what they have in common, so to speak, even if the âCreatorâs essence, names, acts and attributesâ have nothing in common with those of created beings except for the correspondence of appellation (min jihat muwÄfaqat al-lafẠal-lafáº)â.39 It seems that it is this âcorrespondenceâ which al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠwants to stress by using the term Ê¿aáºÄ«m in this context. And in fact, he uses it very often in various forms, the most frequent variation being the factitive form taÊ¿áºÄ«m, âGodâs rendering the Prophet Ê¿aáºÄ«mâ.40 The idea that God bestows certain effects or meanings of a divine attribute to the Prophet evidently has important consequences for the significance of the Muḥammadan person for the community of the believers. It seems as if the author of the ShifÄʾ insinuates that the believer has to consider the Prophetâs significance for his salvation in an analogous manner to the significance of his faith in the QurʾÄn and in God.41
If the reality of Muḥammadâs prophetic dignity, and consequently the scope and nature of his pre-eminence, are not graspable by the human mind, the question remains: how can mankind obtain knowledge of them? In the following passage, the author of the ShifÄʾ answers this question by distinguishing between the two categories of sources for the knowledge of the Prophetâs pre-eminence: âAmongst [the favours that God bestowed on the Prophet] are those which God enunciates explicitly (á¹£arraḥa) in His book [â¦] and those which He made manifest (abraza) to the eyesâ.42 Considering the chapters of the first part, it appears that the divine word corresponds to the revelation of the QurʾÄn, and that divine action is represented by the creation43 of the Prophetâs miracles (muÊ¿jizÄt), character traits (maḥÄsin khuluqan) and appearances (khalqan), these three latter categories corresponding to evidence which is empirically perceivable. The third chapter on âWhat is mentioned in sound and well-known reports (á¹£aḥīḥ al-akhbÄr wa-mashhÅ«rihÄ)â equally belongs to this category,44 in the sense that the ḥadÄ«ths are understood to be textual testimonies of the sunna which, according to the SunnÄ« tradition to which al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠcounted himself, has the status of revelation (waḥy)45 and therefore is the result of divine agency.46 At the same time, these reports belong to âempiricalâ evidence in the sense that they claim to be based on visual or auditive testimonies. The same holds for the topics of the two other chapters, i.e., the Prophetâs miracles and his personality, since these are manifested in history and knowable as historically transmitted reports (akhbÄr).47
It is clear that the perspective on which these considerations are grounded presupposes a theological and occasionalist conception of history. This is not surprising, since such a conception is inherent to the ḥadÄ«th tradition and to the dynamics of its transmission. As Abdallah Laroui points out, the ḥadÄ«th constitutes a form of historical writing and conveys a theological conception of history, with âspecific understandings of continuity, time, event, finality, etc.â.48 In this way, âhistory appears as a perfect unity, where the origin and the end, the promise and the accomplishment coincideâ.49 Hence, âthe origin and the end of history are known, the sense of each event is already given, the historical account is, in its whole, merely a metaphor that the chronicler registers and the theologian interpretsâ.50 So even if the author does not use the term âhistoryâ, it is clear that these three chapters, dealing with evidence âwhich He made manifest to the eyesâ, concern evidence from history if the latter is defined in theological terms as salvation history or as the working of God in human history. As al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠis never tired to repeat, the events and qualities mentioned in these chapters are created by God and have their origin in His acts.
To resume this significant point, the structure of the first part shows how the ShifÄʾ argues that the two sources for knowledge of the Prophetâs reality are revelation and salvation history, corresponding respectively to Godâs word and to His acts. As a consequence, the thematical and argumentative structure of the first part of the ShifÄʾ represents the following scheme:
Sources for the knowledge of the Prophetâs reality in the first part of the ShifÄʾ
2.2 Godâs Word and Revelation
Looking now more closely at the first chapter, âRegarding Godâs praise of him (the Prophet) and His making manifest the Prophetâs exalted status with Him (iáºhÄrihi Ê¿aáºÄ«m qadrihi ladayhi)â,51 the word iáºhÄrihi requires special attention. Expressing the idea that it is God who makes the eminent dignity of the Prophet evident and manifest, it can be considered the hermeneutical key of the QurʾÄnic exegesis that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdevelops in the ShifÄʾ. In fact, he is not the first who expounds the idea that God reveals in the QurʾÄn the eminent dignity of the Prophet Muḥammad. For example, in KharkÅ«shÄ«âs (d. 406/1015) Sharaf al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ there is a whole section about âThe nobleness of the Prophet according to the QurʾÄnâ.52 And AbÅ« NuÊ¿aym al-Iá¹£bahÄnÄ« (d. 430/1039) begins his DalÄʾil al-nubuwwa with a chapter titled âWhat God revealed in his book about the Prophetâs precedence (faá¸lihi)â, that is, the favour bestowed on him by God.53 This idea has also been expressed in other genres. ShÄfiÊ¿Ä« speaks in his famous RisÄla about âGodâs clarification of the station in which He put His Emissaryâ in order to argue the soteriological and therefore normative meaning of the prophetic Sunna.54 Further, the idea that the QurʾÄn unveils the Prophetâs reality reminds one of Sahl al-TustarÄ«âs Sufi exegesis of the prophetic light,55 which al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠcites at some places in the ShifÄʾ.56
What distinguished al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠis that he makes this idea, namely that the QurʾÄn expounds the Prophetâs exalted status, the very foundation of his prophetology in both its doctrinal and practical dimensions. Accordingly, the purpose of revelation and meaning of Godâs speaking to mankind is not limited to the proclamation of divine attributes and commands, but equally includes the disclosure of the Prophetâs status (qadr), and of his ârightsâ (ḥuqÅ«q). As the QurʾÄn presents itself as guidance (hudÄ),57 this means that for al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠthis prophetological knowledge is part of divine guidance and therefore belongs to those essential issues that humanity needs to know for the attainment of salvation. In other words, the knowledge of the Prophetâs exalted status is part of the QurʾÄnic message and therefore of Godâs ultimate message to mankind.
The QurʾÄnic evidence that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠpresents about Muḥammadâs exalted status is manifold. It concerns the event of revelation as an act of divine communication itself, as well as the content of this communication and its linguistic form and style. Regarding the first aspect, the event of revelation, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠtreats it mostly in the chapter on the QurʾÄnic miracle (iÊ¿jÄz al-QurʾÄn) which we will discuss below when treating the chapter on miracles. In this first chapter, though, the focus is largely on how God addresses Himself to the Prophet and how He speaks about him. So, we are told how the QurʾÄn does in fact involve Godâs praise (al-thanÄʾ) of the Prophet Muḥammad. When God qualifies him as the instrument of His mercy (raḥma)58 and favour, when He names him âlightâ and âa lamp spreading lightâ,59 etc. He does so in order to unveil the exalted dignity and the pre-eminence of the Prophet. In the third sub-chapter, for example, âWhat Godâs speech (khiá¹Äb) to him contains of tender treatment (mulÄá¹afa) and benevolence (mabarra)â,60 the author makes use of classical exegetical resources in order to bring out the singular delicacy of Godâs dealing with the Prophet, even when rebuking him.
Considering the various themes of the first chapter, including QurʾÄnic oaths,61 the allusions to the Prophetâs role as a witness of mankind,62 to his rank amongst the prophets,63 or to his divine protection and the protection from divine punishment through him,64 there appears a vision of the QurʾÄn which presents it as an intimate dialogue between God and His most beloved creature. Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠvisibly seeks to make evident the intimacy that characterises the relationship between God and his Prophet as it appears in the QurʾÄnic text. For the author of the ShifÄʾ, this shows the Prophetâs nearness to God, expressed in a privileged and unique relationship that characterises him in an exclusive way so that no other creature enjoys a comparable relationship with Him.
This opens a distinctive prophetological hermeneutics of the QurʾÄnic text which had not been developed systematically.65 He invites the reader to read the QurʾÄn along this line and argues that, in this way, the QurʾÄn becomes the principal source of knowledge of the Prophetâs reality. As his usual fashion, the author insists that this has quite practical implications for the reader: âIt is incumbent upon every Muslim who struggles against his lower soul and whose character is restrained by the bridles of sacred law that he educates himself through the education of the QurʾÄn (adab al-QurʾÄn) in all his words, acts, endeavours and engagements, because it is the archetype of truthful insights and the garden of worldly and religious educationâ.66
2.3 Godâs Acts and Salvation History
Turning now to the second category of evidence for the Prophetâs pre-eminence, i.e. the signs âwhich God made manifest (abraza) to the eyesâ,67 the question of how Godâs acts on the Prophet, as manifested in salvation history, are to be considered as sources of prophetological knowledge, is most obvious in the case of the prophetic miracles (al-muÊ¿jizÄt).68 Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdevotes a very long chapter of Part 1 to this topic, with the title âConcerning the miracles which God made appear through his [i.e. the Prophetâs] hands, and the singularities and favours through which He honoured himâ.69 As explained by Daniel Gimaret, in AshÊ¿arÄ« theology, the âmiracle has the purpose of attesting the veracity (á¹£idq) of the one in whom it is manifestedâ70 so that miracles are considered to be proofs of the authenticity of prophecy. However, the probative force of miracles has been put into question by philosophers and theologians alike.71 Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠapparently sticks to the usual AshÊ¿arÄ« concept as a doctrinal position. In the introductory section dealing with the meaning of prophecy, revelation and miracle, he explains that âthe miracle along with the challenge [to the deniers of Muḥammadâs prophecy] (á¹aḥaddÄ«) takes the place of Godâs statement âmy servant has said the truth, so be obedient to him, follow him and attest to his veracity in what he saysââ.72
At the same time, the author seems to admit the relativity of the probative force of miracles when he states:
What we have presented of the Prophetâs beautiful qualities, of testimonies of his state, the truthfulness of his sayings [â¦] has been enough for more than one for his submission (islÄmihi) and faith in him. We have narrated from TirmidhÄ« and Ibn QÄniÊ¿ and others through their lines of transmission, that Ê¿AbdallÄh Ibn SalÄm73 (d. 43/663), when he entered Medina, reported that âI came to him in order to see him and when his face appeared clearly to me, I knew that his face cannot be the face of a liar.74
A little further on, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠcites an interpretation of a passage from the QurʾÄnic light verse: âIts oil would almost glow forth, though no fire touched itâ (Q 24:35). He states that âthis is a parable set by God for His Prophet meaning that his sole sight (manáºaruhu) would indicate his prophethood without the QurʾÄn having been recited by him, as Ibn RawÄḥa (d. 8/629)75 declaimed: âEven if he had not possessed clear signs, his mere sight had proclaimed the messageââ.76 Rather than the miracles in themselves, it is Godâs working of grace on the personality of Muḥammad which constitutes the most manifest evidence of his prophetic dignity.77
In light of the fact that, as stated before, the ShifÄʾ was written for Muslims, it becomes clear that the chapter on miracles has no apologetical or polemical purpose, but an edificatory one. Miracles are integrated into the discourse about the Prophet Muḥammadâs pre-eminence. The probative value of the miracles is not the real subject here. The function of the miraculous powers that God granted to His Prophet is to unveil the latterâs eminence, his Ê¿aáºÄ«m qadr. From this perspective, miracles are essentially palpable signs of the Prophetâs nearness to God and of the privileged relationship the Prophet enjoys with the Creator of mankind.78
While the various sub-chapters treat the different categories of prophetic miracles which can be found in previous DalÄʾil al-nubuwwa works, the iÊ¿jÄz al-QurʾÄn79 is presented as the most significant miracle and thus the most evident indication of the Prophetâs pre-eminence.80 But unlike in the first chapter, it is not the content of the QurʾÄn which is taken here as evidence of the Prophetâs pre-eminence, but the very fact of its revelation to him. The iÊ¿jÄz applies principally to the QurʾÄnâs language, composition and content,81 but also to the impact that the QurʾÄn continues to exercise on both those who contest it and those who believe in it. Whereas the first are faced with the impossibility of profaning it and continue to be affected by perplexity when listening to it,82 the believers continue to experience the âsweetness of its recitationâ without ever getting annoyed by it.83 In the argumentative framework of the ShifÄʾ, the miraculous character of the QurʾÄn and its singularity amongst revealed scriptures is evidence for the pre-eminence of its receiver and transmitter, that is the Prophet Muḥammad. An interesting aspect of this argument is the continuing actuality of this miracle which is stressed by the author,84 as it indicates that the miraculous character of the QurʾÄn remains a source for prophetological knowledge even after the Prophetâs death. It is, so to say, evidence that never ceases to speak of the Prophetâs pre-eminence to the believers, in any time and place.
