Few books exist in the Republic of Letters that are as rare as this one, which preserves the ancient rite, and the manner in which the Christian liturgy was once celebrated in several cities in Spain.1
Thus the Parisian bookseller and cataloguer Guillaume François De Bure (1732â82) introduced his lengthy description of the Ortiz editions in one of the eighteenth centuryâs most influential works of bibliophilia. As moveable objects, the editions brought the revised version of the Mozarabic rite to a foreign audience, readers who were disconnected from the original social context and historical setting of the books as ritual texts. As we will see in this chapter, an essential component of the editionsâ reception in early modern Europe was the mediation of their contents by cataloguers and librarians whose descriptions instructed owners and prospective buyers about the contents of the editions and their historical importance.
Information on the provenance of copies of the Mozarabic editionsâwho owned them, when, and whereâhelps to situate them both as repositories of texts and as symbolic objects that took on a variety of cultural meanings.2 According to the eighteenth-century chronicler of the Mozarabs, Pedro Camino y Velasco, the Catholic Monarchs had requested many copies in order to make gifts of them to various princes and potentates, and in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Breviary and Missal were given to bishops and queens, including Christina of Sweden.3 While the gifts mentioned by Camino y Velasco are not all traceable, his account helps to explain the scarcity of the editions that was noted throughout the early modern period.
More than half of the sixty-seven extant known copies were in Spain at least until the end of the seventeenth century; twenty have remained in Toledo to this day. A handful of other copies left the Iberian peninsula already in the sixteenth century. The paths taken by the editions varied over time.4 This chapter traces the itineraries of the Mozarabic editions to the extent that their provenance can be ascertained. Drawing on material evidence in the books themselves, such as bindings, notes of possession, and other annotations, in combination with external sources, I reconstruct probable or credible scenarios for the trajectories of individual copies.
The editions are artifacts that tell stories about books and about people as well. Their provenance attests to their liturgical uses as well as their appeal to collectors, and also reflects family histories, social networks, and politics. From the sixteenth century through the eighteenth, the editions entered aristocratic, princely, and ecclesiastical libraries across Europe. Subsequently, they were acquired by national libraries. Indeed, tracing the provenance of copies of the printed Mozarabic Missal and Breviary means following the development of European book collecting. The rarity that made the Mozarabic editions attractive to scholars also caused them to stand out in collections and catalogues as items of unusual value that conferred prestige on their owners.
Whereas for centuries the essential precondition for knowledge of the rite had been membership in the Mozarabic community (or, after 1500, a benefice in the Mozarabic Chapel), readers all over Europe who would never witness the Mozarabic rite in Toledo themselves could own the editions as rare and precious curiosities or consult them for their research. Through the gradual broadening and diversifying of the editionsâ audiences there emerged communities of users bound by shared interests despite being separated by time and place.
1 Sixteenth-Century Owners
In his 1569 biography of Cisneros, Alvar Gómez de Castro reported that copies of the Mozarabic editions were hard to find, even in Toledo:
The books of the Mozarabic rite that he made available to the public at that time are worn out by use, as are all things, and now are so completely sold out that it seems to me the volume they call the missal is worth thirty gold pieces in Toledo, for all learned and pious men who know of this office struggle to get hold of the missal and the breviary: and Pope Paul III himself, having sent legates to Toledo to seek out our liturgy from the church ordered that this monument of Gothic piety be preserved in the Vatican Library. [â¦] If only some imitator of the deeds of Ximenes could arise who would publish once again these holy tomes of the Mozarabs.5
Gómez de Castroâs description of the booksâ scarcity and high price may not be an exaggeration, for many copies had left the Iberian peninsula within a generation of their production. Clearly they were of great interest not only to the clergy but also to other learned persons interested in the rite as a monument of Spanish sacred historyâreaders envisioned by Ortiz in his preface. Many copies of the Missal were distributed soon after their publication. An entry in an account book of the early sixteenth century from the Colegio de San Ildefonso in Alcalá records the payments Cisneros made to Melchior Gorricio in 1501â2 for delivery of forty bound missals with gilding (for 1,875 maravedies each) to various church officials.6 One of the recipients, Camerero Fonseca, was instructed to present the volume to Isabella of Castile. Two books were specifically designated as intended for the Mozarabic Chapel, which presumably means they were copies of the Missale mixtum of 1500.7
A subsequent entry in the same account book refers to bound breviaries that Gorricio gave to Antonio GarcÃa de Villalpando in 1502, four of them for the Mozarabic Chapel and three others for the Mozarabic parishes; thus, at least seven of these volumes were copies of the Mozarabic Breviary.8 As a member of Cisnerosâs council, Villalpando assisted Cisneros with the conversion of Muslims in Granada and the publication of letters about the conquest of Oran. In his virulently anti-Muslim tractate Razonamiento de las reales armas (written before 1487), Villalpando enjoined the Catholic Monarchs to convert Muslims in the Holy Land and beyond.9 In 1500â1502, Villalpando combined the distribution of the Mozarabic editions to clergy with his participation in various anti-Muslim crusade efforts.
A generation after the editions were given to clergy in Toledo as well as to the queen, some of the first known owners outside Toledo were neither clergy nor intellectuals, but rather foreign aristocrats, suggesting the editions had already assumed a role as prized collectorsâ objects and status symbols, and possibly as diplomatic gifts. Inscriptions in four of the extant copies show that in the sixteenth century they belonged to members of the military orders: the Hospitallers (the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem), the Knights of Santiago, and the Order of Calatrava. Belonging to these orders became a marker of elite status in the early modern period, so a memberâs possession of a prestige object might not seem weighted with meaning.10 It is noteworthy, however, that the three earliest owners of the Mozarabic editions attested by inscriptions were all laymen and members of military orders closely associated with Spain. As we will see, two of these owners were foreigners. In the four copies in question, two annotations are notes of possession, while the inscriptions in two other copies record a gift.
One of the copies of the Missale mixtum now in the Bibliothèque nationale de France bears an inscription stating that it was purchased by an aristocrat from southern France, Honoré (or Honorat) de Pontevès, Lord of Flassans-sur-Isole (in the Var): âHonorat de Pontevès, Lord of Flassans, bought this missal in Aix (dâAix) for five florins (v. ff.) in January 1531.â11 The phrase âdâAixâ presumably refers to Aix-en-Provence, situated seventy-one kilometers from Flassans-sur-Isole.12 One year after signing the Missale mixtum, Honoré was received in Malta by the Hospitallers of the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem.13 The chronological proximity of these two events raises a number of questions. How and why did he obtain the Mozarabic Missal, and was his purchase of this rare book related to his imminent presentation in Malta? The Knights of Saint John were under a military obligation to Charles V, whose donation of the island made it the orderâs home beginning in 1530. The emperor had the prerogative of requisitioning Hospitaller galleys for expeditions in the Mediterranean, several of which took place in 1531â32.14
Honoréâs acquisition of the Missal and his presentation in Malta are both signs of elite status; the Missal was rare and expensive, and the Order of Saint John had long been reserved for the aristocracy. By the time he was received at Malta it was necessary for the orderâs knights to prove not only their legitimate and noble birth, but also the nobility of four of their grandparents.15 Furthermore, in the sixteenth century the Order of Saint John renewed its noble ideology in the context of the Mediterranean crusade.16 At some point Honoréâs copy ended up in the personal collection of Pope Pius VI (r. 1775â99), whose arms are stamped on the binding. The volume reached Paris presumably after 1798, when Napoleonic troops took Rome, occupied the Castel SantâAngelo, and plundered the Vatican Palace.17 The bookâs trajectory from Toledo to Flassans-sur-Isole, Rome, and Paris attests to the geographic reach and social appeal of the Mozarabic editions over the course of the centuries after their publication.
Two other annotations that can be dated to the 1530s attest to movements of the printed Mozarabic Missal and Breviary within their city of origin. In a copy of the Breviary now in the British Library, an inscription states that âthe bachelor Joan Fernandez de Valboa, Administrator of the Hospital of the Knights of Santiago in Toledo, gave this book to this convent during his lifetime, on 13Â October in the year 1535.â18 The phrase specifying that the gift was made before the donorâs death implicitly refers to the requirement that knights of Santiago bequeath some of their books to monasteries (whether those of the order itself or other monastic establishments).19 A nearly identical inscription appears in the copy of the Missal now in the library of the Augustinian convent at La Vid, although this other inscription does not mention a date.20 Thus, by the middle of the sixteenth century, the Hospital of Santiago at Toledo owned a pair of the Mozarabic editions.21
The inscriptions by Honoré de Pontevès and Joan Fernández de Balboa, which date to a generation after the publication of the editions, do not reveal why these men acquired such books; nothing else is known of their collecting habits. Some other copies with early notes of possession can be related to what is known about their ownersâ lives and collections, however. One of the most salient examples is a copy of the Mozarabic Breviary now in the Bibliothèque nationale de France, inscribed in 1567 by the Austrian aristocrat Adam von Dietrichstein (1527â90).22 In 1563 Adam had been appointed ambassador of the Habsburgs to Madrid, where, as mayordomo, he oversaw the education of the sons of the emperor Maximilian living at the court of Philip II (1527â98).23
Adam von Dietrichstein was a favorite of Ferdinand I (1503â64) as well as of Maximilian II (1527â76), and for generations the Dietrichstein family was the most closely tied to Spain of the entire central European aristocracy.24 Adamâs marriage in 1553 to Margarita Folch de Cardona (c.1535â1610) linked him to the upper level of Spanish society; Margarita was a lady in waiting and close associate of the infanta Maria (1528â1603), who became the empress Maria.25
The details of Adamâs accession to the Order of Calatrava, which are documented by contemporary records, illustrate the process by which a foreign diplomat could obtain this honor, one reserved for only the highest echelons of the Spanish aristocracy. Thanks to his special position at court and to the favor of Maximilian II, Adam enjoyed the maximum privileges of a knight of Calatrava, his title of commander (comendador) elevating him above other Central European members of the order.26 He was granted the habit of the order on the condition that he had no Jewish or Muslim ancestors, an inquiry into his bloodlines having been carried out in his home province of Carinthia.27 Whereas many in the Order of Calatrava never obtained anything more than its religious habit, Adam was given as encomienda (benefice) the Aragonese town of Alcañiz, which was lucrative because of its associated revenues. When he received the final confirmation of the habit, in 1568, he was also granted an exemption from the requirement of six months in the orderâs galleys and three months learning the Rule.
It seems significant that Adam inscribed his copy of the Mozarabic Breviary in 1567, the same year he began the process of entering the Order of Calatrava. Such an unusual volume could have been a gift on the occasion of his accession to the highest level of prestige in Spain. It is possible, too, that the Mozarabic rite had taken on a particular connotation in the context of the Order of Calatrava. As seen in chapter 3, in the sixteenth century the rite came increasingly to be associated with the Catholic Monarchsâ anti-Muslim crusade initiatives in the Mediterranean, and the representation of the conquest of Oran in the Mozarabic Chapel of Toledo Cathedral is a sign of this direct connection. In this same period, however, the Order of Calatrava was becoming primarily a marker of elite status (as were the other military orders), and one of the precious early editions from Toledo was in any case a fitting acquisition for a dignitary of the Spanish Empire.
Adamâs note of ownership on the frontispiece consists only of the date and his surname, accompanied by the motto âAuxilium meum a Dominoâ (âmy help is from the Lordâ), which quotes from (Vulgate) Psalm 120:2.28 As this phrase has been used in heraldic devices over the centuries, it is not unusual in itself, but appears consistently in the inscriptions in several other books he owned, often with his distinctive signature.29 One the most significant volumes bearing Adamâs signature is an illuminated manuscript commonly known as the Gerona martyrology, a Bohemian liturgical book of around 1400 given to Adam in 1582.30 In 1581, Adam inscribed his name and characteristic motto in a sixteenth-century manuscript copy of the decretals of the kingdom of Hungary.31 In the same year, he wrote his name and motto in a copy of the indices to the annals of the Crown of Aragon, published just three years earlier in Zaragoza by the official chronicler of Aragon, Jerónimo Zurita y Castro (1512â80).32 Adamâs interest in Aragonese history may be tied to his encomienda of Alcañiz.33 There is evidence, then, for Adamâs ownership of both luxury illuminated liturgical manuscripts and printed books of history and law that related to his roles as a courtier and as a landowner in Spain.