In the third chapter on evidence from the ḥadÄ«th, the topics treated are the Prophetâs election, his night journey and ascension (al-isrÄʾ wa al-miÊ¿rÄj), his eschatological pre-eminence,85 his superiority vis-à -vis the other prophets, and the favours attached to his names, in particular through their relation to Godâs attributes.86 The section dedicated to the night journey and ascension occupies the most space.87 It has an evident interreligious significance for, amongst other things, Muḥammadâs night journey involves the demonstration of his role as leader and chief of the prophets in Jerusalem. Moreover, the author discusses at length the controversial questions of whether the Prophet undertook the ascension with his body and in the state of wakefulness,88 both of which affirmed, taking thereby a markedly traditionalist stance within the theological discussions. Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠequally dedicates a whole sub-chapter to Muḥammadâs vision (ruʾya) of God,89 to their conversation (munÄjÄt)90 and to his extreme rapprochement (al-dunuww) to Him.91 While mentioning, in his usual fashion, the different opinions on these issues, the author of the ShifÄʾ himself argues that reason and scripture establish that the Prophet saw his Lord, that he conversed with Him without any intermediary, and that he was in proximity to God as no other creature before or after him:
In truth, the extreme rapprochement (dunuww) has no limit and the rapprochement of the Prophet to his Lord and his proximity to Him is a clear elucidation of his exalted status and of the ennoblement of his rang, as well as of the shining [on him] of the lights of knowledge of God and of the vision of the secrets of His incommensurability and power; from God this [rapprochement] means benevolence, intimacy, generosity and honouring [â¦].92
In last analysis, the Prophetâs vision of God marks his singular status amongst mankind, since this favour has not been accorded to anyone before him: âOf every sign that prophets have received, our Prophet has received its equivalent and he is distinguished amongst them through the favour of the direct vision [of God]â.93
Considering the place conceded to both themes, revelation and ascension appear, amongst the evidence accessible through testimonies in history, as the most valuable signs allowing knowledge of the Prophet Muḥammadâs qadr. It seems that, for the author of the ShifÄʾ, the descent of Godâs word and the ascension to His proximity make Godâs work on the Muḥammadan personality visible in the most manifest and effective manner.94
3 Love for the Prophet
Besides the exegetical and theological elaboration of a prophetology based on the notion of qadr, the second particularity of the ShifÄʾ consists in the exposition of the meaning of the Prophetâs eminence for the religious life of the believers through the notion of ḥaqq/ḥuqÅ«q figuring in the title of the book. The eminent status of the Muḥammadâs prophetic personality requires the adoption of a certain attitude and behaviour towards him. In other words, it requires the fulfilment of the duties defined by the ârights (ḥuqÅ«q) of the Prophetâ such as faith (Ä«mÄn) in him, obedience (á¹ÄÊ¿a) to him, taking him as orientation (ittibÄÊ¿), veneration and respect (tawqÄ«r) of the sacred character (ḥurma) of his person, praying for him, visiting his grave, and respecting people associated with him, such as the members of his family and his descendants.
Amongst these rights, the ḥaqq which demands love for him (maḥabba) represents one of the core elements of the ShifÄʾ. As we have seen, the author indicated that the strengthening of the Muslim communityâs love for the Prophet Muḥammad constituted the principal purpose of writing the ShifÄʾ. It is therefore not surprising that the chapter on love represents perhaps the most elaborated one among those dealing with the Prophetâs rights. Concerned with the substantial driving force and the fulfilment of the believerâs relationship to the Prophet, it is situated in the middle of the book and thematically binds together the different parts while representing their topical climax. Indeed, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠhimself emphasises the pivotal significance of love by arguing that the fulfilment of the other rights results from it:
Know that whoever loves anything, gives preference to it and prefers to conform to it; otherwise he is not sincere in his love and is just pretending. He who is sincere in his love for the Prophet, its sign (Ê¿alÄma) will appear on him. The first sign consists in his taking [the Prophet] as a model, applying his Sunna, following him in his words and acts, complying with his orders and shunning the things he prohibited, observing his way of behaviour (adab) in hardship and relief, in adversity and prosperity. The witness of this is Godâs word: âSay: If you love God follow me and God will love youâ (Q 3:31).95
3.1 The Prophetâs âRightsâ (ḥuqÅ«q al-nabÄ«) and the Love That Is Due to Him
Despite the very obvious originality of the concept of ḥuqÅ«q al-nabÄ«, there is no discussion in research about this notion or about this part of the ShifÄʾ.96 Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠhimself does not offer any explication; he simply develops what these ḥuqÅ«q are and what they imply for the religious life of Muslims. However, the relevance of the theme is rhetorically justified in the introduction through the demand of an unknown person to write a compilation including the definition of what the Prophet Muḥammad âis entitled to (mÄ yajibu lahu) as regards respect (tawqÄ«r) and honouring (ikrÄm)â.97 Furthermore, in the ḥadÄ«th already mentioned in which Adam supplicates God after the expulsion from paradise, the notion of ḥaqq Muḥammad is already present. Although here it does not explicitly refer to the relationship of the believers to the Prophet, but is rather to be understood in the sense of the Prophetâs ârealityâ and the singular consideration that God has for him. In any case, the narration shows the relation between the concept of qadr, which is more directly alluded to in the ḥadÄ«th, and the concept of ḥuqÅ«q: Both ensue from the consideration that God has for the Prophet Muḥammad. The use of the term ḥaqq in the sense of ârightâ is further supported by its use in the ḥadÄ«th literature.98 Probably even more significant is the fact that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠquotes a passage from the QurʾÄnic exegesis of the Sufi and ḥadÄ«th scholar AbÅ« Ê¿Abd al-RahmÄn al-SulamÄ« (d. 412/1021) with the expression âthe negligence of his [the Prophetâs] right (ihmÄl ḥaqqihi)â.99
As Anver Emon explains, the term ḥaqq (pl. ḥuqÅ«q) has a complex meaning in Islamic thought: âAmong the definitions advanced by premodern lexicographers, one is that the term ḥaqq refers to something incumbent upon one to do (ḥaqq Ê¿alayya an afÊ¿ala dhÄlik). [â¦] The term haqq signifies both an obligation on one person and a claim of right on another.â100 As for the ârights of Godâ and the ârights of individualsâ, these âconstitute a legal heuristic that jurists used to ensure that the sharÄ«
What concerns the question of the rights (ḥuqÅ«q) of God, know that this is an enormously important matter which is neglected by most men of our time. For God has taken His prophets and saints into custody because of this matter, as they respected His covenant and obeyed His commands. [â¦] So God has ordered His servants to respect and fulfil every right (ḥaqq) He imposed on them, whether it concerns themselves or their fellow human beings. [â¦] God has made the respect of these rights the key for blessing in this and in the other world [â¦], so all creatures are bound to know the rights of God, with all their requirements, moments, purposes, duties and their order.104
By putting the notion of ḥuqÅ«q at the centre of religious life, MuḥÄsibÄ« identifies it as a core issue of prophetic missions and of the history of salvation. The diagnosis that these rights were neglected by his contemporaries led MuḥÄsibÄ« to write a book on this theme. Moreover, the passage shows clearly how he transposes this notion into the domain of spiritual practice and thus makes evident the correlation between spirituality and normativity. Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs use of the term of ḥuqÅ«q and its application to the Prophet105 is to be understood in the same line. It implies that the rights of the Prophet belong to those duties which God asks His servants to fulfil and which have been neglected by the contemporary Muslim community.
This sheds some light on the somewhat unexpected idea that love for the Prophet constitutes a ârightâ. The implicit analogy between love for God and for the Prophet is certainly voluntary. It is based on the idea that manâs relationship to God cannot be considered independently from his relation to the Prophet; the quality of the first is conditioned by the quality of the latter. This is so, because God has established the Prophet as the intermediary and mediator between mankind and Himself,106 a fact which, according to al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs line of argumentation, is demonstrated by the eminence that God accorded to the Prophet Muḥammad.
Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠcorroborates his elaboration on the normative character of the love for the Prophet Muḥammad with scriptural evidence that is usually related to the theme. Of course, the theme of love for the Prophet as such is not new. It forms the topic of sub-chapters in various ḥadÄ«th compilations, such as Muslimâs á¹¢aḥīḥ.107 In this context, love for the Prophet appears to be a sign of the quality of oneâs faith, or the condition for its plenitude.108 In the ShifÄʾ, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠquotes these ḥadÄ«ths in the same sense, most importantly the ḥadÄ«th âNone of you has faith until he loves me more than his child, his father and the whole of mankindâ, and in another version âNone of you has faith until he loves me more than his own soul [or: than himself]â.109 What is new in al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠpresentation is that love for the Prophet is not simply related to faith, but that it is specified as an attitude that is due to the Prophet in virtue of his eminence, in analogy to the rights of God the fulfilment of which represents the core of Islamic spirituality. This argument becomes more explicit in al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs considerations on the meaning and source of love for the Prophet Muḥammad.