The path by which Adamâs breviary traveled to France remains unknown. Its entry into the French royal collection might be related to the Spanish Habsburg alliances of Louis XIII (with Anne of Austria) and of his son, Louis XIV (with Maria Theresa). Another possible context for the bookâs arrival in Paris is the involvement of Adamâs son Franz von Dietrichstein (1570â1636) in the Spanish court as well as in Rome, where he represented Spanish interests.34 As a Roman cardinal, Franz participated in conclaves alongside Cardinal Mazarin, a great bibliophile who became first minister of France. The Mozarabic Breviary is the kind of rare volume that would have been suitable for Mazarinâs renowned personal collection, and after his death in 1661 some of his printed books ended up in the Bibliothèque du Roi.35 All we know is that Adamâs breviary appears in the 1739 catalogue and includes a book stamp that was one of the first used by the royal library, indicating acquisition in the seventeenth century.36
It is intriguing that three known owners of the Mozarabic editions in the sixteenth century represent each of the three major military orders and that two of these owners inscribed their copies close to the time they were received into those orders. Honoré de Pontevès acquired his missal the year before he was received by the Hospitallers at Malta, and Adam von Dietrichstein signed his copy of the Mozarabic Breviary in 1567, the year in which he was received into the Order of Calatrava. Joan Fernández de Balboa gave the Mozarabic Missal and Breviary in 1535 to the Toledan Hospital of Santiago under his administration. The Orders of Santiago and Saint John (the Hospitallers) were both founded in support of the Spanish monarchyâs ongoing crusade against Muslims, and, as seen in chapter 3, in the early sixteenth century they were specifically evoked in that role with regard to the conquest of Oran.
2 Seventeenth-Century Owners
The sixteenth-century inscriptions in the Mozarabic editions offer glimpses into some of the contexts in which these books changed hands. Aside from Adam von Dietrichstein, however, little is known of those who wrote their names in these copies. Comparatively more information is available about some of the owners in the seventeenth century, who represent both the expanded geographical reach of the editions and the broadening range of collectors who acquired them. By the end of that century, copies of the Mozarabic editions had entered some of the most important private collections in Europe.
For most bibliophiles, the editions were high-status items, appreciated for their rarity. But some of those who acquired these books in the seventeenth century had a particular interest in the historical or religious significance of the Mozarabic rite. Among the owners most likely to have had a religious motivation for reading the editions as works of theology was the English nonconformist clergyman Simeon Ashe (or Ash) (1595â1662). As an alumnus of Emmanuel College, Cambridge (where he matriculated in 1613), Ashe made several gifts of books to its library, including the Mozarabic Missal.37 Of the thirty-five known extant copies of the Missal, his shows the most extensive study in the form of reading marksâunderlining, outlining, dots, and ânota beneâ signs. Indeed, Asheâs is the only extant copy that appears to have been closely studied throughout, with passages that encapsulate Catholic doctrine annotated and key terms underscored. In several cases, three different forms of annotation appear on the same page.38
Admittedly, someone else could have made the marks, and such nonverbal annotations do not convey a specific meaning.39 Nevertheless, the fifty carefully annotated leaves in this copy of the Missale mixtum are remarkable considering Asheâs career as a Protestant theologian and churchman, and as an editor of Puritan and Presbyterian writings.40 Context for the intriguing gift can be sought in the other books Ashe gave to Emmanuel College. One was John Foxeâs Book of the Martyrs, a signal text of the English Reformation that includes vivid, even gruesome descriptions of Protestant martyrdoms.41 In the same period, Ashe gave the college a volume containing the theological works of the Dutch Calvinist Franciscus Gomarus (1563â1641) and another of the German Protestant David Pareus (1548â1622).42 All three of these books, which Ashe gave to Emmanuel College within a decade of their publication, are unremarkable possessions for a Protestant theologian. Then there was the Missale mixtumâthe only Catholic book he donated and the only rare, early edition. In the absence of other information, one assumes that Ashe made the gift because of the bookâs value as a luxury object and the interest of its contents for theological studies.
In contrast to Ashe, most of the Catholic clergy who acquired the Mozarabic editions were renowned bibliophiles whose collections included many rare liturgical books. The Roman cardinal Francesco Barberini (1597â1679) owned both the Breviary and the Missal, which are listed in the catalogue of his vast library that was published in 1681.43 The volumes remained in the Barberini family collection until 1902, when they were purchased for the Vatican Library.44 Barberiniâs collection included numerous liturgical editions as well as manuscripts. On the same page as the Mozarabic Missal are listed his copies of printed missals of the Roman and Ambrosian rites as well as those of Seville, Zagreb, Lyon, and Salisbury. The range of different liturgical uses and scholarly commentaries represented in Barberiniâs collection is typical of many bibliophile libraries from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
In addition to practical editions of the modern rites, some of the texts in the Barberini library were works of liturgical history. In the interest of completeness, the cataloguer seems to have listed all the liturgical texts in the library, not only those that comprised independent volumes. Several of the listed works constitute sections in the compilation of ecclesiastical writings generally known as the Bibliotheca patrum.45 For instance, immediately preceding the Missale mixtum in the Barberini catalogue is a âMissa Mozarabum S. Leandro Hispalensi Interpreteâ (the Mass of the Mozarabs, as transmitted by Saint Leander of Seville), an annotated order of mass occupying just two pages within the Bibliotheca patrum.46 A brief note preceding the text provides some background:
The Christians in Spain who were mixed with the Arabs were called Mozarabs, as it were, âmixed with Arabs,â and for that reason their divine service has retained the name âMozarabâ [â¦]. It was used in Spain until the time of Alfonso VI, at which time it was changed by the authority of Pope Gregory VII: and it is still allowed for it to be observed in Toledo in six parishes and in the cathedral, in the chapel of Brother Francisco Ximenez.47
In explaining the etymology of the riteâs traditional designation, this account emphasizes the hybridity of the Mozarabs, as seen in many of the texts discussed in chapter 2. The note also conflates the medieval post-conquest history of the rite with the sixteenth-century reformed rite in Toledo Cathedral. Continuity rather than change is suggested by this paratext, which delivers a brief synthesis of received knowledge. Summaries appeared in a variety of contexts, including editions, reference works, catalogues, and commentaries (see chapter 5).
The Bibliotheca patrum was such a common early modern reference for liturgical history that it is cited in an annotation in the Mozarabic Breviary now in the John Rylands Library, in Manchester.48 A note added to the preface refers the reader to a discussion of âthis Gothic [i.e. Visigothic] officeâ in the Bibliotheca patrum; the text mentioned in this note is probably the brief treatise that immediately follows the âMissa Mozarabumâ just cited.49 This copy was owned in the seventeenth century by Jean-Baptiste Colbert (1619â83), finance minister to Louis XIV.50 In the accounts kept by his librarian, Baluze, Colbertâs copy of the Missal is listed among the books brought from Madrid in 1680, its price of 440 livres the highest amount paid for a single book.51 Colbertâs breviary and missal were bound and decorated with his coat of arms soon after their purchase in 1680.52
Even in Colbertâs unusually fine collection, the Mozarabic editions stood out as distinctive items of great value.53 They were sold together at auction in 1728 by his grandson, the Comte de Seignelay, garnering the exceptionally high price of 3,005 livres.54 The sale price became well known to bibliophiles through the influential Catalogus historico-criticus librorum rariorum (âHistorico-Critical Catalogue of Rather Rare Booksâ), first published in 1732 by Johann Vogt (1695â1764). A subsequent owner, Edward Harley, second Earl of Oxford (1689â1741), left his widow in need of funds, so she commissioned Thomas Osborne to sell the familyâs renowned collection of printed books. The catalogue described the Mozarabic Missal as âthe scarcest Book in the whole Harleian Collection.â55 Later acquired by the English bibliophile George Spencer (second Earl Spencer, 1758â1834), the Breviary and Missal were purchased from his son in 1892 by Enriqueta Rylands, founder of the John Rylands Library in Manchester.56
Also in the late seventeenth century, the Leipzig man of letters Gottfried Christian Götze (c.1679â1724) owned a copy of the Missale mixtum which he inscribed in Bayonne in 1696, three years after earning his doctorate.57 Bayonne, in the Basque country, may have been known as a place to obtain books from Spain because of cross-border exchange.58 Although it is unknown why Götze was in France, it is certain that he traveled far and wide to see manuscripts and that he visited collections in Italy. The historian Lodovico Antonio Muratori helped him obtain access to manuscripts in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan and sent him a newly published book, which Götze mentioned he would bring to Rome when he went to see the prefect of the Vatican Library, Lorenzo Alessandro Zacagni (1652â1712).59 Götze bequeathed his copy of the Missal to Leipzigâs senate library (Ratsbibliothek), where he was the director. Eventually it passed into the collection of the university library in Leipzig, where it is today.
Götzeâs acquisition of the Missal at the end of the seventeenth century is emblematic of a broader interest in rare books in northern Germany, which fostered the development of significant private collections and, concomitantly, the publication of guides to rare books. The third edition of the Catalogus historico-criticus librorum rariorum by Johannes Vogt states that the Missal was âcertainly the rarest of all rare booksâ (inter rariores Libros hic est certe rarissimus).60 Vogtâs catalogue established rarity as one of the foremost values in book collecting, a quality crucial to the perceived value of the Mozarabic editions. A comparable work, the compendium on rare books by the Dresden-based priest and librarian Augustus Beyer (1707â41), published in 1734, begins several pages of dense commentary on the Mozarabic editions with an excursus on the name âMozarabic,â noting the lack of consensus among Spaniards concerning its etymology.61 From 1726 to 1730, Beyer studied in Leipzig, residing some of the time in the home of the jurist and law professor Karl Otto Rechenberg.62 Given these circumstances, Beyer could perhaps have seen Götzeâs copy of the Missal in the senate library in Leipzig, where the volume was kept after Götzeâs death in 1724.
âBayona,â a laconic inscription in Götzeâs copy of the Mozarabic Missal, reveals nothing about how he obtained it. Even speculating about the reasons for his acquisition of this unusual book requires recourse to a much broader context than Götze himself. By contrast, the circumstances in which the Swedish nobleman Johan Gabriel Sparwenfeld (1655â1727) acquired his copy of the Missal are documented with an unusual degree of detail.63 The frontispiece bears two inscriptions (Fig. 4.1). At the bottom of the page, a note in Latin signed by the librarian of San Lorenzo de Escorial states that on 17 March 1690 Sparwenfeld was given a copy of the Missal that was a duplicate.64 The inscription near the top of the page is the ex libris of the library of the Abbey of Sainte-Geneviève in Paris.65 Remarkably, the information in both inscriptions is explained in a letter Sparwenfeld wrote to the philosopher and mathematician Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646â1716) on 31 January 1700:
Figure 4.1
Frontispiece, Missale mixtum, 1500, Vienna, Ãsterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ink 5.E.16
Photo: Ãnb Vienna
The Gothic Missal of Thomasi of which you speak must be some part of the Mozarabic Missal of Isidore, which Cardinal Ximenes had reprinted in Toledo in the last century, and which Robles has also discussed. The Abbot of the Escorial, Padre de Valdemoro, gave me a copy, and in Paris, someone pressed me so much on behalf of the monks of Sainte-Geneviève du Mont that I finally sold it to them for 40 pistolles, and thus you see it must be rare.66
Sparwenfeld was an erudite Swedish diplomat and linguist who travelled far and wide in search of evidence for the culture of the Gothsânot only in western Europe but also in Russia, the Caucasus, and North Africa.67 He shared with Leibniz an interest in the origins and early history of Germanic peoples and languages, and the two men maintained a voluminous correspondence for several years. Their exchange forms a small part of the vast corpus of letters through which, in the words of Maarten Ultee, âin contacts with leading theologians, philosophers, journalists, scientists, and princes, Leibniz would construct the Republic of Letters.â68
Sparwenfeld was an expert in comparative linguistics. His letters addressed topics such as âSwedish antiquities and the history of the Goths to Tartaric languages of western and central Asia, the relationship between the Slavic and Germanic languages, and the unrelatedness of Basque.â69 In Spain, Sparwenfeld sought traces of the Goths (in Iberia, the Visigoths) at the order of the king of Sweden. Not finding epigraphic or architectural remains dating to the Visigothic period, he pursued vestiges of the Gothic language, working in the Escorial library for nine months, from November 1689 through August 1690, and acquiring books in several cities, including Madrid and Zaragoza.70
Sparwenfeldâs reference to the Mozarabic Missal was in response to Leibniz, who had written: âAs you are seeking everything about the ancient Goths [â¦] an Italian scholar named Joseph Maria Thomasius, publishing some years ago certain ancient Sacramentaries, published an ancient Missale Gothicum.â71 Leibniz meant the 1680 volume that the Theatine priest Giuseppe Maria Tommasi (1649â1713) had dedicated to Queen Christina of Sweden. This edition prints the text of a sacramentary known to historians as the Missale Gothicum, although it is actually a witness to the Gallican liturgy of pre-Carolingian Francia.72 The conflation is telling; Leibniz, a Protestant, may not have known more of the sacramentary than its title and may have been grasping at straws. Sparwenfeld, a Protestant himself as well as a diplomat traveling in Spain, had direct knowledge of Roblesâs writing on the Mozarabic rite and even obtained the Ortiz edition of the Missal.