3.2 Meaning and Source of Love for the Prophet (maḥabbat al-nabī)
Similar to the concept of ḥuqÅ«q al-nabÄ«, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs elaboration of the theme of love for the Prophet, appears to be a creative adaptation of the theme of love for God, besides being the first of its kind in doctrinal sophistication and depth. By the time and within the milieu of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, GhÄzÄliâs elaboration of the theme in his IḥyÄʾ constituted the primary doctrinal reference.110 In fact, it appears very clearly that the author of the ShifÄʾ drew inspiration in several ways from the magnus opus of the great Persian theologian and Sufi. Similar to Muslim philosophers inspired by Neo-Platonism, GhazÄlÄ« argues that the knowledge of an object or a person increases love for it.111 This elucidates very well the argumentative connection between the first and the second part of the ShifÄʾ in view of its overall purpose: the knowledge of the Prophetâs qadr expounded in the first part leads the reader to increase his love for him.
Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠfirst defines love in a chapter on Godâs love for the Prophet Muḥammad as it is expressed in the latterâs specific designation ḥabÄ«b AllÄh (âthe beloved of Godâ) mentioned in a ḥadÄ«th:112
The root (aá¹£l) of love is the inclination towards what is in harmony with the lover (al-mayl ilÄ mÄ yuwÄfiq al-muḥibb).113 As for Godâs love for a creature, it means enabling him to attain felicity, protecting him, guiding him to success, providing him with the means to draw closer to Him, and bestowing His grace upon him, and finally to take away the veil from his heart so that he perceives Him (yarÄhu) with his heart and gazes (yanáºura ilayhi) towards Him with his inner sight (baṣīra), until he is as [God] said in the ḥadÄ«th [qudsÄ«] âand when I love him, I am his hearing through which he hears, his sight through which he sees, and his tongue through which he speaks [â¦]â.114
If applied to Godâs supreme object of love, which according to al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠis the Prophet Muḥammad, the ḥadÄ«th shows how to love the Prophet means to love the one whose whole being is animated and transcended by Godâs love.
The chapter on love for the Prophet deals more specifically with mankindâs love for the Prophet Muḥammad. Here al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdevotes a complete sub-chapter to the âmeaning (maÊ¿nÄ) of love for the Prophetâ.115 Again, GhazÄlÄ«âs elaboration of the meaning and sources of love for God seems to have informed the argumentative basis of the ShifÄʾ. For GhazÄlÄ«, love is the supreme spiritual station to which all the other spiritual stations aim and thus it is the climax of manâs relationship to God. His intention is to prove that only God is worthy of love and that every kind of love has its real origin in love for God.116 He enumerates five causes (asbÄb) of love in general, and corresponding causes of the love for God in particular.117 Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdoes not transpose all of these five causes to the Prophet, but chooses three of them and adapts them, since the five causes of love for God are based on the relationship between Creator and created. The author of the ShifÄʾ bases his elaboration on an albeit anthropologically orientated version of the definition of love mentioned above: âThe inclination of the human being towards what is in harmony with him (al-mayl ilÄ mÄ yuwÄfiq al-insÄn)â.118 He distinguishes three forms of the âharmonyâ (muwÄfaqa) which engender love and correspond to the three reasons or sources of manâs love for something or somebody: 1) harmony consisting of the pleasure felt through the âperception (idrÄk) of beautiful forms (al-á¹£uwar al-jamÄ«la)â through the senses, 2) or of the pleasure felt through âperception of noble interior meanings (maÊ¿ÄnÄ« bÄá¹ina sharÄ«fa) through the intellect and the heartâ, or 3) of the benevolence and the favour that it represents to him, for âthe souls are fashioned in a way that they love the one who acts beautifully towards them (man aḥsana ilayhÄ)â.119 According to al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, the Prophet Muḥammad combines the three meanings/reasons of love in the most accomplished manner through 1) the beauty of his exterior appearance, 2) the perfection of his inner character, and 3) his favours and bounties on his community.120 The author of the ShifÄʾ concludes that the Prophet is the worthiest creature of being truly beloved.121
In this way, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠis able to argue that love for the Prophet Muḥammad is not something which needs to be imposed from the exterior, but that it is anthropologically rooted. A sound knowledge of the Prophetâs eminence will naturally engender love for him in the human being, because the inclination for beauty is natural for humans. GhazÄlÄ«âs definition of beauty, as âexistence of all possible perfections in an object means its being in an utmost degree of beautyâ,122 is influenced by Platonic and Stoic philosophy. It is certainly helpful to grasp this argument: if love is related to beauty and the pleasure produced by its perception, beauty is in reality an expression of perfection, so that love is ultimately engendered by perfection. In this sense, the perfection of the prophetic person is the reason for the pleasure that the perception of his beauty engenders in the one who has knowledge of it. For GhazÄlÄ«, the quality of being free from defects and vices necessitates love, which explains manâs love for prophets and righteous people and finds its perfection only in God.123 Considering this argument, the connection in the ShifÄʾ between Part II on the Prophetâs rights (ḥuqÅ«q), and Part III on his infallibility (Ê¿iá¹£ma) becomes clear: the fact of knowing that the Prophet is free from defects necessitates and increases love for him. While this quality finds its perfection in an absolute sense only in God as expounded by GhazÄlÄ«,124 in the domain of creation, it finds its perfection in the Prophet only.125 This line of thought shows how the theme of love to the Prophet is directly related to the consideration of the prophetic appearance and virtues expounded in Part I.
3.3 The Prophetic Appearance and the Perception of His Beautiful Forms
The second chapter of Part I, âOn Godâs perfecting [the Prophetâs] physical and interior qualities and His singularly unifying all religious and worldly favours in himâ,126 is explicitly addressed to the âlover of this noble Prophet and seeker of the details of the beauty of his exalted statusâ.127 The various sub-chapters consist mainly of thematically arranged ḥadÄ«ths and draw the image of a human being endowed by God with the realisation of perfection in every aspect of its existence. This perfection, however, not only has an anthropological significance as it establishes the Prophet as a human ideal worthy of emulation. It equally conveys a prophetological meaning related to divine revelation. If the descriptions of âthe beauty of his physical constitutionâ128 reproduce late-antique Arabian aesthetic ideals,129 they also convey the transfiguration of the Muḥammadan being by the revelation of the divine word. His personality becomes a mirror of divine severity and awfulness (jalÄl), and, at the same time, of His gentleness and beauty (jamÄl).130
The testimonies of those contemporaries who had an intimate relationship with the Prophet, such as Ê¿AlÄ« b. AbÄ« ṬÄlib, are particularly expressive: âWhoever saw him, he spontaneously had a reverential awe of him, and whoever mixed and got acquainted with him, loved himâ,131 and âI have never witnessed his peer, either before or after himâ.132 AbÅ« Hurayra is reported to have said: âI saw none better and more beautiful (aḥsan) than the Messenger of God. It was as if the sun was running in his face, and when he laughed, he radiated and his gleam reflected on the wallâ.133 His hygienical and ritual âpurityâ,134 manifested for example through the unique perfume that his body exhaled and through the innate conformity to the Abrahamic model of bodily hygiene, reflects the immaculateness of humanityâs primordial nature (al-fiá¹ra) which Islam claims to restore. As with the motive of physical beauty and harmony, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠinsists on the singularity of Muḥammadâs personality:
God favoured him with traits and attributes found in no one else, and then perfected them with the purity of revealed religion (naáºÄfat al-sharÊ¿), and with the ten qualities of primordial nature (khiá¹£Äl al-fiá¹ra al-Ê¿ashr).135
His superior intelligence and wisdom,136 and its manifestation through âthe force of his sensesâ and his eloquence,137 shows how Godâs grace was fully manifested in the personality of the Prophet Muḥammad. Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠillustrates this by quoting, among others, the known transmitter of ḥadÄ«th and of biblical material, Wahb Ibn al-Munabbih (d. 110/728 or 114/732):
I have read seventy-one religious scriptures and they unanimously stated that compared to the intellect (al-Ê¿aql) of the Prophet, God has not allotted to mankind, from the beginning of this world to its end, but a grain of sand from the worldâs sands.138
The theme of noble ascendance,139 treated in the consecutive sub-chapter, connects the Prophet Muḥammad with the universal history of salvation and the community of prophets, sages and civilising heroes, and demonstrates the conclusiveness of his message.140
However, by presenting a detailed description of the Muḥammadan person, the ShifÄʾ does not, in fact, introduce a wholly new theme, nor does this reflect an innovative conception of prophetology. In her groundbreaking study on the veneration of the Prophet in Islamic piety, Annemarie Schimmel has referred explicitly to the concept of the Prophetâs beauty, both âphysicalâ141 and âspiritualâ142 as an ongoing theme and preoccupation in Islamic thought, especially with ḥadÄ«th scholars and Sufis. The specific conception of the Prophetâs body, to which the considerations of his physical beauty and perfect constitution are obviously related, can in fact be found well before the ShifÄʾ. The particular significance of the Prophetâs body in Islamic sources has been elucidated by Denis Gril, who explains: âThe body of the prophets, and of the Prophet in particular, therefore reveals qualities and virtues that transcend ordinary humanity, just as their lives are identified with the mission in which they are investedâ.143
This is further explained by him as follows:
Thaumaturgical property of the prophetic body [â¦] goes hand in hand with the eschatological hope that attaches itself to it [â¦]. It is normal for a body through which the [divine] Word flows to be penetrated by its power of regeneration and healing. However, the attention given first by the Companions and then by subsequent generations of Muslims to the physical aspect of the Prophet and his character is also explained by the idea that each of his traits may have meaning, in accordance with the laws of physiognomy, and that the impression of harmony and balance that emerges from his person reflects his physical and spiritual perfection.144
Luca Patrizi shows how a comparative perspective from the history of religions allows to understand the iconographic function of the descriptions of the prophetic person:
In Islam, writing takes the place of iconography, and as long as the QurʾÄn is the word of God made book, QurʾÄnic writing takes the place that the icon in particular, and the image of Christ in general, has in Christianity. In place of images, moreover, there is the use of the physical description of the Prophet Muḥammad, taken from the reports made by his companions.145
The shamÄʾil thus compensate the physical disappearance of the Prophet and allow post-prophetic generations of Muslims to experience a visual encounter with the Muḥammadan personality.