While abstruse, the epistolary exchange between Sparwenfeld and Leibniz illustrates their understanding of the manuscripts they discussed representing early medieval cultures with distinctive languages and religious practices. The next part of Sparwenfeldâs letter moves swiftly from bibliophilia to liturgical erudition, culminating in a display of linguistic bravado:
The copy [of the Mozarabic Missal] that was sent from Madrid to Pope Innocent XI was entirely old and torn, it is one of the most ancient liturgies, and quite different from the Ambrosian rite, and that of St Gregory of the Great, of which I gave quite a magnificent example to the King of France, on vellum and in gold ink; nevertheless, these three missals or liturgies have nothing in common with those of Saint John Chrysostom and Saint Basil, which are known among the Greeks and the Russians and the Greek Slavs, I have all of them, even in Moldovan.73
The Mozarabic Missal given to Sparwenfeld was rare, but not enough of a direct witness to the ancient Visigoths to keep him from selling it to Sainte-Geneviève. How it got from Paris to Vienna is not yet known. The other copy owned in the eighteenth century by the Abbey of Sainte-Geneviève, and still in its library today, was one of the 50,000 volumes bequeathed by the bibliophile archbishop of Rheims Charles-Maurice Le Tellier (1642â1710).74 Generations later, another monk of Sainte-Geneviève, the librarian Barthélemy Mercier de Saint-Léger (1734â99), likewise understood the value of the Mozarabic Missal. Mercier de Saint-Légerâs engagement with the Mozarabic editions, to which we will return below, indicates the ways in which eighteenth-century print culture shaped and mediated the reception of the rite among elite book collectors.
Tracing the provenance of the editions in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries has brought to light information about a wide variety of owners, some of whom are not otherwise known as collectors of books. For the most part, those who acquired copies of the Mozarabic editions in the eighteenth century, to which we now turn, were renowned bibliophiles who belonged to the international elite of the European book trade.
3 Eighteenth-Century Owners
The ownership history of the Mozarabic editions exemplifies several key aspects of elite collecting in the eighteenth century: the formation and transmission of collections through acquisition and inheritance; the development of cataloguing, particularly the subject classifications employed by Parisian booksellers; the emergence of public libraries; and the print culture and social context of public auctions. The editions also played a role in the written forms of intellectual exchange occasioned by bibliophilia, including the mediation of content by secretaries and cataloguers, the reading of catalogues, and learned exchanges.
In the eighteenth century, an increasing number of private collections became shared intellectual resources, thanks to the innovative practices of their founders. One such collection was that of the Roman cardinal Carlo Agostino Fabroni, who had his 8,000 books shipped by boat from Rome to his home city of Pistoia. He decided to found a library for the learned public, perhaps inspired by the circulation of books in Rome and the development of elite libraries there. The Biblioteca Fabroniana has operated continuously since the founderâs death in 1727; Fabroniâs will included provisions for the construction and maintenance of a public reference library, as well as an endowment for its expansion.75 His copy of the Mozarabic Missal does not fit into his collecting habits and shows no sign of use, however, so it is not known why he acquired it.76 It might have been considered useful for those carrying out research on early liturgical texts, as several Jesuits in Spain and Italy were doing at that time. It was in another of the newly public Italian libraries that an eighteenth-century editor of the Old Hispanic rite could consult the Ortiz edition in the preparation of his own edition. The Scottish Jesuit Alexander Lesley mentions in the preface to his edition of the Mozarabic Missal that he had consulted the Missale mixtum in the library of Cardinal Neri Maria Corsini (1685â1770).77 Neriâs uncle, Lorenzo Corsini (1652â1740; Pope Clement XII from 1730 to 1740), gave his books to his nephew, who opened the library to the public in 1754. Since Lesley published his edition in 1755, he must have visited the Corsini library during its first year of operation.
The copies of the Mozarabic Missal and Breviary in the Biblioteca Corsiniana have elaborate silver-gilt treasure bindings decorated with the arms of Clement XII, so the books presumably entered Lorenzoâs library while he was pope.78 Although it is not known who gave him these precious volumes, each bears traces of its earlier owners in Spain. The Breviary contains a sixteenth-century note in Castilian stating that the owner bequeaths the book to his chapel and that, moreover, he had acquired it at the estate sale of his âlord Tavera.â79 The Tavera named in the inscription could be Diego Tavera (d. 1560), executor of the estate of his uncle, cardinal archbishop of Toledo, Juan de Tavera (1472â1545). The archbishopâs possessions included a number of books.80 At various points, owners of the book modified the dates and ranks of several feasts. As in many copies of the Mozarabic Breviary, there are more annotations in the calendar than in the main body of the text. One of the brief Castilian annotations in the missal is identical in script and content to a corresponding note in another copy of the Ortiz edition which is now in Florenceâs Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale (Banco Rari 117).81
The Florence copy is from the personal library of the Grand Duke of Tuscany Pietro Leopoldo (1747â92), who in 1790 would become the Habsburg emperor Leopold II. The volume contains the library stamp from his personal collection housed in the Palazzo Pitti, the Biblioteca Palatina Mediceo Lotharingia, and is listed in the inventory of his books transferred to the Biblioteca Magliabechiana in 1771.82 Possibly at that time (but certainly in the eighteenth century) an extensive bibliographical note in Italian was added to the front flyleaf with copious citations of the various books that mention the Mozarabic editions, including Vogtâs Catalogus historico-criticus librorum rariorum.83
It is not known how or when Leopold acquired the missal. He had connections to Spain through his marriage in 1765 to the Infanta Maria Luisa (1745â92). The volume could have come from the collection of the Medici family, which was combined with the library of the Grand Dukes of Tuscany in the Biblioteca Palatina Mediceo Lotharingia. The Mozarabic chaplain Pedro Camino y Velasco states in his 1740 Noticia that Charles II of Spain (1661â1700) obtained copies of the Mozarabic editions and sent them, richly bound, to Ferdinando dei Medici, Grand Prince of Tuscany (1663â1713).84 The copy of the missal now in Florence is probably not one of those books, but Camino y Velascoâs account indicates that the Mozarabic editions could, on occasion, function as diplomatic gifts.
The users of the Florence copy took great care to restore the lower portions of several leaves that had been damaged. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a variety of different hands rewrote many lines of text in loose imitations of Gothic script (Fig. 4.2).85 Such painstaking repair and restoration suggests continued use for the liturgy. A similar campaign of rewriting can be seen in the fragmentary copy of the Missal now in the library of the Abbey of Montserrat.86 Portions of a significant number of its pages were rewritten, presumably due to damage that had caused loss of text. In several cases, an entire column was rewritten on a pastedown in the early eighteenth century (Fig. 4.3). I suggest this date because the handwriting resembles that of a note of possession in a copy of the Mozarabic Breviary stating that the priest of the Mozarabic parish of San Marcos restored it at his own expense (Fig. 4.4).87 Unlike what we have seen in the copy now in Florence, the rewritings added in the Montserrat copy do not imitate the Gothic typeface of the original publication; instead, the scribe embellished the Roman characters with colorful capital letters and decorative line endings. While an annotation mentioning âSan Juan de Mata fundadorâ suggests a period of ownership by a community of the Trinitarian Order, the extensive restoration of this volume suggests that it belonged to a Mozarabic parish, which would have needed to maintain the text intact.88 Another copy of the same edition must have been available to serve as an exemplar for the manual rewriting of the missing text.89 Further indication that the Montserrat copy was in a Mozarabic parish in the eighteenth century is the fact that most of its annotations signal use in the liturgy. Notes recording donations also point to long-term stewardships of copies the Mozarabic editions. For instance, an inscription in BCT FM-23 states that the book was given to the Mozarabic Chapel in 1834 by a chaplain who was the priest of the Mozarabic parish of Santa Eulalia.90
Figure 4.2
Pages with rewritten passages, Missale mixtum, 1500, Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Banco Rari 117, fols 425vâ426r
Photo: Author, reproduced by permission of the Ministero Della Cultura / Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Firenze. Further reproduction prohibited
Figure 4.3
Page with rewritten left column, Missale mixtum, 1500, Montserrat, Biblioteca de la AbadÃa Benedictina 4 143
Photo: Author
Figure 4.4
Flyleaf, Breviarium secundum regulam sancti Isidori, 1502, Toledo, Biblioteca de Castilla-La Mancha, IÂ 3710, unfoliated
Photo: Author
4 French Collections in the Eighteenth Century
Among the French bibliophiles of the ancien régime, the editions were historically important prestige objects. Their content and significance were mediated by published catalogues such as the Bibliographie instructive of De Bure, which guided bibliophile understanding. The French lay bibliophiles who were the most avid collectors of the Mozarabic editions did not need a specialized knowledge of church history or liturgy to appreciate them; the parameters of high price and rarity were enough to make the volumes stand out even in the collections of those who owned tens of thousands of manuscripts and printed books. The many sale catalogues written by De Bure, which were widely read by book collectors, are structured around the five divisions established by the Paris bookseller Gabriel Martin and widely employed in the Paris book trade: theology, law and jurisprudence, arts and sciences, literature, and history.91 The Mozarabic editions, as liturgical publications, fall under the category of theology.
In the first volume of his Bibliographie instructive, published in 1763 and consulted by many bibliophiles, De Bure describes the Mozarabic Breviary and Missal at length, emphasizing the role of Cisneros in the establishment of the rite in Toledo Cathedral.92 Like his contemporaries, De Bure situates the editions in a continuous line going back to the Visigoths:
This Missal and Breviary were named Gothic because they were the usage of the Goths, and since the eighth century, they were more commonly called Mozarabs, named after the Christians who lived harshly under Moorish rule, obtaining by an annual tribute the permission to live according to their laws and customs, which caused them to be called Mozarabs or Mixtiarabes.93
After briefly evoking the decline of the rite and its restoration by Cisneros, De Bure lists the copies he knew of in Paris at the time, several of which are still in Parisian collections. His description was based on the copies in the famous library of the bibliophile Louis-Jean Gaignat (1697â1768), one of the periodâs most renowned collections. A collector of art as well as of books, Gaignat was a secretary-counselor to the king and a palace official responsible for official requests (receveur général des consignations des requêtes du Palais). His will stipulated that the sale of his collections would be described in detail so that connoisseurs could take the same pleasure in learning about them as he had taken in assembling them. Two Mozarabic missals and two Mozarabic breviaries were among the books from his collection that were sold after his death in 1769.94 The Missal and Breviary now in the Morgan Library contain earlier notes of possession from the Jesuit College at Alcalá.95
Another Parisian owner of the Ortiz editions was Paul Girardot de Préfond (1722â85?), who sold many of his books in 1757. His copies of the Mozarabic Missal and Breviary are now in the Library of the Hispanic Society of America.96 An inscription below the frontispiece in both books identifies them as gifts to the Jesuit Seminary of Strasbourg from the French Jesuit Pierre Robinet (1652â1738), who was confessor to Philip V of Spain from 1705 to 1715.97 Robinet had received the volumes from Juan de Goyeneche (1656â1735), an influential investor and industrialist from Navarre who served as treasurer to the consorts of Charles II and Philip V.98 As the kingâs confessorâand only the second French Jesuit to serve in that roleâRobinet was an important actor in the new mode of governance with increased French influence that accompanied the accession of the Bourbons in Spain, and in 1712 he became the founding director of the Royal Library. A promoter of Bourbon regalism, Robinet advocated for the subjection of the church to the state, including the monarchâs prerogative in appointing bishops. With the intervention of the Roman Inquisition and the arrival in 1714 of Isabella Farnese (second wife of Philip V), regalist policies were overturned, leading to Robinetâs expulsion from court in 1715.99 Given that regalism continued to be a source of friction between Rome and the Spanish Bourbons, there may have been symbolic importance in Robinet taking the Mozarabic editions with him to France, as these books represented an Iberian religious tradition that had once been independent of the pope, before the kingdom adopted the Roman rite in the late eleventh century.100 The volumes could have been a parting gift to the French Jesuit, who was more likely to make scholarly use of them than Goyeneche himself.101 (In this context, it is worth noting that Isabella Farnese visited the Mozarabic Chapel and heard Mass there.)102
Indeed, the textual contents of the Mozarabic editions would have been arcane to all but the most erudite readers or to those who celebrated the rite.103 Just as catalogues today guide acquisition and research, auction catalogues in the eighteenth century were crucial resources for book owners. Elite bibliophiles had secretaries to complement the information in De Bureâs descriptions and in other auction catalogues. For instance, a flyleaf in the Mozarabic Breviary now in the Bibliothèque de lâArsenal contains two explanatory notes written in the eighteenth century by two different hands. This volume passed from the collection of the Comte dâArgenson (1696â1764) to his nephew Antoine-René de Voyer dâArgenson, the Marquis de Paulmy (1722â87). The first note, written by Rotisset, who was secretary to both dâArgenson and Paulmy, summarizes the competing etymologies of the name Mozarab and mentions the high price of the books.