What is particular to the ShifÄʾ, is the fact that this discourse on the prophetic person is integrated into a systematic elaboration of the meaning of these descriptions for the religious life of Muslims, in particular in its normative dimension as it is expressed through the concept of ḥuqÅ«q and more specifically in its relation to love for the Prophet.146 Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠinserts the shamÄʾil genre of ḥadÄ«th literature into an argumentative framework based on the relation between the perception of beautiful forms and love for the Prophet. He speaks explicitly of the impact that these descriptions have on peopleâs âheartsâ147 and, while treating the âqualities of perfectionâ, he begs God âto illuminate my heart and yours and to increase my love and your love for this noble Prophetâ.148 For the author of the ShifÄʾ, the elucidation of the Prophetâs physical appearance and of his personality clearly has a theological and a spiritual function. It is expected to have an impact on the religious life of the Muslim community in its fulfilment of the Prophetâs rights.
3.4 The Prophetâs âBeautiful Characterâ and the Perception of His âNoble Meaningsâ and of His Benevolence
The same can be said of the second source of love for the Prophet, which is identified by al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠas âthe perception of noble interior meaningsâ, by which he means the Prophetâs virtues and his character or khuluq.149 The reason for this lies, according to the author, in the fact that âthe human being is naturally inclined towards being very fond of [saintly people, scholars and virtuously acting people] to the extent that certain people are led to partisanship (taÊ¿aṣṣub) and others to sectarianism (tashayyuÊ¿)â.150 This remark again establishes an anthropological foundation of love for the Prophet Muḥammad, as for al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠthe latter is obviously the most eminent of saintly and righteous people. And indeed, in the corresponding section of the Prophetâs description, the author seeks to demonstrate that the personality of Muḥammad encompasses the totality of those qualities on whose excellence both reason and revelation agree:
They are called âthe beautiful characterâ (ḥusn al-khuluq) and this is the equilibrium of the soulâs faculties and attributes, and their just balance without any inclination towards the transgression of their limits. The totality of these qualities was the character of our Prophet, with regard to the culmination of their perfection and to their accomplished equilibrium, to the extent that God praised him in His statement âAnd verily, you are of an exalted characterâ (Q 68:4). Ê¿Äʾisha said: âHis character was the QurʾÄn, he was satisfied by its satisfaction and he was discontent by its discontentmentâ,151 and he said âI was sent to accomplish the noble character traitsâ.152 And Anas [Ibn MÄlik] said that the Messenger of God was the most beautiful of men in character, and Ê¿AlÄ« b. AbÄ« ṬÄlib said the same. As the veritable knowers (al-muḥaqqiqÅ«n) remember him, he was fashioned on these [beautiful character traits] in the root of his constitution and of his immaculate original nature (awwal fiá¹ratihi); he did not obtain them through acquisition or exercise, but only by divine generosity and lordly election, and this is true for all the prophets.153
It is interesting to see how the author mingles philosophical and theological ethics. In fact, he mentions at various places the âinsightful thinkersâ (Ê¿uqalÄʾ) or the âpeople of sound reason (aṣḥÄb al-Ê¿uqÅ«l al-salÄ«ma)â as an authority complementary to the revealed law (al-sharÊ¿) for the appreciation of attributes and characters.154 Already Tor Andrae155 alluded to the influence of Aristotelian ethics as elaborated in Islamic terms by Miskawayh (d. 421/1030), probably through the mediation of GhazÄlÄ«âs IḥyÄʾ,156 but also to the impact of pre-Islamic Arabian ethical ideals like the muruwwa (chivalry). Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠindeed begins, in the manner of the philosophers, the list of virtues with the Prophetâs intellect (Ê¿aql) by explaining that it âconstitutes the root of the branches [of the beautiful character], the origin of its sources and the centre of its sphereâ.157 But unlike the philosophers, the author of the ShifÄʾ considers the prophetic intellect and the various aptitudes which issue from it with regard to the QurʾÄnic doctrine of Muḥammadâs illiterateness:158
According to his intellect, he had knowledge of everything God taught him and made him understand, including the science of what has been and of what will be, of the wonders of His power and the immensity of His transcendent realm, as God says âand He taught you what you did not know and Godâs favour upon you is immenseâ (Q 5:113). [Human] intelligences became perplexed at measuring Godâs favour on him and the tongues fell into silence when attempting to express a comprehensive description of this.159
While affirming in this last sentence, as in various other places, the relativity of philosophical knowledge with regard to prophetology, the author does not disdain to use philosophical ethics in order to make sense of the various capacities and powers attributed to the Prophet Muḥammad, such as the little amount of sleep and food160 he needed, or his ability to handle wealth and to deal with political matters. This argumentative structure allows al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠto make the Prophet Muḥammad appear as a superior and divinely inspired version of the philosophical ideal of the philosopher-king. It is conceivable that the author of the ShifÄʾ intended thereby to argue, against the rationalist-minded amongst his contemporaries, the superiority of the Prophet Muḥammad over the philosophers and the incomparability between the two types of knowledge.161
Despite their philosophical relevance, these and the other qualities are obviously above all related to the prophetic mission and dignity of Muḥammad. His forbearance, generosity, courage, modesty each elucidate an aspect of the prophetic function and of its Muḥammadan specificity.162
However, the sub-chapter on âhis compassion (shafaqa), his mercy (raḥma) and affection (raʾfa) for the entire creationâ163 certainly has a particular significance. The theme of the Prophetâs mercy164 is indeed one of the major motives of the ShifÄʾ as it draws through all its parts.165 Its importance stems from the fact that the Prophetâs unconditional mercy constitutes an obvious indication of the singular role that God has assigned to him and thus of his eminence.166 According to al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, who takes up a common theological argument, this is demonstrated in particular by the fact that by characterising the Prophet Muḥammad with mercy, God attributes to the latter His own name and quality.167 At the same time, the theme of the Prophetâs mercy also very clearly shows the soteriological significance of his personality, and thus the normative status of veneration and love for him. Mercy equally has a central significance because it represents the essential element of the third source of love mentioned by al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄd, namely âthe benevolence and the favour that somebody represents to manâ corresponding to the Prophetâs âfavours and bounties on his communityâ.168
Considering the presentation of the Prophetâs character traits in general, it is striking how al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠconstantly stresses their divine cause, as for example when explaining in the case of the Prophetâs longanimity and forbearance that âall this is from how God educated His Prophetâ.169 This insistence can be understood to have a double meaning. Firstly, as explained in the first part, it demonstrates again the Prophetâs pre-eminence and secondly, it goes against the philosophical conception of prophetology which considers prophecy as a state conferred by God on account of intellectual and moral qualities. Here, very clearly following AshÊ¿arÄ« theology,170 the author of the ShifÄʾ emphasises that the prophetic virtues represent the consequences of divine election and revelation for the prophetic person. There is no causal relation between human qualities and prophecy â both are nothing other than effects of Godâs will and grace.
At the same time, the influence of Sufi ethics is visible through the various quotations and also through certain themes.171 Whereas the great majority of attributes concern the Prophetâs relation to people, there is only one category which exclusively concerns his relation to God, namely one of the last sub-chapters dealing with âhis fear of his Lord, his obedience towards Him and the intensity of his adorationâ.172 The ShifÄʾ seems to emphasise a certain type of spirituality which reflects the spiritual and ethical ideal of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs milieu and time. Detachment from worldly affairs (zuhd), combined with a rigorous and intense ritual practice, and the vigilant fear of God as the principal modality of knowledge of God, correspond to the ideal of the ascetic scholar-saint characteristic for the Islamic West of the fourth-sixth/tenth-twelfth centuries.173
From these considerations it becomes clear how al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠskilfully arranges these various discursive genres towards a common theme, that is the love for the Prophet. A more normative approach is visible in the sub-chapter on âThe signs of love for the Prophetâ,174 the longest of this whole chapter and, to my knowledge, the first of this kind in the history of SunnÄ« literature. The theme of âsignsâ offers criteria in order to verify the sincerity (á¹£idq) of love for the Prophet Muḥammad. Even if there are no explicit indications, the question arises whether the author had in view false claims of love for the Prophet in his time and whether this theme possibly contains a veiled critique against a certain group which, in al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs view, claimed to represent the Prophetâs authority and to be attached to him, without laying importance on the requirements of âprophetic pietyâ.175 In any case, the âsignsâ that he mentions illustrate very concretely the effects of love for the Prophet on religious life: the preference for the Prophet and for conformity to him, continuous mention of him (dhikrihi) and desire to meet him, especially when one hears his name, love for those associated to him like his family and companions, love for the QurʾÄn and finally compassion for his community.176 Far from being merely an interior attitude, the maḥabbat al-nabÄ« requires the whole being of the believer, in order to be truthful (á¹£Ädiq). In fact, love for the Prophet represents for the author of the ShifÄʾ a comprehensive and programmatic vision of the practice of Islam, involving the interior life of the individual believer as well as his exterior behaviour and his relationship to the community. This comprehensive character of the love for the Prophet results from its normative meaning:
Know that who loves something accords preference to it and conformity to it, otherwise his love is not truthful, but he pretends only to it. He who is sincere in his love for the Prophet is the one on whom its signs appear, and the first sign is taking him as a model, putting his Sunna into practice and following his words and deeds, as well as conforming to his commands and interdictions, educating oneself according to his behaviour in facility and difficulty, as well as in pleasant and unpleasant things; the evidence of this, is Godâs word âSay: If you love God, then follow me and God will love you (Q 3:31)â. And [love for the Prophet] is also apparent through giving preference to what he legislated and urged to do, against what conforms to oneâs own passions and desires.177
In the sub-chapter âOn the reward (thawÄb) for love for the Prophetâ,178 interestingly placed at the very beginning, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄd dwells in particular on the eschatological meaning of the fulfilment of the duties connected with this love. The argument developed through the various ḥadÄ«th is that loving the Prophet means being associated with the one who will be in the most blissful position in paradise: âWhoever loves me, will be with me in paradiseâ.179
In this relatively small passage, the soteriological argument of the ShifÄʾ and of its prophetology comes more fully into light. The theme of ârewardâ allows the writer to expound what the Prophetâs pre-eminence means for his community, and how the fulfilment of his rights constitutes the modalities through which his community can itself benefit from it. If âbeing with the Prophetâ is the supreme reward of love for him, and thus the true goal of the fulfilment of his rights in general,180 then because it means to be associated to the grace for which God singled out the Prophet Muḥammad. It is in this sense, that the ShifÄʾ argues that the quality of a believerâs relationship to God is dependent upon the quality of his relationship to the Prophet, which is proportionate to his love for him. In other words, the believerâs relationship to God is only a relationship of effective proximity and love if it is goes along with an effective relationship to the most near and beloved creature to God, which is the Prophet Muḥammad. Because God loves the Prophet, to love the Prophet means to participate in Godâs love for him.
4 Conclusion
One of the results of this study is certainly to have shown the theological complexity and sophistication of a work that has too often been treated as a polemical or apologetical text whose purpose resided in promoting extravagant beliefs to credulous Muslim masses. Focusing on the central notions of qadr and ḥuqÅ«q, as well as the themes of knowledge and love, this analysis of the ShifÄʾ has attempted to demonstrate how the veneration of the Prophet Muḥammad represents a genuine theological and intellectual concern within SunnÄ« scholarly discourse. Drawing on the rich textual material of the various genres of prophetological literature, the ShifÄʾ uses sciences and approaches as diverse as ḥadÄ«th, philosophy and Sufism in order to show how evidence for Muḥammadan prophethood is first of all soteriologically meaningful for the religious life of Muslims. Developing the prophetological scope of various discursive traditions, the ShifÄʾ thus reflects the end of the formative period. In the context of the emergence of schisms and of the threats to the territorial integrity of the Islamic West, it participates in the consolidation of a distinct SunnÄ« identity shaped by âMuḥammadan spiritualityâ.
The study of the ShifÄʾ allows for a more differentiated understanding of the Muslim discourse on the Prophetâs pre-eminence. For those who believe in Muḥammadâs prophetic claim and strive to follow him, the latterâs exalted dignity means, foremost, the possibility to participate in the Prophetâs nearness to God â hence, proximity to the Prophet implies proximity to God. If Part I shows that through the Prophet Muḥammad the believer has access to a privileged relationship with God, Part II responds to the question how this participation is possible, namely through the fulfilment of his rights, love for the Prophet representing their ultimate fulfilment.
What is striking is the epistemological consistency of this prophetology: If it is God Himself who imparts knowledge about the Prophetâs pre-eminence to mankind, man cannot attain this knowledge by himself â at least in its depth, variety and veritable meaning. Consequently, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠorganised his prophetology according to the loci of Godâs exaltation of the Prophet, i.e., Godâs speech to the Prophet, and the Prophetâs person and miraculous acts as transmitted by tradition. If al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠpresents revelation and salvation history as sources for the knowledge of the Prophetâs pre-eminent status, the question arises which role he accords to reason or Ê¿aql? While further analysis is needed on this point, it can be already affirmed in a general manner that reason as a purely human source of knowledge seems to have only a secondary epistemological significance, which is limited to demonstrating the plausibility of an argument rather than allowing for certainty with regard to its truth. So rather than a source of knowledge, reason appears as a hermeneutical instrument needed for making the meaning and coherence of the mentioned sources evident in view of a certain theme. Hence, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs âconcessionsâ to philosophical ethics are in fact only relative: if reason is able to appreciate the Prophetâs virtues and to elucidate their excellence through systematic elaboration, it is incapable of recognising their true meaning and the reality of the Prophetâs realisation of them. However, if the value of reason for the knowledge of the Prophetâs eminent reality appears to be relative, one should not conclude that for al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠthe Ê¿aql is negligible. The third part of the book, which, according to its author, contains the âsecretâ of the whole work, shows that the use of reason is indispensable for an accurate understanding of the subtleties of prophetology.
Despite the insights yielded by this study, it is clear that the ShifÄʾ requires further analysis of the other two parts and of certain aspects, in particular the theme of ḥadÄ«th transmission which occupies a central place for al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs self-understanding and activity as a scholar. If the ShifÄʾ argues the soteriological necessity of the Muslimâs relationship to the person of the Prophet, the ḥadÄ«th represents one of the major means through which this relationship is established.181 Another aspect to be inquired further is the influence of GhazÄlÄ«âs thought on al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, and of philosophical ideas and of Sufi teachings in general. If the ShifÄʾ shows obvious parallels to both, the concrete genealogy of certain ideas has to be elucidated further. Against the background of a more comprehensive understanding of the ShifÄʾ, it will be possible to relate its argument as expounded in this study more concretely to al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs diagnostics of the Muslim communityâs situation in his time.182 It is the latter which elucidates how for al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠthe inappropriate or incomplete understanding of the prophetic reality of Muḥammadâs personality constitutes the real cause for the neglect of the Prophetâs rights in the Muslim community, and hence the root of the latterâs critical situation.
Certainly, the most singular feature which this study has brought to light is the elaboration of a veritable theology of veneration of the Prophet in the ShifÄʾ. One can speak of a theology in the sense that the conceptualisation of veneration is grounded in the divine determination of prophetic dignity, which is only known by Godâs revelation and working. Love for the Prophet, as al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠpresented it, is ultimately based on Godâs exaltation of the Prophet in words and acts. For a scholar like al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, the maḥabbat al-nabÄ« is not merely a moral device or an emotional impulse related to the socio-religious or psychological needs of the Muslim community but has its foundation in revelation and tradition and thus can be substantiated through theological reasoning. Furthermore, it is a theology because it develops a comprehensive vision of Islamic religious life founded on the Muḥammadan model and personality. The latter appears as an ideal of human perfection, allowing thereby for an anthropological basis of veneration: the human being inclines naturally to what is beautiful and good, and the Prophet Muḥammad, reuniting in him the outer and inner qualities of perfection with benevolence towards mankind, represents the supreme object of love in the created world. It is this vision which most likely explains the singular success of the ShifÄʾ, as well as its continuing relevance and force of attraction.
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Zargar, C. A. The Polished Mirror. Storytelling and the Pursuit of Virtue in Islamic Philosophy and Sufism, Oxford, Oneworld, 2017.
Zouggar, N. âLes philosophes dans la prophétologie sunniteâ, Bulletin du Centre de recherche français à Jérusalem 23 (2012), http://journals.openedition.org/bcrfj/7270.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 150. Translations are by the author. There are a variety of non-academic translations into major Western languages, for example in English with the Arabic text by Hibah, Ash-Shifa.
See in particular Serrano, âÊ¿IyÄá¸â and as primary sources, Ê¿IyÄá¸, TaÊ¿rÄ«f and MaqqarÄ«, AzhÄr al-riyÄá¸.
Gardet, Théologie musulmane, 201. He equally speaks of a Muslim âhyperdulia cultâ (226â27) and argues that âthe absolute pre-excellence of the Prophet upon any creature does not enter the usual perspective of kalamâ (206). I would argue that this thesis can be traced back to the influence of protestant biblical studies and its theory of the âbiographical processâ on early orientalism, as exemplified by Josef Horovitzâs âThe Growth of the Mohammed Legendâ of 1920. See also Van Ess, MiÊ¿rÄj, 27â28 who credits early Islam with having been less affected with a subsequently constructed exaltation of its founder than early Christianity, but at the same time closes his study with the remark that âit was resolutely decided to exalt him, but the events of his life had already anticipated this exaltationâ (MiÊ¿rÄj, 56).
Nagel, Allahs Liebling. Tilman Nagel, for whom the ShifÄʾ establishes âMuḥammad as the source of Muslimsâ production of meaning and existential determinationâ (Allahs Liebling, 22), devotes a whole chapter to the ShifÄʾ in his study, under the title âThe dogmatisation of the prophetic vitaâ (135â98), albeit without discussing its central notions and concepts, and from his particular, sometimes polemical perspective.
One could add that this sociological preconception, founded on the dichotomy between learned and popular Muslims, is more or less consciously associated with a historical one according to which the veneration of the Prophet does not belong to the âoriginal Islamâ, the latter being sharply distinguished from Islam as constructed by Muslim traditions. It is interesting to note, however, how this conception of âoriginal Islamâ does represent numerous similarities with the Neo-Salafist concept of âthe Islam of the originsâ.
Besides the pioneering work of Tor Andrae of 1918, notably not a scholar of Islamic studies in the first place but a theologian and a historian of religions, it is above all the specialists of Sufism who have been interested in this theme. See in particular Schimmel, Und Muhammad (1981), Chodkiewicz, âModèle prophétiqueâ (1994); Gril, âCorps du Prophèteâ (2006); Katz, Birth of the prophet (2007) and Addas, Maison du Prophète (2015).
In the first place, the Danish caricature affair of 2005 and the jihadist justification of terrorist activities through the figure of the Prophet, beginning with al-QÄÊ¿ida and leading to ISIS. See Vimercati Sanseverino, Combat Prophetology.
Since Annemarie Schimmelâs groundbreaking Und Muhammad ist Sein Prophet (1981, English translation 1985), there has been a flourishing of monographs presenting historical outlines of the Muslim view of the Prophet for a wider readership, beginning with Schöller, Mohammed (2008); Khalidi, Images of Muhammad (2009); Safi, Memories of Muhammad (2010); Brown, Muhammad (2011); Ali, Lives of Muhammad (2014). See also Görke, âIntroductionâ, 2015.
In Q 9:24, probably addressed to âthose Muslims who remained in Mecca after the migrationâ (Study Quran, 511), love for the Prophet Muḥammad, here in the sense of giving preference to him, appears as a mark which distinguishes his most loyal followers: âSay: âIf your fathers, your children, your brothers, your spouses, your tribe, your wealth you have acquired, commerce whose stagnation you fear, and dwellings you find pleasing are more beloved to you than God and His Messenger (aḥabba ilaykum min AllÄh wa rasÅ«lihi), and striving in His way, then wait till God comes with His commandâ [â¦]â. Examples from the ḥadÄ«th are certainly more numerous, the most famous being the tradition found, amongst others, in BukhÄrÄ«, á¹¢aḥīḥ, kitÄb al-Ä«mÄn, bÄb ḥubb al-rasÅ«l min al-Ä«mÄn, N° 14, âNobody has faith until he loves me more than his father, his child and the whole of mankindâ. See also in particular Gril, âAttitude des Compagnonsâ.
For the paradigmatic significance of the reconnection to the Prophet, see Graham, âTraditionalismâ.
See Fierro, âProto-Malikisâ.
Interestingly, the âsecretâ (sirr) of the work, as the author himself explains in the introduction (ShifÄʾ, 16), is to be found in the third part which develops the classical kalÄm theme of nubuwwÄt (prophetology) and discusses in particular the complex relationship between the human nature of Muḥammad and his prophetic authority.
See Vimercati Sanseverino, âWer dem Gesandten gehorchtâ, 63â38.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 294â299. For this issue, see the study by Ahmad, Before Orthodoxy.