One may well ask why this Liturgy has been given the name Mozarab. Some say that it means âmixtarabâ because it is the liturgy of Spanish Christians when they were mixed with Arabs and under their domination; others think that it was the name of Musa or Mosa, the first governor of Spain for the Arabs, who allowed the Christians to follow this Liturgy. This Liturgy is no longer celebrated except in one Chapel in the Cathedral of Toledo. The Mozarabic Missal and Breviary are very rare, but especially the Breviary; they were valued at one thousand livres at the sale of M. de Bure and de Bure le Jeune offered this sum and obtained these two volumes.104
The second note paraphrases in brief the conclusion of the chapter on religion and superstition in Voltaireâs Abrégé de lâHistoire universelle depuis Charlemagne jusques à Charlequint,105 summarizing the philosopherâs account of the duel fought by two knights on behalf of the Roman and Mozarabic rites and the trial by fire that followed:
Monsieur de Voltaire, in his abbreviated Universal History, tells the story of the two Champions that were made to fight, respectively for and against the Mozarabic and Roman liturgy; he says that the Knight for the Mozarabic Breviary was called D. Ruiz de Montania, and that he unseated his adversary, which seemed to decide the matter in favor of the Mozarabic Missal; but a second trial was required, which was to throw the two liturgies on the fire, and when both were burned, they decided that certain churches would follow the mozarabic Breviary and others, the Roman.106
(In most versions of the tale the Mozarabic book was unharmed by the fire and the Roman-rite book leapt out of it.) Both of these contextualizing notes cobble together information from auction catalogues and a survey of universal history in conveying to the Comte dâArgenson and the Marquis de Paulmy the most salient knowledge available in France about the Mozarabs and the Mozarabic rite. The framing accomplished by such texts demonstrates the mediation and distillation of shared knowledge that illuminated the historical context of books in elite collections. As I mentioned in the preface, it was because he knew of the editions that the Maréchal de Noailles (1678â1766), a statesman and a contemporary of the Comte dâArgenson, asked to see the medieval liturgical manuscripts held in Spanish libraries.
The Ortiz editions were among the books that the Marquis de Paulmy inherited from his uncle, the Comte dâArgenson. The volumes enriched a collection that was already of exceptional importance.107 After retiring from administration, Paulmy devoted himself to scholarly endeavors, including the compilation of an annotated âCatalogue raisonné dâune grande bibliothèque.â108 This personal catalogue contains his notes on the Mozarabic editions, including a reference to the Bibliographie instructive.109 Thus, Paulmy continued the work of contextualization that others had done through writings such as the descriptions in auction catalogues and the manuscript notes discussed here.
The history of another pair of Ortiz editions, formerly in the collection of one of Paulmyâs contemporaries and now in the Bibliothèque Abbé Grégoire in Blois, exemplifies the pathways of rare books in ancien régime France. The missal and breviary there have different early provenances, although they are both thought to have come from the library of the archbishop of Blois, Alexandre de Lauzières-Thémines (1743â1829), whose books were confiscated and combined with other collections in Blois in 1776, after he left for voluntary exile in Belgium.110 The binding of the missal bears the arms of three previous owners: two of the sons of Colbert, Louis XIVâs finance ministerâJean-Baptiste Colbert, Marquis de Seignelay (1651â90), and his brother, the archbishop of Rouen, Jacques-Nicolas Colbert (1655â1707)âand then the bibliophile Count Charles-Henry of Hoym (1694â1736), ambassador of August II (elector of Saxony and King of Poland) to the French court.111 Between Hoym and Thémines, the volumeâs provenance is unknown. While Théminesâs missal belonged to several well-known collectors before him, his breviary seems to have come directly from Toledo, a provenance which appears to be confirmed by a letter of 1782 in which Thémines thanked Archbishop Lorenzana for sending a copy of the Mozarabic Breviary.112 The binding has no coats of arms, and the only prior note of possession is âSanta Ollalaâ (presumably referring to the Church of Santa Eulalia in Toledo). To be sure, it is not absolutely certain that the book mentioned in the letter is the one now in Blois, but it is a reasonable supposition that Lorenzana sent such a gift to a French bibliophile archbishop. As will be seen here, even long after this period, provenance can reveal historical connections established among owners of the editions.
5 Modern Collections
Studying the provenance of the Mozarabic editions also sheds light on the formation of libraries and the rare book trade. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, institutional libraries bought the editions or acquired them as gifts. One example is the Vatican Library. None of its own three copies were there before the nineteenth century. The Roman cardinal Luigi Valenti Gonzaga (1725â1808) presented his familyâs parchment copy of the Missal to the Library on becoming Vatican Librarian in 1802.113 A century later, Pope Leo XIII (1810â1903) bought the Barberini family collection for the Vatican Library from Luigi Tommaso Sacchetti Barberini (1863â1936), which means that the Missal and Breviary that had been in the Barberini family for over two centuries were transferred to the Vatican in 1902.114
Unlike these well-documented volumes, no early provenance is known for several of the copies that entered European libraries in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. For instance, the Missale mixtum in the Biblioteca Universitaria in Genova bears only the name âSignor del Monte.â115 The date of its accession is unknown. While the Austrian National Libraryâs copy of the Missal passed through the Escorial library and the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries respectively, the same libraryâs Mozarabic Breviary has no known provenance prior to its entering the Court Library in the nineteenth century.116 The same is true of the Missale mixtum in the National Library of Portugal.117 In other cases, the date of a bookâs acquisition is known, but nothing of its earlier history. The Mozarabic Breviary now in the Bodleian Library in Oxford, which was one of that institutionâs most expensive single acquisitions in the nineteenth century, was purchased from the rare bookseller John Leslie in 1853.118 The volumeâs dark blue velvet binding resembles that of the Missal in the British Library, possibly suggesting that the two books had the same owner before they were separated in the mid-nineteenth century, but neither has any known provenance before that time.119
While some early historical relationships between extant copies of the Ortiz editions can be established on the basis of their bindings or annotations they contain, other forms of evidence bring out relatively recent connections between volumes that are now in different collections. In the last three decades of the nineteenth century, the Mozarabic Breviary now in Romeâs Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale was purchased from the Roman bookseller Angelo Gheno. While the book was still in Ghenoâs possession, a librarian at the Vatican examined it and took notes, transcribing all the early annotations. These manuscript notes are now bound in with the Vaticanâs own copy of the Breviary. Because the Vatican copy was missing its frontispiece, a photograph of the corresponding leaf in what the librarian called the âGheno copyâ was used as a surrogate.120 An addendum made in October 1930 to the original set of notes states that the Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele had bought the breviary for 1,200 lire. Since the addendum was written in the period when the Vatican Library was preparing its first card catalogue of printed books, with assistance from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Library of Congress, it may signal growing awareness of the context for the Vaticanâs own collections.121 Thus the copies in the Vatican Library and the Biblioteca Nazionale in Rome are linked by the material evidence of modern reproduction and comparative study.
In the decades between the sale of the Breviary to Romeâs National Library and the 1930 note about the acquisition, the Great War had created considerable uncertainty; many books changed hands during the war years and even after the armistice. One example is the Missale mixtum now in Stockholmâs Royal Library, which was acquired between 1914 and 1919 by the Swedish bibliophile Per Hierta (1864â1922).122 Little is known about the volumeâs provenance between 1500 and its donation to the Royal Library by Hierta in 1921, except for a handwritten note, dated 1919, in which Hierta referred to attending book fairs in Germany at Christmas time.123 The boards of the volumeâs ornate leather-tooled binding are remarkably similar in design and decorative detail to a mudéjar binding that has been dated to 1500 and localized to Toledo.124 It is unusual for a book to retain its early binding for so longâan element of material continuity which contrasts sharply with the historical context in which Hierta acquired it. The Mozarabic Breviary in the Royal Library in Copenhagen comes from the collection of Henry Huth (1815â78), whose books were acquired after 1849 (mostly in London) and inherited by his son, Alfred Huth (1850â1910).125 This copy was included in the auction catalogue of November 1911 and entered the Danish Royal Library in 1919â20.126 Its provenance in the intervening years is as yet unidentified.
While the movement of books around the time of the First World War was the historical setting for the acquisition of the Missal now in Stockholm and possibly also the Breviary in Copenhagen, one of the copies now in the archive of Toledo Cathedral, in the Fondo mozárabe (the collection of books from the Mozarabic Chapel), contains an inscription linking it to the Spanish Civil War through one of its owners. The note states that the volume âbelonged to Naves, Mozarabic curate, martyr in 1936.â127 Francisco Navas Vegas, curate of the Mozarabic parish of Saints Justa and Rufina, was shot by solders of the Republican army outside the Monastery of San Juan de los Reyes in Toledo on August 29, 1936. Navas was one of many Spanish clergy killed during the Civil War.128 In a book commemorating the âmartyrdomâ of more than one hundred clerics in Toledo during two months in 1936, Jorge López Teulón inserts a brief history of the Mozarabic rite into the story of Navasâs death, which is recounted in a chapter entitled âthe extermination of the Mozarabs.â129 Linking the fate of the priest who celebrated the post-Cisneros rite to the medieval Mozarabs of Toledo and their rite poignantly elides the intervening centuries.
After the Civil War, the book that had belonged to Navas (now Fondo mozárabe 45) passed into the possession of another Mozarabic cleric. According to the note on the front flyleaf of the missal, in 1942 the family of Francisco Navas Vegas gave the book to José MarÃa Mansilla Gutiérrez (d. 1980), a priest who was ordained the year after Navas died. Mansilla served from 1940 as curate of Santa Justa and Rufina (the position Navas himself had held) and was also a Mozarabic chaplain and treasurer of the cathedral.130 From Mansilla the book passed to the cathedral canon Antonio Cabrera y Delgado (d. 2022), who left it to Toledo Cathedral along with two other books.131 Recordings of bequests and donations in copies of the Mozarabic Missal attest to the Toledan clergy ensuring that the continuity of the Mozarabic rite would be linked over generations, even in periods of disruption, through successive ownership of the editions.
Many inscriptions in copies of the Mozarabic Missal bear witness to the long lives of these books in the community of those serving the cathedral and the Mozarabic Chapel. For instance, in the copy that is now FM-10 in Toledo Cathedralâs archive, the names of acolytes and altar servers (monasgillos) inscribed on the flyleaves are dated 1724, 1768, and 1803, in some cases indicating the feast day on which a young altar boy entered the service of the Mozarabic Chapel (Fig. 4.5).132 To the right, a much later note in pencil records the use of the book for the celebration of a mass on 23 February 1928 by the Mozarabic chaplain Alvaro Cepeda, in the presence of King Alfonso XIII of Spain (r. 1886â1931) and Cardinal Pedro Segura y Saenz (1880â1957).133 In sum, well into the twentieth century such inscriptions continued to function as memorial supplements to the commemoration enacted by the celebration of the rite in the Mozarabic Chapel.
Figure 4.5
Notes of possession in back flyleaf and pastedown, Missale mixtum, 1500, Toledo, BCT, FM-10
Photo: Toledo Cathedral Archive and Library
6 A Mozarabic Missal as Microcosm
The copy of the Mozarabic Missal now in Aschaffenburg, Germany (Hofbibliothek Th 422), is a fitting case study with which to conclude this chapter. The bookâs early provenance is unknown, but what I have reconstructed of its history through material study brings together many of the themes addressed in this chapter. The binding, typical of Mainz in the late eighteenth century, suggests that the missal is from the collection of Friedrich Karl Joseph von Erthal (1719â1802), a renowned bibliophile who was prince-elector and archbishop of Mainz until 1802.134 After the occupation of Mainz by French troops in 1792, Erthal fled to Aschaffenburg, and by 1794 his personal library was integrated into the larger princely collection that had gradually accumulated since the sixteenth century.135 Much was lost in 1945, when Schloss Johannisburg became the last bastion of German defense during the ten-day Battle of Aschaffenburg.136 Like the walls of the ruined castle, the Hofbibliothek and its history had to be reconstructed in the postwar period.137 While the missalâs early history in the Hofbibliothek is not known, I believe that this volume is the very one mentioned in a six-page pamphlet published in 1786 by the librarian of the Abbey of Sainte-Geneviève in Paris, Barthélemy Mercier de Saint-Léger (1734â99).138 In the first footnote on the pamphletâs first page, Mercier mentions buying the Missale mixtum for the Elector of Mainz at a sale of the collection of the duc de la Vallière.139 He identifies the copy as the one (from the collection of Louis-Jean Gaignat) which De Bure had described in the first volume of his Bibliographie instructive.140 The background for Mercierâs allusion to De Bure merits a brief excursus.
It is striking that in 1786 Mercier cited De Bureâs description from more than two decades earlier. A renowned bibliophile himself, at the appearance of the Bibliographie instructive in 1763 Mercier published a lengthy article in the influential monthly Journal de Trévoux, where he presented a scathing critique of De Bureâs bibliographic method.141 So prolix was the text that a footnote was appended by the editors to justify its exceptional length, which far exceeded that of the journalâs usual contributions; Mercier found fault with most of the entries in the Bibliographie instructive.