On this topic see Wagner, âNon-Muslims who insultâ, and Nagel, âTabuisierungâ. KattÄnÄ« (Madkhal, 188â193) collected statements of scholars who refrained from reading this part in public for âfear for the laymen (khawfan Ê¿alÄ al-Ê¿Ämma)â.
ShawwÄá¹, Ê¿Älim al-maghrib, 117â54, offers a list of sources from various disciplines used by al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠbased on analysis of the Ghunya, the ShifÄʾ, his commentary on Muslimâs ḥadÄ«th compilation and his ḥadÄ«th handbook.
This is evident for the ḥadÄ«th literature as well as for the sÄ«ra and the dalÄʾil al-nubuwwa literature. As for the shamÄʾil literature, which is indeed concerned with the description of the person of Muḥammad, it does not offer any theological elaboration on the soteriological, eschatological or spiritual significance of the prophetic person. This step is undertaken in the ShifÄʾ, as will be shown later.
In the present study, we will not dwell upon the historical circumstances which motivated or influenced the redaction of the ShifÄʾ. Besides the already existing studies (see below), a further study on this important question, considering in particular al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs project of a revival of SunnÄ« identity against the politico-religious developments of his time, is currently in preparation.
We owe this helpful expression to Stefan Reichmuth; see Reichmuth, âProphetic Pietyâ. The ShifÄʾ certainly needs to be considered as participating in the profusion of prophetological writing in al-Andalus in the fourth-seventh/tenth-thirteenth centuries. On this last phenomenon, see Jarrar, Prophetenbiographie and Fierro, âKitÄb al-anwÄrâ.
This expression is used by Tilman Nagel to describe the transition from âSunnÄ« pietyâ to a spirituality characterised by its strong reference to the Muḥammadan personality in the sixth/twelfth century. According to Nagel, this evolution explains how the inviolability of the Person of Muḥammad began to be dogmatised, see Nagel, âTabuisierungâ, 482, and Wagner, âProblem of Non-Muslimsâ, 531f.
See Fierro, âEl tratadoâ and Iruela, Veneración.
In particular Andrae, Person Muhammeds; Schimmel, Und Muhammad; Nagel, Allahs Liebling; Khalidi, Images of Muhammad.
There is yet no specific study about the reception of the ShifÄʾ and of its themes, but even then, it can be safely assumed that the incredible success of the work is due, among other things, to his elaborating on the knowledge of the Prophetâs status and on love for him. For the popularity and the diffusion of the ShifÄʾ, KattÄnÄ«, al-Madkhal ilÄ kitÄb al-ShifÄʾ offers useful indications.
See in particular TurÄbÄ«, JuhÅ«duhu fÄ« Ê¿ilm al-ḥadÄ«th; ShawwÄá¹ Ê¿Älim al-maghrib; Al-Ê¿AbdallÄh, JuhÅ«duhu al-kalÄmiyya; Serrano, âDiffusion de lâashÊ¿arismeâ; Vimercati Sanseverino, âTransmission, ethosâ.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 19.
âMuhammadâs claim to prophecy triggered a Jewish and Christian attack on his prophetic qualifications, which forced the Muslims to establish a system of vindication of Muhammadâs prophecy. The existence of this system obliged the Christians to respond with âthe negative signs of true religion,â their own version of the âsigns of prophecyâ, this response in its turn influenced later Muslim depiction of Muhammad and of early Islamic historyâ (Stroumsa, âSigns of Prophecyâ, 101â14).
Koertner, Clear Signs.
In his extensive commentary of the ShifÄʾ, the Egyptian scholar ShihÄb al-DÄ«n al-KhafÄjÄ« (d. 1069/1659) explains this notion as follows: âThe qadr of a thing is its measure (miqdÄr) and its nobleness (sharaf) and rang (rutba); it means the magnification (taÊ¿áºÄ«m), as in Godâs word âand they do not give God the measure that is Hisâ (Q 39:67), i.e. they did not magnify God the magnification which is truly Hisâ (NasiÌm, I, 92).
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 19.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 112. The earliest source for this ḥadÄ«th is al-ḤÄkim al-NisabÅ«rÄ«, (m. 405/1014) al-Mustadrak Ê¿alÄ al-á¹¢aḥīḥayn, kitab al-tafsÄ«r, N° 3042. For the various sources of this ḥadÄ«th and the controversy it gave rise, see Ibn al-Ê¿AlawÄ«, MafÄhim, 129. As we will see later, this understanding of the term of qadr is further confirmed by al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs use of the term of ḥaqq/ḥuqÅ«q (rights), which is also mentioned in this ḥadÄ«th, but for which he probably was inspired by al-MuḥÄsibÄ«âs work on Sufism, al-RiÊ¿Äya li-ḥuqÅ«q AllÄh (The observance of the rights of God).
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 19. See also, 16, where the author explains how he has structured the ShifÄʾ.
Al-KhafÄjÄ« explains that âthe magnifications of God indicate the nearness (qurb) of the Prophet to Him and that who loves Him, has to make [the Prophet] his utmost concern as if the Prophet was always with Godâ (NasÄ«m, I, 92).
See Gardet, Théologie Musulmane, 179â80; Rahman, Prophecy, 96.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 19, 21, and in particular 145 of the chapter âConcerning the Godâs ennobling him with names from His own beautiful names and His qualifying him with His own attributesâ where the author explains that âthe meaning of Ê¿aáºÄ«m is attributed to the one whose affair is elevated above everything else and God says âYou are truly of an exalted character (khuluq Ê¿aáºÄ«m; Q 68:4)ââ.
See for example Q 2:225 and Gimaret, Noms divins, 208â10. According to Gimaret, âthat which no intelligence can grasp is the al-Ê¿AáºÄ«m al-muá¹laq, Godâ (209).
See Q 15:87. The Study Quran, 652, translates âAnd We have indeed given thee the seven oft-repeated, and the Mighty Quran (al-QurʾÄn al-Ê¿aáºÄ«m)â.
Q 68:4. The ḥadÄ«th tradition confirms the characterisation of Muḥammadâs prophetic personality with the QurʾÄnic revelation, for example in the ḥadÄ«th âHis character was the QurʾÄnâ (Muslim, al-á¹¢aḥīḥ, KitÄb á¹£alÄt al-musÄfirÄ«n, bÄb jÄmÊ¿ á¹£alÄt al-layl, N° 746.). See especially Gril, âCorps du Prophèteâ.
On this point, see also the considerations by Gril concerning âLâhomme révéléâ in âRévelation et inspirationâ, 755.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 148. Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠquotes here the Sufi and theologian Muḥammad b. MÅ«sÄ AbÅ« Bakr al-WÄsiá¹Ä« (d. ca. 320/923) who was a follower of Junayd al-BaghdÄdÄ« and specialised in this theme. See Silvers, Soaring Minaret.
This expression actually figures in the title of the first part, see Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 19. There is also a long chapter in al-BayhaqÄ«âs (d. 458/1066) famous ḥadÄ«th compilation ShuÊ¿ab al-Ä«mÄn, II, 193â234, with the title taÊ¿áºÄ«m al-nabÄ«, constituting âthe fifteenth branch of faithâ.
This goes even so far that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdeemed it necessary to add a subchapter about the incomparability between creator and Creator, even if no Muslim scholar would rank any being next to God, nor to Godâs word, see Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 148â49.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ p. 19.
Al-QÄdÄ« Ê¿IyÄḠuses the terms iáºhÄr (making manifest) for miracles and takmÄ«l (making perfect) for the Prophetâs characters and appearance. In both cases, God is the sole agent.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 107â49.
However, it seems that the QurʾÄn and the sunna belong to two different categories, the first being in reality a purely scriptural revelation the scriptural form of which is part of the divine revelation itself, whereas the sunna is revelation through Godâs inspiration of the Prophetâs words, acts and consents, so not scriptural in the strict sense. This would explain why the third chapter does not belong to the category of evidence from the divine word, but to the category of evidence from divine acts.
For al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs elaboration on this point, see Vimercati Sanseverino, âTransmission, ethosâ.
Al-KhafÄjÄ« interprets this passage in very similar sense, but includes the ḥadÄ«th qudsÄ« to the first category, see NasÄ«m, I, 114â15.
Islam et Histoire, 38, see also Nagel, âVernichtung der Geschichteâ.
Laroui, Islam et Histoire, 94.
Laroui, Islam et Histoire, 94â95. On the role of ḥadÄ«th for the origin of historical writing, see Khalidi, Historical thought, 17â83.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 21.
KharkÅ«shÄ«, Sharaf al-Muá¹£tafÄ, IV, 93â190.
AbÅ« NuÊ¿aym al-Iá¹£bahÄnÄ«, DalÄʾil al-nubuwwa, 39â56.
Lowry, Epistle on legal theory, 27, 63. This important work is an example illustrating how prophetological themes elaborated in the ShifÄʾ are in fact already present in various Islamic discourses: âGod has rescued us from demise through [the Prophet Muḥammad] and placed us in âthe best community brought forth for the peopleâ (Q 3:110), adherents of His religion, the religion of which He approved and for which He elected His angels and those of His creatures whom He graced. No act of grace has touched us â whether outwardly or inwardly, and through which we attain benefit in religion and this world or have averted from us what is evil in one or both of them â of which Muḥammad was not the cause, the leader to its blessing, the guide to its proper route, the one who protects us from perdition [â¦]â (Lowry, Epistle on Legal Theory, 9).
Böwering, Mystical Vision, 149â153, and Keeler, TafsÄ«r, xxxâxxxiii. The influence of al-TustarÄ«âs exegesis on the ShifÄʾ has already been noted by Böwering, Mystical Vision, 37, 65â66, 157â158, 160â161.
See for example ShifÄʾ, 23. TustarÄ« is also quoted regularly in other contexts, for example with regard to the spiritual meaning of the ittibÄÊ¿ (ShifÄʾ, 226, 230, 232). According to his son (TaÊ¿rÄ«f, 42), he even received an isnÄd of TustarÄ«âs sayings through AbÅ« Ê¿AlÄ« al-á¹¢adafÄ« (d. 514/1120), one of his most important teachers in ḥadÄ«th (see ShawwÄá¹, Ê¿Älim al-Maghrib, 76â78; TurÄbÄ«, JuhÅ«duhu fÄ« Ê¿ilm al- ḥadÄ«th, 126â132).
See for example Q 2:2.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 22.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 23.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 29â31.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 31â36.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 26â29.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 37â39.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 39â40.
As already mentioned, it is obvious that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠtook up certain chapters from the DalÄʾil al-nubuwwa literature, in particular from al-Iá¹£bahÄnÄ«, DalÄʾil al-nubuwwa, 39â48, which shows strong similarities with the ShifÄʾ in this respect, and the chapter on âThe nobleness of the Prophet in the QurʾÄnâ of KharkÅ«shÄ«, Sharaf al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ IV, p. 93â179, which develops both aspects mentioned above through the description of the Prophetâs singularity, and Godâs oaths on him (IV, p. 180â185). However, on these themes, the ShifÄʾ appears to be much more elaborate than previous works.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 29â30.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 19.
Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠelaborates a precise definition of this term as âthat what a creature is incapable of performingâ, either âbecause of Godâs act disabling them (taÊ¿jÄ«zuhum Ê¿anhu fiÊ¿l li-llÄh)â or because âits being beyond human capacities (khÄrij Ê¿an qudratihim)â (ShifÄʾ, 153).
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 150â224.
Gimaret, AshÊ»arÄ«, 461â462.
See Gardet, Théologie musulmane, 197â201. Ibn Rushd and even scholars like Ibn Taymiyya criticised the theologiansâ claim that Muhammadâs miracles prove his prophethood. Even GhazÄlÄ« differed on this point from early AshÊ¿arÄ«s. On âProphetical Miracles and the Unchanging Nature of Godâs Habitâ in Ghazaliâs thought and its reception, see Griffel, Philosophical Theology, 194â201.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 152.
A known Rabbi of Medina who converted to Islam.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 150.
A Companion from Medina and secretary of the Prophet, known for his poetry.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 151.
It is interesting that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠdid not refer to GhazÄlÄ«âs doctrine. As Frank Griffel explains, âin his autobiography, for instance, al-GhazÄlÄ« says that the experience (tajriba) of the positive effects of a prophetâs work on oneâs soul generates necessary knowledge (Ê¿ilm á¸arÅ«rÄ«) of his prophecy. In this case, the judgment of experience is established by the repeated concomitance between performing the Prophetâs ritual prescriptions and the positive effects this practice has on oneâs soul. That resulting judgment, namely, that Muhammad can effectively heal the soul through his revelation, establishes certainty about prophecy (yaqÄ«n bi-l-nubuwwa) and results in belief that equals the power of knowledge (al-Ä«mÄn al-qawÄ« al-Ê¿ilmÄ«)â (Philosophical Theology, 208).
It is possible that the author of the ShifÄʾ in fact develops here the idea already present in Iá¹£bahÄnÄ«âs âEvidences of prophecyâ that miracles indicate the Prophetâs status and position with God: âGod almighty supported Muḥammad with what he had not supported any one of the two worlds, and He distinguished him with what surpassed the boundaries of the miracles of the prophets and the stations of the saints for the signs of prophecy are in accordance with his [i.e. the prophetâs] station and position with God. There is no sign (Äya) and no indicator (Ê¿alÄma) more exceptional and more marvellous than the signs of Muḥammad, and that is the eloquent Qurâan [â¦]â (Iá¹£bahÄnÄ«, DalÄʾil, 134, translated by Körtner, Clear Signs, 213).
It is possible that he based himself on BaqillÄnÄ«âs (d. 403/1013) famous IÊ¿jÄz al-QurʾÄn treatise. However, even if there is a preponderance of the rhetorical aspect of the iÊ¿jÄz, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠrefers to the various aforementioned conceptions of it (see Kermani, Ãsthetische Erleben, 247).
On the iÊ¿jÄz al-QurʾÄn as evidence of the authenticity of Muḥammadâs mission, see Gardet, Théologie musulmane, 218â21.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, distinguishes two aspects of this topic, the unveiling of unknown things (al-mughayyabÄt) (162), and the information about past events and scriptures etc. (162ff.).
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 164ff.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 166â67. In the following pages, other examples of the iÊ¿jÄz are discussed, such as the facility to learn the QurʾÄn by heart, the unparalleled force of its argumentation etc.
He speaks for example of the fact that the QurʾÄn âconstitutes a sign which subsists and never ceases to be as long as this world subsists, in virtue of the guarantee of Godâs preservationâ (ShifÄʾ, 166). Of course, there is nothing unusual in mentioning this aspect, but it acquires a new significance within the prophetological framework of the ShifÄʾ, as explained in the remark that follows.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 128â39. This topic, which is beyond our scope here, has a major importance for the argument of the ShifÄʾ.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 144â48.
Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠengages in a lengthy discussion about the variant narrations of this event. For a study of the sources of the narration and their reception, see Colby, Narrating Muḥammadâs Night Journey.
ShifÄʾ, 120â22.
ShifÄʾ, 122â26. On this issue in particular, see Van Ess, âMiÊ¿rÄjâ.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 126.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 127â28.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 127.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 124. The statement is attributed by the author to Aḥmad Ibn Ḥanbal.
In both cases, one can indeed speak of a âtransfigurationâ of the prophetic personality, see Gril, âCorps du Prophèteâ, 49, who speaks of âconsummationâ and Van Ess, âMiÊ¿rÄjâ, 29â30, who prefers to speak of âglorificationâ.
ShifÄʾ, 235.
In Vimercati Sanseverino, âWer dem Gesandten gehorchtâ, 70â73, a few aspects of this notion with regard to the theme of the Prophet Muḥammad as Godâs mercy have been discussed.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 13.
For example, in the Sunan of TirmidhÄ«, one can find sub-chapters on ḥaqq al-wÄlidayn (âthe right of the parentsâ) and on ḥaqq al-jiwÄr (âthe right of the neighbourâ) in the AbwÄb al-birr wa al-á¹£ila (25).
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 242.
Emon, âḤuqÅ«q AllÄhâ.
Emon, âḤuqÅ«q AllÄhâ, 327.
The author of the ShifÄʾ has studied the work of MuḥÄsibÄ« with the Andalusian Sufi Muḥammad Ibn KhamÄ«s AbÅ« Ê¿AbdallÄh al-SÅ«fÄ«, amongst others, as he mentions in his intellectual auto-biography, remarking that âI used to sit with him very oftenâ (al-Ghunya, 92).
See Vimercati Sanseverino, Fès et sainteté, 535â537. According to Casewit (Mytics of Andalus, 32), the RiÊ¿Äya was introduced in al-Andalus by the theologian and poet Aḥmad al-IlbÄ«rÄ« (d. 429/1037). See also Vizcaino, Obras de zuhd, 427.
MuḥÄsibÄ«, al-RiÊ¿Äya, 37â38. It should be noted that for MuḥÄsibÄ«, these rights are not limited to the accomplishment of ritual or legal norms, but include spiritual attitudes such as sincerity, confidence and awareness.
However, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠis not the first author to have made this transposition, even if he is the one who developed it in a systematic manner as the key notion of the normative aspect of his prophetology. In the sub-chapter âOn his affection for his community and compassion for itâ, which is part of the chapter on âLove for the Prophetâ of his ShuÊ¿ab al-Ä«mÄn, BayhaqÄ« quotes his source AbÅ« Ê¿AbdallÄh al-Ḥusayn al-ḤalÄ«mÄ« (d. 403/1012): âIf the reasonable person reflects on the benefits that God conferred on His servants through the Prophet in this world, and what He conferred to them through his favour of his intercession in the other world, he knows that there is no right, after the rights of God, more incumbent (lÄ á¸¥aqqa awjab) than the right of the Prophetâ (ShuÊ¿ab al-Ä«mÄn, II, 165). See also BayhaqÄ«, ShuÊ¿ab al-Ä«mÄn, II, 193.
Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠexplicitly uses this theologically strong expression of intermediary (al-wÄsiá¹a), notably in order to explain the meaning of Muḥammadâs human nature and of the inner reality of his prophetic authority, see ShifÄʾ, 277.
Cf. Muslim, á¹¢aḥīḥ, KitÄb al-Ä«mÄn, chapter 16 âConcerning the obligation of love for the Messenger of Godâ.
See below.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 232. Both versions can be found in BukhÄrÄ«, á¹¢aḥīḥ, kitab al-Ä«mÄn, bÄb ḥubb al-rasÅ«l min al-Ä«mÄn, N° 15 and kitab al-aymÄn wa al-nudhÅ«r, bÄb kayfa kÄnat yamÄ«n al-nabÄ«, N° 6257. Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠgives his own isnÄd for the first version with a slight variation in the order between âfather (wÄlid)â and âchild (walad)â corresponding to the version of Muslim, á¹¢aḥīḥ, kitab al-Ä«mÄn, bÄb wujÅ«b maḥabbat al-rasÅ«l, N° 70. In his commentary of Muslimâs á¹¢aḥīḥ, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠoffers an interesting explanation of the two ḥadÄ«th mentioned in this sub-chapter: âThe categories of love are three: love due to reverence and exaltation as love for the father, love due to mercy and affection as love for the child, and love due to benefaction (istiḥsÄn) and alikeness (mushÄkala) as love between people. And the Prophet reunites all these in himself. [â¦] And from what we said it ensues that faith does not become complete without realising (taḥqÄ«q) the elevated dignity (qadr) and rank of the Prophet above every father and child as well as above every benefactor. Whoever is not convinced of this and believes something else is not a believer (laysa bi-muʾmin)â (IkmÄl al-MuÊ¿allim, I, 280â81).
His important teacher AbÅ« Bakr Ibn al-Ê¿ArabÄ« (d. 543/1148) is, among the contemporaries of GhazÄlÄ«, âthe most important source of information about al-GhazÄlÄ«âs life and his teachingsâ (Griffel, Philosophical Theology, 62). On the role of Ibn al-Ê¿ArabÄ« for the evolution of theological thinking in the Islamic West, see Serrano, Diffusion.
GhazÄlÄ«, IḥyÄʾ, IV, 392. âIt is not possible to imagine the existence of love except after perception and knowledge; hence, the human being loves only what he knowsâ. See also Abrahamov, Divine Love, 70.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 130â133: â[â¦] am I not the beloved of God, without any pride?â. There is no full isnÄd given by al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, but the ḥadÄ«th is to be found amongst others in the Sunan of TirmidhÄ«, KitÄb al-manÄqib, bÄb fÄ« faá¸l al-nabÄ«, N° 3616.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 132. It is possible to translate also âthe inclination towards what corresponds to the loverâ.
ShifÄʾ, 132. The ḥadÄ«th is transmitted by al-BukhÄrÄ«, á¹¢aḥīḥ, kitab al-raqÄʾiq, bÄb al-tawÄá¸uÊ¿, N° 6137. Al-GhazÄlÄ« also cites it in his section on âGodâs love for the servantâ and discusses it at length in order to develop the concept of qurb or nearness to God through the assimilation of divine attributes as expressed in the prophetic ânoble charactersâ (makÄrim al-akhlÄq), IḥyÄʾ, IV, 431â33, and also 405.