Mercier seemed determined to cut De Bure down to size, remarking sharply that âit is important for this Bibliographer to visit more precisely than he has done the great Parisian libraries, whose riches are too little known to him.â142 As an ecclesiastic, Mercier had reason to question De Bureâs judgment and expertise, for the two men came from different worlds. De Bure, who worked commercially as a cataloguer and printer, achieved great influence among collectors for his methods of describing rare books, but he was not an intellectual or a scholar. However, as Jean Viardot pointed out, booksellers had an internal knowledge of the market that gave them an advantage over clerics specializing in book history.143 Indeed, Mercier stated sarcastically that he looked forward to seeing De Bure justify the reputation he had acquired as one of the most skillful booksellers in Paris.144
Mercierâs diatribe led to something of a pamphlet war. In a short book published in October 1763, De Bure responded to Mercierâs attack point by point. As noted in the Bibliographie instructive, one of the two Mozarabic breviaries owned by Gaignat was the only copy De Bure had seen to lack a table listing the feasts of the church year. He suggested that the table, initially omitted, had been added in other copies after the first print run.145 Dismissing De Bureâs remark as trivial, Mercier stated that the absence of the table was nothing more than a defect.146 In response, De Bure maintained that far from an insignificant detail, his observation exemplified the comparative method of descriptive bibliography espoused in the Bibliographie instructive.147 But this statement in defense of his method was not enough; in the meantime Mercier had published another critique in the Journal de Trévoux (again in 1763), which in turn elicited yet another systematic response from the impugned De Bure.148 Six years later, in his catalogue of the Gaignat collection, De Bure brought up once again the absence of the table, citing his discussion in Bibliographie instructive.149 De Bureâs exchange with Mercier provides an example of the competing (and sometimes inflated) claims of expertise that were crucial to the historical process David McKitterick has called âthe invention of rare books.â150
It is all the more significant, then, that in the Particularités Mercier alluded in passing to purchasing the very copy (previously owned by Gaignat) that had been described by De Bure. Here Mercier invoked precisely the section of the Bibliographie instructive that he had panned two decades earlierâthe description of the Mozarabic editions that had brought them renown in Parisian bibliophile circles. In the end, even the redoubtable Mercier joined the throngs of those citing De Bureâs catalogue entries as the reference of choice for high-prestige book acquisitions.
Besides the light it sheds on book collecting in the late eighteenth century, the Aschaffenburg copy of the Missale mixtum contains Latin annotations that signal a historical perception of the edition as a monument to the past. Below the colophon, two hands of the early seventeenth century added references to published histories of Spain:151 âOn the Toledan liturgy and the Mozarabs and the seven churches of Toledo, see in the Historia vulgaris, folio 76; and the Historia generalis Hispanie and also see in the Crónica del Cid Ruy Diaz, folio 39.â152 The first work mentioned in the annotation, Historia vulgaris (the âVulgateâ History), could be the Estoria de Espanna, the vernacular history compiled by Alfonso X of León and Castile (1221â84), which includes an account of the change of rite.153 The second work cited in the annotation, the Crónica del Cid Ruy Diaz (originally published in 1498), is the story of the medieval knight Rodrigo DÃaz de Vivar, most famous as the protagonist of the Poema del mio Cid.154 The fifteenth-century Crónica was published in several different versions in the sixteenth century; the annotation seems to cite chapter 121 in the Burgos 1512 edition recounting the imposition of the Roman rite in Toledo, followed by the duel and the trial by fire.155 The work that the Latin annotation calls the âHistoria generalis hispanieâ is likely to be Juan de Marianaâs Historia general de España of 1601, which is a revised Castilian translation of his 1592 Latin chronicle Historiae de rebus Hispaniae libri XX.156 In the Historia general, the change of rite is described in book 9, followed by a paragraph combining the post-conquest history of the Mozarabic rite with a brief description of the Mozarabic Chapel and its function:
The dispute ended, and they agreed that in the ancient churches called Mozarabic the ancient breviary [i.e., church services] would be maintained, which we see today on certain feast days of the year, that in those churches they celebrate the offices in the manner of the Mozarabs. There is also a chapel in the cathedral with a certain number of Mozarabic chaplains, which Cardinal Friar Francisco Ximenez endowed from his own estate, to prevent the loss of such a renowned phenomenon and ancient rite. These [chaplains] celebrate and say the mass according to the ancient missal and breviary.157
This narrative jumps from the end of the eleventh century to the (late-sixteenth-century) present, eliding the decline of the Mozarabic rite in the later Middle Ages and thus implying a degree of continuity, as if the decision to maintain the rite after 1085 had ensured its survival in the Mozarabic parish churches. In truth, its survival in the parishes was always fragile.
The Historia general was published in numerous editions both in Latin and in the vernacular in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, including in a French translation by the Jesuit Joseph-Nicholas Charenton.158 Marianaâs digest was a common reference from which many readers gleaned information about the history of the Mozarabs and their rite. Although the references to historical writings added to the Aschaffenburg copy are highly abbreviated, they indicate that users of the Mozarabic editions sought to situate the contents of the books in a national context. In sum, the volume in Aschaffenburg provides an example of the reception of the published rite and its context in print culture.
âµ
As shown by the annotations, notes, and treatises that literally accrued to the editions over the centuries, as well as in the commentaries of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Mozarabic Missal and the Breviary were perceived not only as rare books but also as monuments to the history of Christianity in Iberia. The meanings that the Missal and Breviary held for early modern readers were also bound to the inseparability of liturgical tradition from national identity, a theme of central importance throughout this book. Consequently, the diffusion of the editions in early modern Europe contributed to a perception of the Mozarabs and their rite as part of a memorialized past. The study of the rite, which occurred through the filter of the editions and the increasing importance of its national character, is the subject of chapter 5.
Guillaume François De Bure, Bibliographie instructive ou Traité de la connoissance des livres rares et singuliers [â¦], vol. 1, Théologie (Paris: Chez Guillaume François De Bure le Jeune, 1763), 180: Peu de livres existent dans la République des Lettres, aussi rares que celui-ci, qui nous conserve lâancien Rit, & la manière dont on célébroit autrefois lâancien Office Chrétien dans plusieurs Villes dâEspagne.
In a parallel development, commentaries, treatises, and new editions added to the proliferating print culture of the Mozarabic rite. The erudition that developed through these mediated readings is the subject of chapter 5.
Pedro Camino y Velasco, Noticia historico-chronologica de los privilegios de las nobles familias de los mozarabes de la imperial ciudad de Toledo (Toledo: s.n., 1740), unpaginated.
Of the thirty-two copies now in Spanish libraries, twenty seem to have remained continuously in Toledo. Many others contain notes of possession, inscriptions, or other annotations indicating that they were still in Spain until the seventeenth or eighteenth century. The provenances discussed in this chapter are summarized in appendix 2.
Alvar Gómez de Castro, De rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio Cisnerio archiepiscopo Toletano (Complutum: Andrea de Angulo, 1569), fol. 51v: Officii Mozarabum libri tunc per illum in publicum dati, ut res omnes usu consumuntur, nunc ita ferme iam exhausti sunt, ut volumen quod missale vocant, me vidente, triginta aureis Toleti consisterit. Nam ab omnibus doctis et piis hominibus, quibus huius offici notitia est, tam missale quam breuiarium certatim expetitur: ipseque adeo Paulus III Pontifex max. missis Toletum legatis ab ecclesia nostra officium hoc petierit et GotthicÄ pietatis monumentum in bibliotheca Vaticana asseruari iusserit. Utinam aliquis exoriatur actorum Ximenii aemulus, qui sacra haec Mozarabum volumina euulget rursus.
The account book covers the period from 1496 to 1509; see Santiago Aguadé Nieto, âDe la manuscritura a la imprenta: Formación de la biblioteca del Colegio de San Ildefonso,â in Civitas librorum: La ciudad de los libros, Alcalá de Henares 1502â2002, ed. Santiago Aguadé Nieto (Alcalá: Universidad de Alcalá, 2002), 55â80, at 57.
Some or all of the other volumes listed together with these in the same entry may have been copies of the Mozarabic Missal as well. Elisa Ruiz GarcÃa and Helena Carvajal González, La casa de Protesilao: Reconstrucción arqueológica del fondo cisneriano de la Biblioteca Histórica âMarqués de Valdecillaâ (1496â1509), manuscrito 20056/47 de la Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2011), 88â89, 129â30, 301, 407.
Ruiz GarcÃa and Carvajal González, La casa de Protesilao, 84, 187, 402.
Ana Isabel Carrasco Manchado, âAntonio GarcÃa de Villalpando,â in Christian-Muslim Relations II Online: Spain, 1500â1600, ed. David Thomas (Leiden: Brill, 2015),
For an overview of the military orders in the Middle Ages see Helen Nicholson, âThe Military Orders,â in A Companion to Chivalry, ed. Robert W. Jones and Peter Coss (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2019), 69â84.
Paris, BnF, Réserve B 269: Honorat de Ponteues sieur de Flessans achepta ce missal d aix v. ff lâan mil cinq cents trente ung et du mois de janvier.
The currency indicated in the inscription as âff.â could be florins of Provence. Other florins in use at the time include cameral florins, used in Avignon by the papacy, and Florentine florins, a common coinage struck until 1533 that circulated as an international medium of exchange. See John H. Munro, âMoney and Coinage of the Age of Erasmus,â in The Correspondence of Erasmus, vol. 1, Letters 1 to 151, A.D.â¯1484â1500, ed. Roger Mynors, Douglas Thomson, and Wallace Ferguson (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), 311â48, at 316â18. Prices in different florins from 1531 to 1535 can be consulted in the tables in John H. Munro, âMoney, Wages, and Real Incomes in the Age of Erasmus: The Purchasing Power of Coins and of Building Craftsmenâs Wages in England and the Low Countries, 1500â1540,â Working Paper No. 1 (University of Toronto, Department of Economics and Institute for Policy Analysis, 2001), 119â40,
Généalogie historique de la Maison Sabran-Pontevès, Extrait de lâarmorial général de France, registre supplémentaire (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1897), 100.
Anne Brogini, Malte, frontière de chrétienté, 1530â1670, Bibliothèque des écoles françaises dâAthènes et de Rome 325 (Rome: Ãcole française de Rome, 2005), 41â42, 94â96.
Ann Williams, âThe Constitutional Development of the Order of St John in Malta, 1530â1798,â in Hospitaller Malta 1530â1798: Studies on Early Modern Malta and the Order of St John of Jerusalem, ed. Victor Mallia-Milanes (Msida: Mireva, 1993), 285â96, at 291.
Anne Brogini, âVivre noble. LâOrdre de Malte et la Croisade au début de lâÃpoque Moderne,â in Nobleza hispana, Nobleza cristiana. La Orden de San Juan, ed. Manuel Rivero RodrÃguez (Madrid: Ediciones Polifemo, 2009), 1393â1411.
On the events of 1798â99 see Frank J. Coppa, The Modern Papacy since 1789 (London: Routledge, 1999), 31. Pius VI died in Valence. The coat of arms stamped on the leather book box in which the volume is now preserved is identified in the card file in the Réserve of the Bibliothèque nationale de France as âCardinal Toledo-Ozorio.â It combines a cardinalâs hat with the arms of the Osorio family.
London, BL, General Reference Collection C.17.c.3, fol. 432r: El bachiller Joan fernandez de valboa administrador del [o]spital de santiago de los caballeros de toledo dio este libro a este convento en su vida 13 de otubre 1535 anos. (I am grateful to Tess Knighton for her help in reading this inscription.)
Erika Supria Honisch, Ferran Escriva-Llorca, and Tess Knighton, âOn the Trail of a Knight of Santiago: Collecting Music and Mapping Knowledge in Renaissance Europe,â Music and Letters 101, no. 3 (2021): 397â453, at 413. I am grateful to Tess Knighton for sharing this research with me before its publication.
La Vid, Monasterio de Santa MarÃa de la Vid, 135/Inc/13, fol. 469v: El bachiller Juan Fernández de Balboa administrador del Santiago de Toledo dió este libro en su vida a este convento. (Joan may have been a member of the Balboa family, part of the minor nobility in Galicia, which included the conquistador Vasco Núñez de Balboa [c.1475â1519].)
Joanâs inscribed copy of the missal, now in La Vid, seems to have remained in the possession of the Order of Santiago for centuries. It contains the stamp from the library of the Monastery of Uclés, the headquarters of the order until it was forced out in 1836. The premises were later taken over by the Augustinians.
Paris, BnF, Réserve, B-267, frontispiece: 15 M 67: Auxilium meum a Domino Dietrichstain. (Adam spelled his own name âDietrichstain,â but the accepted modern spelling is âDietrichstein.â)
Friedrich Edelmayer, âEhre, Geld, Karriere: Adam von Dietrichstein im Dienst Kaiser Maximilians,â in Kaiser Maximiliam II: Kultur und Politik in 16. Jahrhundert, ed. Friedrich Edelmayer and A. Kohler (Vienna: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, 1992), 109â42; Edelmayer, âHonor y dinero. Adam de Dietrichstein al servicio de la Casa de Austria,â Studia Histórica. Historica Moderna 10, no. 11 (1992â93): 89â116.
Die Korrespondenz der Kaiser mit ihren Gesandten in Spanien, vol. 1, Briefwechsel zwischen Ferdinand I., Maximilian II. und Adam von Dietrichstein 1563â1565, ed. Arno Strohmeyer, Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur der iberischen und iberoamerikanischen Länder 3 (Vienna: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, 1997), 40â46.
See Dries Raeymaekers, âIn the Service of the Dynasty: Building a Career in the Habsburg Household, 1550â1650,â in Monarchy Transformed: Princes and Their Elites in Early Modern Europe, ed. Robert von Friedeburg and John Morrill (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 263â64; see also Honisch, Escriva-Llorca, and Knighton, âOn the Trail,â 408.
Pavel Marek, La embajada española en la corte imperial (1558â1641): Figuras de los embajadores y estrategias clientelares, Ibero-Americana Pragensia Supplementum 33 (Prague: Universidad Carolina de Praga, Editorial Karolinum, 2013), 173.