ShifÄʾ, 238â39.
Al-GhazÄlÄ«, IḥyÄʾ, IV, 398.
Al-GhazÄlÄ«, IḥyÄʾ, IV, 392â397. See also Abrahamov, Divine Love, 45â51.
ShifÄʾ, 238. See al-Ghazaliâs definition of love: âLove is the expression for the natural inclination for a thing which produces pleasureâ, IḥyÄʾ, IV, 392.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 238.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 238.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 238â39.
GhazÄlÄ«, IḥyÄʾ, IV, 396. See also Abrahamov, Divine Love, 49.
Abrahamov, Divine Love, 56.
Al-mustaḥiqq li-l-maḥabba huwa AllÄh waḥduhu, âHe who is worthy of love is God aloneâ (GhazÄlÄ«, IḥyÄʾ, IV, 398).
See also BayhaqÄ« who writes in his Shuâab al-Ä«mÄn âhe [the Prophet Muḥammad] is the most worthy of love (huwa aḥaqqu bi-l-maḥabba)â, ShuÊ¿ab al-Ä«mÄn, II, 133.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 44.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 44.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 46â48.
See especially the summary that al-Qaá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠgives of the various detailed descriptions of his physical appearance, ShifÄʾ, 46â47.
Both notions, classically used to categorise the divine names, are regularly employed by al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄd with regard to the Prophet Muḥammad, for example ShifÄʾ, 44 where he evokes the âqualities of gentleness/beauty and perfectionâ, and ShifÄʾ, 45 where it is question of the Prophetâs âqualities of perfection and severity/awfulnessâ. See also Gril on âDe la crainte révérentielle à lâamourâ in âAttitude des Compagnonsâ, 33â37.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 48.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 48.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ 48.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 48â51.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 48. The latter are not mentioned in detail, which shows that the author presumes that the reader knows the relevant ḥadÄ«ths. The same applies for the other descriptions of the Prophetâs appearance which he only summarises.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 51â52.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 53â60.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 51.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 60â61.
See Rubin, Eye of the Beholder, 7.
On âThe Prophetâs physical beautyâ, see Schimmel, And Muhammad, 33â45. Schimmel refers herself directly to al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠwhom she qualifies falsely as ânoted enemy of the Sufisâ (33), repeating thereby a view that is based on a remark by al-ShaÊ¿rÄnÄ« (d. 973/1565) the origin of which âmust be understood as a mix-up of historical facts, anecdotes and overly interpretative assumptions, chiefly motivated by concerns not related to Ê¿IyÄá¸âs work, biography or legacyâ (Eggen, âA book burnerâ 106).
On âThe Prophetâs spiritual beautyâ, see Schimmel, And Muhammad, 45â55. See also Andrae, Person Muhammeds, 199â228.
Gril, âCorps du Prophèteâ, 37â57.
Gril, âCorps du Prophèteâ, 45.
Patrizi, âImpronte, ritrattiâ, 92. On this theme see also the recent thesis by Hiba Abid, DalÄâil al-KhayrÄt, 278â97.
Comparing TirmidhÄ«âs ShamÄʾil and the ShifÄʾ, Tor Andrae remarks that al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠhas âovercome the ritualistic exteriorityâ of the first and succeeded in expounding the âethical valueâ of these descriptions, see Person Mohammeds, 204â5.
ShifÄʾ, 45.
ShifÄʾ, 46. Examples such as these could be multiplied. It is striking that the author seems to aim specifically the âheart (qalb)â of the reader, and less his reason (Ê¿aql). Even if he constructs a reasoning in order to strengthen his argument, he seems to consider that the presentation of scriptural evidence, with its descriptive, edificatory and narrative elements, is more effective for impressing the religious consciousness of his readership than discursive deliberations.
ShifÄʾ, 238.
One could see here a hidden criticism of the religious-political circumstances of his time. However, this conception is probably taken from GhazÄlÄ« according to whom âspiritual qualities are beloved and the person qualified by them is by nature beloved by whoever knows his qualities. The proof for this is the fact that people by nature love prophets, the Companions of Muhammad, the heads of the schools of law, such as ShÄfiÊ¿Ä«, although they did not see themâ Abrahamov, Divine Love, 49.
See Muslim, á¹¢aḥīḥ, kitÄb á¹£alÄt al-musÄfirÄ«n, bÄb jÄmÊ¿ á¹£alÄt al-layl, N° 746.
See BukhÄrÄ«, al-Adab al-mufrad, bÄb ḥusn al-khuluq, N° 273 and Niá¹£ÄbÅ«rÄ«, al-Mustadrak, kitab al-tawÄrÄ«kh, bÄb ÄyÄt rasÅ«l AllÄh, N° 4221. However, in both sources the ḥadÄ«th is narrated with the wording á¹£Äliḥ al-akhlÄq (virtuous character traits).
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 68â69.
See, for example, at the beginning of the section of the akhlÄq (ShifÄʾ, 68). However, al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠprécises immediately afterwards that it is the revealed law that commands their acquisition and elucidates their soteriological meaning: âThe revealed law praises all of them, commands their acquisition and promises the eternal beatitude for the one who assimilates them (al-mutakhalliq bi-hÄ) and qualifies himself with some of them, for the reason that they represent a part of prophecyâ (ShifÄʾ, 68).
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 206â12.
On this transfer of virtue ethics âfrom philosophy to scriptureâ through Miskawayh and GhazÄlÄ«, see Zargar, Polished Mirror, 79â105. For a discussion of this theme in al-GhazÄlÄ«, see Abul Quasem, Ethics of al-Ghazali.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 71. The author admits that this chapter is somewhat a repetition of what he stated in the section of the Prophetâs constitution, and of what he will state in the section on the Prophetâs miracles. This shows how important it was for al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠto deal with this theme, probably in view of demonstrating to his philosophically orientated contemporaries the eminence of the Prophet Muḥammad, and his superiority towards the Greek masters of rationality.
See Q 7:157. Al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄḠexplains that the Prophet Muḥammad obtained knowledge about previous scriptures, divine commandments, virtuous conduct, the guidance of people etc. âwithout teaching or study, the reading of previous scriptures or the company of its scholars, nay, he was an illiterate prophet (nabÄ« ummÄ«) who did not know anything of this until God opened his breast, made clear his affair, taught him and made him reciteâ (ShifÄʾ, 72). In the time of al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸, there has been a famous controversy in al-Andalus concerning the position held by the ḥadÄ«th scholar AbÅ« al-WalÄ«d al-BÄjÄ« (d. 474/1081) that the Prophet knew how to write, as suggested by a ḥadÄ«th, but that this ability was not the result of an ordinary acquisition, but the fact of a miracle (muÊ¿jiza). See Blecher, Said the Prophet, 21â29.
ShifÄʾ,72.
ShifÄʾ, 61â62.
He thereby is in line with the theological criticism of philosophical prophetology as analysed by Zouggar, Philosophes. On the polemics over the âacquisition of prophecyâ in al-Andalus in the fifthâsixth/eleventhâtwelfth centuries, see Casewit, Mystics of al-Andalus, 39â42.
See ShifÄʾ, 72â97. A precise analysis of each character trait and virtue from this perspective would certainly yield fruitful results which would deepen and differentiate our understanding of the Muslim perception of the Prophet Muḥammad. However, this cannot be done here for reasons of space, and must be kept for further studies.
ShifÄʾ, 83â85.
According to al-KhafÄjÄ«, the term raḥma as applied to a human being is explained as âthe softness (riqqa) of the heart with regard to the concern of a personâ, NasÄ«m, I, 152.
See ShifÄʾ, 21â23, 39, 83â85, 142, 145. In the sub-chapter discussed here, the mercy motive is explained in terms of its ethical meaning as characterising the way the Prophet engaged with people, whereas in the other sections, the Prophetâs mercy is considered more in terms of the meaning of his sending. See also Vimercati Sanseverino, âWer dem Gesandten gehorchtâ, 68â70.
See Part I of this chapter.
See ShifÄʾ, 145.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 238.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 72.
On al-QÄá¸Ä« Ê¿IyÄá¸âs AshÊ¿arÄ«sm, see Serrano, Diffusion de lâashÊ¿arisme and also Al-Ê¿AbdallÄh, JuhÅ«duhu al-kalÄmiyya; ShawwÄá¹, Ê¿Älim al-Maghrib, 46â56.
A specific study on the influence of Sufism on the ShifÄʾ is yet to be undertaken. At this stage of research, the work gives the impression of a certain preponderance of quotations attributed to Sahl al-TustarÄ«. Regarding themes besides virtues like renunciation or fear of God, one can mention the issue of the Prophetâs characterisation with divine names and the elaborations on love for the Prophet. For the latter theme in early Sufism, see Thibon, âTransmission du ḥadÄ«thâ.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 95â97.
See Vimercati Sanseverino, âHagiographie marocaineâ; on the âRenunciant Tradition in Sevilleâ in particular Casewit, Mystics of Andalus, 30â33. However, even later prophetological works such as Qasá¹allÄnÄ« (d. 963/1517), al-MawÄhib al-laduniya (see II, 83â115), adopt the same scheme.
Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 235â238.
One could think of both, the current of MÄlikism which preferred to stick the authority of its scholars and thereby neglecting the ḥadÄ«th (see Fierro, âProto-Malikisâ), or the Almohads who sought to place the MahdÄ« as normative and theological reference for the Muslim community (see Fierro, âEl tratadoâ).
For all these see Ê¿IyÄá¸, ShifÄʾ, 236f.
ShifÄʾ, 235.
ShifÄʾ, 232â33.
ShifÄʾ, 233.
This conclusion is further confirmed by the other chapters, especially the final, very ample, chapter of Part II which concerns the practice of taá¹£liya or âpraying for the Prophetâ (al-á¹£alÄt Ê¿alÄ al-nabÄ«) and wherein various ḥadÄ«ths are mentioned to this effect. For the theme of taá¹£liya see the excellent study of Hamidoune, Prière sur le Prophète.
See my forthcoming study on this aspect of the ShifÄʾ and of ḥadÄ«th transmission in M. Gharaibeh, ed. Beyond Authenticity, forthcoming.
This is certainly to be understood in view of what Maribel Fierro calls âspiritual alienationâ, see Fierro, âSpiritual alienationâ and Vimercati Sanseverino, âTransmission, ethosâ 46â51.