Ana Mur i Raurell, âAustrÃacos en las ordenes militares españoles en el siglo XVI,â in Spanien und Ãsterreich in der Renaissance, ed. Wolfram Krömer (Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, 1989), 81â95, at 84â88.
The first two verses of Psalm 120 in the Douay-Rheims translation are: âI have lifted up my eyes to the mountains, from whence help shall come to me; My help is from the Lord, who made heaven and earth.â
A large collection of books that had been owned by Adam was among the booty captured by Swedish troops in 1645; see Honisch, Escriva-Llorca, and Knighton, âOn the Trail,â 403 n. 27.
Museu Diocesà de Girona, MS 273. The inscription on fol. 2r shows that it was given to Dietrichstein in 1582. Alexandra Suda, âThe Girona Martyrology: Making and Meaning of a Manuscript in the Marginsâ (PhD diss., New York University, 2016), 19, interprets the inscription as referring to Adamâs son, Franz von Dietrichstein, who had the manuscript restored, as mentioned in an inscription from 1613. In 1582, however, Franz was only 12; presumably the father received the manuscript and passed it on to his son, as argued by Otto Pächt, âA Bohemian Martyrology,â The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs 73 (1938): 192â204, at 192.
The inscription is transcribed in a description of the manuscript in Leges ecclesiasticae regni Hungariae et provinciarum adiacentium, ed. Ignác Batthyány (Alba Iulia: Typis Episcopalibvs, 1785), 28.
Jerónimo Zurita y Castro, Indices rerum ab Aragoniae regibus gestarum ab initis regni ad annum MCDX (Zaragoza: Domingo de Portonariis, 1578). Adamâs inscription on his copy (now in Copenhagen, Kongelige Biblioteket, konv. 3â4) can be seen at
Alcañiz, which belonged to the Order of Calatrava, was given to Adam von Dietrichstein in 1569 as a knight of the Order. Pavel Marek, âLa diplomacia española y la papal en la corte imperial de Fernando II,â Studia historica. Historia moderna 30 (2008): 109â43, at 134.
Marek, âLa diplomacia española,â 135â36. Franz lost his wealth in 1619, however, as a result of the Bohemian war and had to relocate to Vienna. Marek, La embajada española, 164, citing Bohumil Badura, âLos intereses económicos de los Dietrichstein en España en los siglos XVIâXVIII,â in Las relaciones checo-españolas, ed. Josef Opatrný, Ibero-Americana Pragensis, Supplementum 20 (Prague: Universidad Carolina de Praga, Editorial Karolinum, 2007), 47â93.
When Mazarin went into exile in 1652, some of his most exceptional books (both manuscript and printed) were saved from auction by his librarian, Gabriel Naudé. See Le cardinal, la Fronde et le bibliothécaire: Les trente plus beaux livres de Mazarin, ed. Isabelle de Conihout and Christian Péligry (Paris: Editions du mécène, 2002), 8.
Jean-Baptiste Jourdan, Anicet Melot, Pierre Jean Boudot, and Claude Sallier, Catalogue des livres imprimez de la Bibliotheque du roy, vol. 1, Théologie (Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1739), 247 (shelfmark B709). The stamp may have been used as early as 1640, but it was certainly in use starting around 1685. I am grateful to the staff of the Réserve of the BnF for this information.
Cambridge, Emmanuel College Library, MS 5.2.12, given to the Library in 1652. I am deeply grateful to H.C. Carron, Librarian of Emmanuel College, for information on Ashe and his gifts of books to the Library.
For instance, on fol. 164v, three different forms of annotation mark out most of a prayer for the Lordâs Prayer, which begins, âLooking upon our thoughts and our sins, we do not sacrifice bleeding victims to you, Lord, but with supplicant prayers, we offer to you, eternal, the body of the priestâ (Cogitationes et delicta nostra cernentes, non cruentas tibi domine victimas immolamus, sed supplicibus votis tibi sempiterni sacerdotis corpus offerimus).
Adam Smyth, âBook Marks: Object Traces in Early Modern Books,â in Early Modern English Marginalia, ed. Katherine Acheson (New York: Routledge, 2019), 51â69, at 65, notes that we do not actually know what underlinings in early modern books convey about the attitude of the reader.
For the biography of Ashe see Ann Hughes, âAshe, Simeon,â in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online version of 2008), https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/751.
John Foxe, Acts and Monuments of Matters most Special [â¦] Booke of Martyrs (London: Printed for the Company of Stationers, 1641). Asheâs copy is a later edition of the work, which was first published in 1563.
Francisco Gomari opera theologica omnia (Amsterdam: Janson, 1644); David Pareus, Operum theologicorum exegeticorum (Frankfurt: Viduam Ionae Rosae, 1647).
The Breviary (now BAV, Stamp. Barb. B.X.3) is listed as âBreviarium Mozarabes, sive Toletanum, f[olio]â in Indicis bibliothecae qua Franciscus Barberinus S.R.E. cardinalis viccecancellarius magnificentissimas suae familiae ad Quirinalem aedes magnificentiores reddidit (Rome: Typis Barberinis, 1681), 1:187; and the Missal (now BAV, Stamp. Barb. AAA.II.16) is listed, with the Barberini library call number on the flyleaf (IX-D-32), as âMissale mixtum secundum Regulam B. Isidori dictam Mosarabes.â Indicis bibliothecae, 2:78.
See Cinzia Fortussi, âLa Bibliotheca Barberina: La raccolta libraria di Urbano VIII e Francesco Barberiniâ (diploma thesis, Scuola Vaticana di Biblioeconomia, 1994).
The full title of the work is Magna bibliotheca veterum patrum et antiquorum scriptorum ecclesiasticorum. It was first printed in Paris in 1575 and subsequently republished in expanded form several times in the seventeenth century as well as in Venice in 1766. The Barberini catalogue refers to the Paris editions of 1575 and 1624 as well as to the 1618 Cologne edition.
âMissa mosarabe D. Leandro Hispalensi Episcopo Peculiariter in Hispanis Usitata,â Magna bibliotheca veterum patrum (Paris: Aegidius Morellus, 1644), 6: cols 103â106.
Ibid.: Christiani in Hispania Arabibus praemixti, Mozarabes dicebantur, quasi mixti Arabibus, et Officium divinum eorum, Mozarabe inde appelationem retinuit [â¦] haec usa est Hispania usque ad tempora Alfonso sexti, quo tempore, authoritate Gregorii Papae septimi mutata est: licet et Toleto adhuc in sex parochiis servetur; et in cathedrali Ecclesia, in sacello fratris Francisci Ximenez.
Manchester, John Rylands University Library, 273.
âOrdo divini offici Gothici Muzarabum,â in Magna bibliotheca veterum patrum, 6: cols 105â24. This text is a Latin digest of the Breve suma, the treatise on the Mozarabic rite published in Castilian (an excerpt from the biography of Cisneros, the Compendio) by the Mozarabic chaplain Eugenio de Robles in 1604. The Breve suma is discussed in chapters 2 and 5.
On Colbertâs library see Denise Bloch, âLa bibliothèque de Colbert,â in Histoire des bibliothèques françaises, vol. 2, Les bibliothèques sous lâAncien Régime, 1530â1789, ed. Claude Jolly (Paris: Promodis, 1988), 157â79.
Paris, BnF, MS Baluze 212, fol. 271r.
The Breviary and the Missal are listed among the books that were bound for Colbert in February 1680 (Paris, BnF, MS Baluze 366, fol. 63v).
The collection was inherited in 1690 by Colbertâs son, the archbishop of Rouen, Jacques-Nicolas Colbert (1654â1707), who left it to his nephew, Charles Eleonor Colbert (1689â1747).
Bibliotheca Colbertina, seu, Catalogus librorum bibliothecæ [â¦] (Paris: Gabriel Martin, 1728), 20â21 (item 342 for the Missal and 361 for the Breviary).
David McKitterick, The Invention of Rare Books, 1600â1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 184, citing the description in Catalogus bibliothecae Harleianae, in locos communes distributus cum indice auctorum, 5 vols (London: Thomas Osborne, 1743), 3:117â18 (lot 1528).
The Missal (JRULMÂ 263) is described in Nigel Griffin, âSpanish Incunabula in the John Rylands University Library of Manchester,â Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 70 (1988): 3â142, at 127â34. For the Missal and Breviary see Thomas Frognall Dibdin, Bibliotheca Spenceriana; or a Descriptive Catalogue of the books Printed in the Fifteenth Century and of Many Valuable First Editions, in the Library of George John Earl Spencer (London: [printed for the author], 1814â23), 1:135â49.
The volume is now Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, Inc.Civ.Lips.369. I am very grateful to Boris Liebrenz for consulting and photographing this book in January 2020; I examined it in Leipzig in December 2024.
The presence of Old Hispanic missals in Bayonne is mentioned in a letter of 1714 written by Desserre, a priest of the Oratory, to Pierre Le Brun (Paris, BnF, latin 16811, fol. 129r). The epistolary exchange between the two Oratorians, discussed in chapter 5, is the subject of a larger study in preparation.
La corrispondenza di Lodovico Antonio Muratori col mondo germanofono: Carteggi inediti, ed. Fabio Marri and Maria Lieber, with Daniela Gianaroli, Italien in Geschichte und Gegenwart 31 (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2010), 73â74.
[Johann Vogt], Johannis Vogt Catalogus historico-criticus librorum rariorum, 3rd ed. (Hamburg: Christian Herold, 1747), 470. The Mozarabic editions are not cited in the first edition of 1732 (Hamburg: Johann Christoph Kisner). On the context of Vogtâs doctrine of rarity see Torsten Sander, âSamuel Engelsâs Bibliotheca Selectissima (1743). âRarityâ as a Criterion of Knowledge and its Classification,â in Scholars in Action: The Practice of Knowledge and the Figure of the Savant in the 18th Century. Scientific and Learned Cultures and Their Institutions, ed. Martin Stuber, Philippe Rogger, André Holenstein, and Hubert Steinke (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 339â60. McKitterick, The Invention of Rare Books, 192, contrasts the taxonomy of guides to rare books in German-speaking lands with the focus on copy-specific information seen in the catalogues of the book trade.
Augustus Beyer, Memoriae historico-criticae librorum rariorum (Dresden: Friedrich Hekel, 1734), 158â66, at 158. This account of the editions is addressed at greater length in chapter 5.
Henrik Schwanitz, âBeyer (Beier, Beyerus), August (Augustus),â in Sächsische Biografie, Institut für Sächsische Geschichte und Volkskunde e.V.,
The volume is now Vienna, Ãsterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ink 5.E.16. I am extremely grateful to Dr. Konstanze Mittendorfer of the Ãsterreichische Nationalbibliothek for sending me a photograph of the inscription, identifying the names in it, and discussing the provenance of the volume with me by email in 2020. When I examined the volume in May 2024, I observed that its binding differs significantly from that of the copy of the Breviary that is now Vienna, Ãsterreichische Nationalbibliothek, 22.C.20 (which has a nineteenth-century binding decorated with the imperial eagles).
Below the frontispiece: When Father Francisco Pridaeus de Valdemoro came, this missal was given to Sir Johann Gabriel Sparvenfelt, Swedish Knight, from this Royal Library of San Lorenzo of the Escorial, on 17 March 1690. Franciscus Rosales, Librarian. Duplicate (Cum venisset Padre Franciscus Pridaei de Valdemoro datum fuit hoc missale D. Joanni Gabrieli Sparvenfelt Equiti Sueco, ex hac Regia Bibliotheca S. Laurentii Scorialensii die 17. Mensis Martii An. 1690. Franciscus Rosales / Bibliothecarius. / Duplicatum).
The handwriting and ink of the single word at the top of the page, âMozarabes,â differentiate it from the other annotations on the frontispiece. Above the word is the remainder of a marking (possibly part of another inscription or of a shelfmark) that was truncated when the volume was trimmed for rebinding.
Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Sämtliche Schriften und Briefe, vol. 1, Allgemeiner politischer und historischer Briefwechsel, no. 18, JanuarâAugust 1700, ed. Malte-Ludolf Babin, Marie-Luise Weber, and Rita Widmaier (Hannover: Berlin-Brandenburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, 2005), 359â60, letter 206: Le Messell Gothique de Thomasin dont vous me parlez, il faut quâil soit quelque partie du Messell Mosarabe de St. Isidore, que le Cardinal Ximenes fit rimprimer à Tolede le siecle passé, et dont Robles a aussi traitté, LâAbbee de lâEscurial El Padre de Waldomoro me fit presant dâun Exemplaire, et on me pressa tant à Paris de la part des Religieux de Ste Geneviefe du Mont quâà la fin je le leurs vendis pour 40 pistolles, ainsi vous voyez quâil faut quâil soit rare. (The editors of the letter state that the volume is not known, but it is now Vienna, Ãsterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ink 5.E.16.)
Carl Ulf Vilhelm Jacobowsky, J.G. Sparwenfeld: Bidrag till en biografi (Stockholm: Kurt Lindberg, 1932).
Maarten Ultee, âThe Republic of Letters: Learned Correspondence, 1680â1720,â The Seventeenth Century 2 (1987): 95â112, at 95.
Michael C. Carhart, Leibniz Discovers Asia: Social Networking in the Republic of Letters, Information Cultures (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2019), 131. On Sparwenfeldâs linguistic expertise see Ulla Birgegard, âJ.G. Sparwenfeld and the Oriental Languages,â in Turcologica Upsaliensia: An Illustrated Collection of Essays, ed. Ãva Ã. Csató, Gunilla Gren-Eklund, Lars Johanson, and Birsel Karakoç (Leiden: Brill, 2021), 103â19. On his work in Slavonic see Birgegard, Johan Gabriel Sparwenfeld and the Lexicon Slavonicum, His Contribution to the 17th Century Slavonic Lexicography, Acta Bibliothecae R. Universitatis Upsaliensis 23 (Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksell, 1985).
Vilhelm Jacobowsky, J.G. Sparwenfeld, 130â52; Felipe Vidales del Castillo, âBuscando a Suecia en España: El âViaje Gothicoâ de Johann Gabriel Sparwenfeldt (1689â90),â Urbs Regia: OrÃgenes de Europa 4 (2019): 27â33.
Leibniz, Sämtliche Schriften, 251, letter 163 (14 January 1700): Comme vous recherchés, tout ce qui regarde les anciens Gots [â¦] un sçavant italien nommé Josephus Maria Thomasius, donnant au public à Rome il y a quelques années des anciens livres Sacramentaires, y a publié un antiquum Missale Gothicum.
Codices sacramentorum nongentis annis vetustiores nimirum libri 3 (Rome: Bernabò, 1680). For a modern edition of the Missale Gothicum see Missale Gothicum: E codice Vaticano Reginensi Latino 317 editum, ed. Els Rose, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina 159D (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005).
Leibniz, Sämtliche Schriften, 360: Lâexemplaire que lâon envoya de Madrit au Pape Innocent XI estoit tout à fait vieux et dechiré, cest un[e] des plus encienes liturgies, et fort differente de lâambrosienne, et de celle de St Gregoire le Grand dont jâay donné un tres magnifique Exemplaire au Roy de France sur du velin et en lettres dor, cependant ces 3 messels ou liturgies, nont rien de comun auec celles de St Jean Chrysosthome et de S Basil dont on sert parmi les Grecs et les Russes et Esclavons-Grec[s], je les ay touttes, et meme en langue Moldowlackoize.
Both the Missal and the Breviary appear in the catalogue of Le Tellierâs collection published seventeen years before his death; see Bibliotheca Telleriana, sive Catalogus librorum bibliothecae [â¦] D.D. Caroli Mauritii le Tellier, archiepiscopi ducis Remensis (Paris: Typographia Regia, 1693), 156. Only the missal is in the Bibliothèque Saint-Geneviève today.
Anna Agostini, La Fabroniana di Pistoia: Storia di una biblioteca e del suo fondatore (Ilde: Edizioni Polistampa, 2011).
Pistoia, Biblioteca Fabroniana, E.2.193; see Silvano Rafanelli, Catalogo degli incunaboli delle bibioteche pistoiesi, Biblioteca di bibliografia italiana 44 (Florence: Olschki, 1963), 52.
See Missale mixtum secundum regulam Beati Isidori dictum Mozarabes, ed. Alexander Lesley (Rome: Venanzio Monaldini, 1755), iv. The other copy he consulted was in the library of Silvio Valenti Gonzaga (see below, n. 113).
The Missal and Breviary are, respectively, Rome, Biblioteca dellâAccademia dei Lincei e Corsiniana, 46.F.7 and 46.F.19. I am grateful to Ebe Antetomaso, director of the Biblioteca Corsiniana, for the ample information she provided on these volumes. For a description of the bindings see Il libro romano del settecento. La stampa e la legatura (Rome: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1959), 115, cat. 57.
The note reads: Andres Alfonso left this breviary in his will to his chapel; he got it at the estate sale of his lord Tavera. May they go to heaven (Por este breuiario mando andres alfonso en su testamento a su capilla por algun descargo sacolo del almoneda de don suo tavera que ayan glorie).
I am exceedingly grateful to Michael Noone for his help in reading the inscription, in discussing this identification, and for sending me Javier Castán Lanaspa, âA proposito del testamento del cardenal Tavera,â BoletÃn del seminario de estudios de arte y arqueologÃa: BSAA 59 (1993): 365â78.
In the calendar for November (fol. 7r), the annotator of both breviaries (Rome, Biblioteca Corsiniana, 46.F.7 and Florence, BNC, Banco Rari 117) wrote âson a 21 de julioâ next to the feast of Saint Speratus and companions, the Scillitan martyrs. For the disputed dates of this feast see chapter 5.
Catalogo degli incunaboli della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, ed. Pietro Scapecchi (Florence: Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze / Nerbini, 2017), 27 and 298â99. Ebe Antetomaso suggested that it could have been a gift from Lorenzo Corsini (Pope Clement XII) in 1769, when Leopold visited the Corsini library while he was in Rome for two weeks with his brother, Emperor Joseph II (1741â90). This hypothesis presupposes two copies of the missal in the Corsini family library at the time.
My dating of the script to the eighteenth century is based on comparison with other instances of learned annotations, such as those of Andrés Marcos Burriel (1719â62) in numerous manuscripts containing his research notes and transcriptions, one example being Madrid, BNE, MS 13015, fols 1râ19v (discussed in chapter 5).
Camino y Velasco, unpaginated: Y el Señor Carlos II sacò de este Capilla otros dos Tomos, los quales, ricamente enquadernados, embiò al Serenissimo Duque de Florencia, Gran Principe de Toscana, Ferdinando de Medicis.
The lower portions of folios 21 and 425â27 have been replaced with paper and their contents rewritten.
Montserrat, Biblioteca de la Abadia Benedictina, 4o 143. It might have been among the incunables acquired by the library in the first half of the twentieth century, which are mentioned by Damià Roure, La Biblioteca de Montserrat: Un espai de cultural al llarg dels segles (Montserrat: Abadia de Montserrat, 2007), 96.
Toledo, Biblioteca de Castilla y La Mancha, I 3710, unfoliated flyleaf: Este BREUIARIO es de la Parrochia MVZARABE Del Sr. San MARCOS de esta CIUDAD de TOLEDO. Se reparò I compuso año de 1713 A Deuocion I Expensas De Don Eugenio Yneantas Siendo Cura de dicha Parrochia.
In 1198, John of Matha (1160â1213) founded the Order of the Most Holy Trinity in order to ransom Christian captives. On the early history of the order see John Flannery, âThe Trinitarian Order and the Ransom of Christian Captives,â Al-MasÄq 23 (2011): 135â144, DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2011.580632.
There is similarly extensive rewriting in Madrid, BNE, R/7180 (see chapter 5).
Toledo, BCT, FM-23, front flyleaf: Legó a la capilla muzarabe este breviario, un capellan y cura de santa Eulalia el Doctor Don Andres Garcia y Texada, año 1834.
On eighteenth-century catalogues see Michel Marion, Collections et collectionneurs de livres au XVIIIe siècle, Histoire du livre et des bibliothèques (Paris: Champion, 1999). For digitized catalogue data see the database of the project âMEDIATE (Measuring Enlightenment: Disseminating Ideas, Authors, and Texts in Europe, 1665â1830): Understanding the Literary System of the 18th Centuryâ (
De Bure, Bibliographie instructive, 179â90. For readers wanting more detail on Mozarabic rite, De Bure cites the Descriptio summi templi Toletani by Blas Ortiz and the 1601 Compendio by Eugenio de Robles.
De Bure, Bibliographie instructive, 181: Ce Missel & ce Breviaire ont été nommés Gothiques, parce quâils étoient à lâusage des Goths, & depuis le huitième siècle, ils ont été appelés plus communément Mozarabes, du nom quâeurent les Chrétiens, qui prirent le parti de vivre durement sous la domination des Maures, achetant par un tribut annuel, la permission de vivre selon leurs loix et leurs coutumes; ce qui les fit appeler Mozarabes ou Mixtarabes.
The four volumes were lots 178, 179, 180, and 181 in Guillaume François De Bure, Supplement à la bibliographie instructive, ou catalogue des livres du cabinet de feu M. Louis Jean Gaignat (Paris: Guillaume François De Bure, 1769), 52â53.
Their shelfmarks in the Morgan Library are ChL1754 (Missal) and 10E (Breviary).
Girardot de Préfond sold his first collection in 1757 in order to acquire more select volumes (including the Mozarabic editions) for his second collection. The most detailed information on Girardot de Préfond appears in the âEsprit des Livresâ database (
New York, Hispanic Society of America, Inc 68 Copy 1 (Missal) and BXÂ 2000 .A2 1502 (Breviary). On the inscription see Bernard Quaritch, Monuments of Typography and Xylography: Books of the First Half of the First Century of the Art of Printing (London: Quaritch, 1897), 257â58. Quaritch sold the Ortiz editions to Archer Huntington, founder of the Hispanic Society.
On Goyeneche see Beatriz Blasco Esquivias, Nuevo Baztán: La utopÃa colbertista de Juan de Goyeneche, Grandes temas 85 (Madrid: Cátedra, 2019); Santiago Aquerreta González, âGoyeneche Gastón, Juan de,â in Diccionario Biográfico electrónico, Real Academia de la Historia,
Nicole Reinhardt, Voices of Conscience: Royal Confessors and Political Counsel in Seventeenth-Century Spain and France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 357â59.
Thomas Deswarte, Une Chrétienté romaine sans pape. LâEspagne et Rome (586â1085), Bibliothèque dâhistoire médiévale 1 (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2010).
Goyeneche was also a collector of paintings; see Encarnación Hernando Alvarez, âLa colección de pinturas de don Juan Francisco de Goyeneche y su esposa,â Archivo español de arte 63 (1990): 331â34.
The visit is reported by Camino y Velasco, Noticia historico-chronologica, unpaginated: [â¦] la Augusta Reina Catholica de España, Doña Isabel Farnesio, Nuestra Signora, pues se dignò honorar a esta Capilla con su Real asistencia, oyendo en ella la Missa Gothica, que se celebrò con la solemnidad, y grandeza, que viò Toledo.
Most of the annotations in the extant copies were added in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, often identifiably in Spain. They are discussed in chapter 5 as evidence for study of the editions.
Paris, Bibliothèque de lâArsenal, FOL-T-740, first flyleaf: Câest une grande question que de sçavoir dâou vient lâon a donné à cette Liturgie le nom de mozarabe. Les uns prétendent que cela veut dire mixte-arabe, parce que câest la liturgie dont usoient les Chretiens Espagnols quand ils etoient meslés avec les arabes et sous leur domination; les autres en firent le nom de Musa ou Mosa premier gouverneur dâEspagne pour les arabes qui permit aux Chretiens de suivre cette Liturgie. Cette Liturgie ne se pratique plus que dans une seule Chapelle de lâEglise Cathédrale de Tolède. Le Missel et le Breviaire Mozarabes sont très rares, mais surtout le Breviaire. Ils ont été estimés mille écus à la vente de M. de Bure et de Bure le Jeune a offert cette somme de ces deux volumes cy. (I am grateful to Nadine Férey-Pfalzgraf of the Bibliothèque de lâArsenal for identifying the hand of the first note as that of Rotisset.)
Mr. de Voltaire, Abrégé de lâHistoire universelle depuis Charlemagne jusques à Charlequint (The Hague: Jean Neaulme, 1743), 1:348â49.
M. de Voltaire, dans son abregé de lâHistoire Universelle, rapporte lâhistoire des deux Champions que lâon fis combattre, pour et contre lâoffice Mozarabes et le Romain; il dit que le Chevalier pour le Breviaire Mozarabe sâappeloit D. Ruis de Montania, quâil fis perdre les arçons à son adversaire, ci que lâaffaire paroissoit décidée en faveur du Missel mozarabe; mais que lâon exigea, une 2ème épreuve, qui fus, de jetter les 2. Offices au feu, et quâayans été tous deux brulés on decida que de certaines eglises suivroient le Breviaire mozarabes et dâautres, le Romain.
On the collection see Martine Lefèvre and Danielle Muzerelle, âLa bibliothèque du marquis de Paulmy,â in Jolly, Les bibliothèques, 302â15. In Paris, Bibliothèque de lâArsenal, MS 6600, p. 15, a lot of twelve books including the Missal is valued the highest on the page.
Ãve Netchine, âLe marquis de Paulmy et la construction dâune bibliothèque comme oeuvre,â in La famille dâArgenson et les arts, ed. Véronique Meyer and Marie-Luce Pujalte-Fraysse (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2019), 84â92, at 87â88.
Catalogue de la bibliothèque du marquis de Paulmy, Paris, BnF, Bibliothèque de lâArsenal, MS 6298â99 (Théologie), fol. 32r: Voyès sur ce volume et le suivant tous deux tres rares precieux et tres recherchés. La bibliograph. instructive de Debure tom. 1 page 179 et 180.
See âLauzières-Thémines, Alexandre de,â in the Index possessorum incunabulorum,
This volume is now Blois, Bibliothèque municipale, I 40. For information on its provenance see
Juan Manuel Sierra López, âEl cardenal Lorenzana y el rito hispano-mozárabe,â Crónica mozárabe 98 (2019): 9â20, at 12.
The copy is Vatican City, BAV, Membr. II. 21; see Daniel Benvenuti, âUn episodio di collezionismo nel Settecento: Incunaboli nelle biblioteche di Silvio e Luigi Valenti Gonzaga,â Le fusa del gatto 3 (2014): 141â48, at 142â43. Alexander Lesley states in the preface to his Missale mixtum edition that he consulted this copy in the library of Silvio Valenti Gonzaga (1690â1756); Missale mixtum, ed. Lesley, iv (see also below, 210â12).
Stamp. Barb. AAA.II.16 (Missal) and Stamp. Barb. B.X.3 (Breviary). For more on these copies see above.
Genova, Biblioteca Universitaria, Rari C.iii.3.
Vienna, Ãsterreichische Nationalbibliothek, 22.C.20. On the Missal see above, 151â56.
Missal, Lisbon, Biblioteca nacional de Portugal, INCÂ 532.
Breviary, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. 1 Q1.28. See the notes on the sale price in
Missal, London, British Library, General Reference Collection IB.53535 (previously C.17.c.2).
Vatican City, BAV, Stamp. Barb. B.X.3.
On the cataloguing project in the wider context of the Vaticanâs history see Carmela Vircillo Franklin, ââ¯âPro communi doctorum virorum comodoâ: The Vatican Library and Its Service to Scholarship,â Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 146 (2002): 363â84, at 382â83.
Stockholm, Kungliga Biblioteket, Coll(S) 132. The book must not have been in Hiertaâs possession in 1914, when an occasional volume about his collection, published in honor of his fiftieth birthday, lists all the places in which his incunabula were printed, including Portugal, but does not mention the Missale mixtum. See Isak Collijn, âNÃ¥got om friherre Per Hiertas inkunabelsamling med anledning af densammas utställning i Kung. Biblioteket,â in Ex bibliotheca fraemmestadiensi: Festskriftillägnad friherre Per Hierta pÃ¥ hans femtioÃ¥rsdag den 25 oktober 1914, ed. Johannes Reinhold Gustaf Rudbeck (Stockholm: [Bröderna Lagerström], 1914), 55â58. On the biography of Hierta see Sten G. Lindberg, âPer G.A. Hierta,â in Svenskt biografiskt lexikon,
Dr. Wolfgang Undorf of the Kungliga Bibliotek kindly informed me (in personal correspondence, February 2021) that the volume contains a note from Hierta stating that he acquired it in 1919. In Stockholm in 2024, I examined both the inscription and a letter on Hiertaâs personal stationery that was folded and preserved inside the cover of the volume.
See Francisco Hernández Sánchez, âEncuadernaciones inéditas de los siglos XV y XVI en el Instituto Valencia de Don Juan,â BoletÃn de la asociación española de archiveros, bibliotecarios, museólogos y documentalistas 65 (2015): 87â126, at 97â99 and figs. 4â6. The binding of the copy now in Stockholm does not resemble those, mostly slightly earlier, in Antonio Carpallo Bautista and MarÃa Carmen Esteban GarcÃa, Las encuadernaciones artÃsticas bajomedievales de la Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 2017) and Piel sobre tabla: Encuadernaciones mudéjares en la BNE, exh. cat. (Madrid: Biblioteca Nacional de España, 2013), or those studied by Carpallo Bautista and Esther Burgos Bordonau in several articles on the bindings in Toledo Cathedral. I am grateful to Wolfgang Undorf for sending me a photo of the binding in February 2021. The numerous early quire signatures and foliations, which to my knowledge are unique among extant copies of the Missale mixtum, suggest that the volume has hardly been trimmed, and is thus still in its original binding.
The shelfmark is København, Kongelige Biblioteket, 4, 68 S-30. On Alfred Huth see âHuth, Alfred Henry,â in Owners of Incunabula,
Catalogue of the Huth Collection of Printed Books and Illuminated Manuscripts, pt. 1, Catalogue of the Famous Library of Printed Books, Illuminated Manuscripts, Autograph Letters and Engravings Collected by Henry Huth, and since Maintained and Augmented by his Son, Alfred H. Huth (London: Sotheby, Wilkinson and Hodge, 1911), 285, lot 985 (sixth day). The date of accession and serial number in the Danish Royal Library are inscribed on the verso of the first flyleaf: Bibl. Reg. Hafniensis 1919â20. 1012.
Perteneció al Naves, Beneficiado Mozarabe, martir en 1936. Su familia lo regaló a D. José M. Mansilla en 1942 a finir en la actualidad pertenencia. Toledo, 1942. José M. Mansilla prete. (Todelo, BCT, FM-45, front flyleaf.)
For the biography of Naves see Jorge López Teulón, En la ciudad de Toledo, vol. 1, La persecución religiosa en la archidiócesis de Toledo, 1936â1939 (Toledo: J.L. Teulón, 2019), 502â5. On anticlerical violence during the Civil War see the overview in Francisco Javier Ramón Solans, ââ¯âThey Walked Towards Their Death As if to a Partyâ: Martyrdom, Agency and Performativity in the Spanish Civil War,â Politics, Religion and Ideology 17 (2016): 210â26, at 210â13.
Jorge López Teulón, Toledo 1936, ciudad mártir, 2nd ed. (Madrid: Edibesa, 2008), 227â30 (âEl exterminio de los mozárabesâ).
Mansilla served Santa Justa and Rufina from 1940â42 and 1955â56, and was treasurer of the cathedral from 1940â68; see Mario Arellano GarcÃa, âEstado actual de los M.I. señores capellanes de la capilla mozárabe y los párrocos de estas iglesias desde el año 1936,â Crónica mozárabe 93 (2016): 5â9 at 8â9.
The bequest of FM-45 by Cabrera y Delgado, dated 2013, was listed on a typed sheet inserted into the volume. Facing it on the front guardleaf is a note written in pencil by Cabrera in 1976, stating that he received FM-45 when he became a canon of the cathedral and instructing that it be given to the cathedral upon his death.
Toledo, BCT, FM-10, back flyleaf: Se compuso en el Año de 1724 siendo frabueno Don Ignacio Gamana/ Ese missal, le compusieron en el año de 1724 Juan Ganero ⦠Manuel de la Vega siendo monagilo En la capilla de muzarabe intro por San Joseph. Año de mil 1768. Back pastedown: Si[e]ndo monasjillos Josef Fernandez con Manuel Moral en el Año de 1803 / [perpendicular to the page] Manuel Moral. (Fig. 4.5)
Por este Misal cantó la Misa el Capella Don Alvaro Cepeda el dia 23 de febrero de 1928 oblando de M. Alfonso XIII y del Cardenal Segura y Saenz. (See fig. 4.5, lower right).
Josef Benzing, Die Frühdrucke der Hofbibliothek Aschaffenburg bis zum Jahre 1550, Veröffentlichungen des Geschichts- und Kunstvereins Aschaffenburg, Schriftenreihe 11 (Aschaffenburg: Pattloch, 1968), 42. Aschaffenburg was the secondary residence of the prince-archbishops of Mainz until 1803.
Sigrid von der Gönna, Hofbibliothek Aschaffenburg: Ihre Geschichte in der Tradition der Kurfürstlich Mainzischen Bibliothek (Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 1982), 129. I am grateful to Karen Kuhn, director of the Hofbibliothek, for showing me this publication and discussing the volume with me.
On the history of Erthalâs collection and the Aschaffenburg Hofbibliothek see also Eric Marshall White, Editio princeps: A History of the Gutenberg Bible (London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 2017), 93.
Von der Gönna, Hofbibliothek Aschaffenburg, 286â89.
Barthélemy Mercier de Saint-Léger, Particularités littéraires sur la Liturgie Mosarabe, tirées des Lettres Manuscrites du Père Burriel, Jésuite Espagnol (Paris, 1786).
Louis-César de la Baume Le Blanc, duc de la Vallière (1708â80), was an important figure at the court of Louis XV. On the collection see Dominique Coq, âLe parangon du bibliophile français: Le duc de la Vallière et sa collection,â in Jolly, Les bibliothèques, 316â31. The library of de la Vallière was sold at five different auctions, the last two in 1783â84; his copy of the Missale mixtum is lot 272 in Guillaume De Bure, Catalogue des livres de la bibliothèque de feu M. le duc de La Vallière, pt. 1 (Paris: Guillaume De Bure, 1783), 84â85. Since the volume had belonged to Gaignat, it must have been acquired by de la Vallière at the 1769 sale of the Gaignat collection.
Mercier de Saint-Léger, Particularités, 1: A la vente du Duc de la Vallière, je nâai pourtant payé son Exemplaire que 1554 liv.; et cet Exemplaire très-beau, relié en maroquin bleu, étoit celui même de M. Gaignat dont parle Debure dans sa Bibliographie. Jâai fait cette acquisition pour lâElecteur de Mayence.
Barthélemy Mercier de Saint-Léger, âLettre aux auteurs de ces Mémoires sur la Bibliographie instructive de M. de Bure,â Journal de Trévoux 63 (1763): 1617â81.
Mercier de Saint-Léger, âLettre,â 1681: Enfin il est important pour ce Bibliographe quâil visite plus exactement quâil nâa fait les grandes bibliothèques de Paris, dont les richesses lui sont trop peu connues.
On De Bure in his social and commercial contexts see Jean Viardot, âUn épisode du collectionnisme en fait de livre au XVIIIe siècle: Le Musæum typographicum ou le goût des raretés superlatives,â in âLâidée des bibliothèques à lââge classique,â special issue, Littératures classiques 66 (2008): 161â78.
Mercier de Saint-Léger, âLettre,â 1681.
De Bure, Bibliographie instructive, 187â88.
Mercier de Saint-Léger, âLettre,â 1633.
Guillame De Bure, Lettre a M. *** servant de réponse à une critique de la Bibliographie instructive (Paris: s.n., 1763).
Guillaume De Bure, Appel aux savans et aux gens de lettres, au sujet de la Bibliographie instructive (Paris: s.n., 1763).
De Bure, Supplement à la bibliographie instructive, 53.
McKitterick, The Invention of Rare Books.
The first annotation on the page is âQuid sonit pilacio vide s. fol. cxxviii id est prefacioâ, which appears to refer to the continuation of the inlatio (preface chant) that appears on fol. 228r of the Missale mixtum. This annotation is distinct from the ones citing history writing.
De oficio toletano et mozarabes et septem eclesiis toleti vide in historia vulgari folio lxxvi0: [et] historia generalis hispanie et vide in cronica del cid ruy dias fo. Xxxix. (The second part of the inscription, beginning with âhistoria generalis hispanie,â seems to be written by a different hand.)
Mariano de la Campa Gutiérrez, La estoria de España de Alfonso X: Estudio y edición de la versión crÃtica desde Fruela II hasta la muerte de Fernando II, Anejos de Analecta Malacitana 75 (Málaga: Analecta Malacitana, Universidad de Málaga, 2009), 498. In the early modern period Alfonsoâs historiography was known principally through a 1541 publication by Florian de Ocampo, Las quatro partes enteras de la Cronica de España (Zamora: Augustin de Paz and Juan Picardo, 1541). However, the reference to a âfolio 76â in the annotation seems to be to an edition other than Ocampoâs.
See Fernando Gómez Redondo, âThe Cidian Matter in the 15th Century,â in A Companion to the âPoema de mio Cid,â ed. Irene Zaderenko and Alberto Montaner, in collaboration with Peter Mahoney, Brillâs Companions to Mediaeval Philology 1 (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 489.
The narrative appears in chapter 121 of the edition published in Burgos in 1512: Crónica del famoso cavallero Cid Ruy Diez Campeador (Burgos: Fadrique Aleman de Basilea, 1512). For a modern edition see MIO CID CAMPEADOR: Cantar de mio Cid, Mocedades de Rodrigo, Crónica del famoso cavallero, ed. José MarÃa Viña Liste (Madrid: Biblioteca Castro, Fundación José Antonio de Castro, 2006).
Juan de Mariana, Historia general de España. Compuesta primero en latÃn, después buelta en Castellano por Iuan de Mariana, D. Theólogo, de la CompañÃa de Iesus, 2 vols (Toledo: Pedro RodrÃguez, 1601).
Mariana, Historia general, 596: Concluyose el pleyto, y concertaron que en las yglesias antiguas que llaman Moçarabes, se conservasse el breviario antiguo. Lo qual vemos oy dia en ciertas fiestas del año, que se hazen en los dichos templos los officios a la manera de los Moçarabes. Tambien ay una capilla dentro de la yglesia mayor, en la qual ay cierto numero de capellanes Moçarabes, que dotò de su hazienda el cardenal fray Francisco Ximenez, porque no se perdiesse la memoria de cosa tan señalada, y de rezo tan antiguo. Estos rezan y dizen missa conforme al missal y breviario antiguo.
The passage corresponding to the one quoted above is Histoire générale dâEspagne, trans. Joseph-Nicholas Charenton (Paris: Mercier, et alii, 1725), 2:368â69.