The negotiation of heritage then may be understood as a deliberate act of transmission between individuals, groups, or institutions, whichâat a specific point in timeâengage with the past, re-appropriating or reviving certain aspects while rejecting or negating others, using aspects of that past to serve present needs and conditions.1
This chapter follows the unprecedented trajectory by which Archbishop Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros brought the Old Hispanic rite celebrated in the Mozarabic parishes of medieval Toledo to publication and regular observance in Toledo Cathedral. The renewal (often called a restoration) of the Mozarabic rite under Cisneros was the precondition for the developments described throughout this book. Borrowing Bruun and Glaserâs description of the negotiation of heritage, I characterize his initiative as âa deliberate act of transmissionâ that employed the medieval Toledan legacy âin order to constitute ideas of legitimacy, authority, or affinity.â2 Cisnerosâs decision to reconstitute the rite in the cathedral, and his financial support for its establishment there, had three consequential outcomes: it endowed Toledo Cathedral with a venerable tradition that the institution could not otherwise have claimed; it created a novel form of affinity with the Mozarabic parishes; and it reinforced his own legitimacy as the religious leader of Toledo and its diocese. As we will see, the archbishopâs intervention in the written form of the liturgy enhanced its authority, extending it into print form.
Before turning to the history of the Mozarabic rite in Toledo around 1500, let us address some key terms. I use âMozarab,â a word of Arabic origin, as a descriptor for Arabizing Christians who lived in the Islamicate Iberian peninsula. After Toledo came under Christian rule in 1085, the designation of the community as Mozarabs remained in currency. By 1500, however, the sole remaining characteristic of medieval Mozarabic tradition was the celebration of the Old Hispanic rite, which was approaching desuetude. As explained in the preface, âOld Hispanicâ is now the most widely used and most historically applicable term for the liturgy that originated in Visigothic Iberia. Given the delimitation of my subject to the Mozarabic rite of Toledo in its historic reception, these terms are at times used interchangeably in this book. By âriteâ I mean the texts and rituals associated with a defined liturgical tradition, in this case the one observed in the Iberian peninsula between the fifth century and the introduction of the Roman rite in the eleventh century.
The Old Hispanic rite has attracted ever more scholarly interest in recent years, but a number of questions remain unanswered. Most important for this book are those concerning the early liturgical books in Visigothic script that Cisneros saw in Toledo at the end of the fifteenth century. There are significant differences of opinion regarding the dating and place of origin for several of these manuscripts.3 They constitute precious witnesses to the ritual life of the cityâs Mozarabs in the Middle Ages, but it is not always possible to ascertain how they relate to the community with which the trajectory of the rite is so closely bound. Let us now turn briefly to the history of the Toledan Mozarabs (to be discussed at greater length in chapter 2).
1 From Decline to Reconstruction
In 1086, the year after the conquest of Toledo by King Alfonso VI of Castile, Toledoâs main mosque became its new cathedral. The dedication of the former mosque as the cityâs cathedral by the newly installed archbishop, Bernard of Sahagún (who had come from what is now southern France) overlooked the existence of the centuries-old Mozarabic cathedral, Santa Maria de AlficÃn.4 In place of the Old Hispanic rite, the traditional liturgy of early-medieval Iberia, Toledo Cathedral adopted the Roman rite.5 Jerrilyn Dodds characterizes the decision to dedicate a new cathedral as âthe coup de grace in the toppling of the cityâs existing Mozarabic ecclesiastical hierarchy, and the triumph of the Roman church over the cityâs substantial and erudite indigenous Christian community.â6 Alfonso had introduced the Roman rite in his kingdom beginning in the 1070s at the behest of Pope Gregory VII, who was convinced that the texts of the Old Hispanic liturgy contained heretical ideas.7 The distinctive theology of the Old Hispanic rite had occasioned periodic accusations of heresy since the Carolingian period.8
Although the Roman rite was established in Toledo, as elsewhere in his kingdom, Alfonso VI allowed the Mozarabs of Toledo to observe the Old Hispanic rite in their parish churches.9 The size of the community at the time of the Christian conquest in 1085 is unknown, and a significant number of the Mozarabs in Toledo in the twelfth century may have been recent arrivals from al-Andalus.10 Noting that the six traditionally Mozarabic parishes are unattested in Toledo before 1156, Aaron Moreno argues that the strict separation of Roman and Mozarabic liturgies may not have been absolute until priests arrived in the 1140s, seeking refuge in Toledo after fleeing the Muwahhid invasion of al-Andalus.11 Moreno posits that Andalusian Mozarabs in Toledo ensured the continuity of the rite in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
In the centuries after the conquest of Toledo, the Mozarabs gradually became less distinct from the rest of the population.12 The anti-Muslim polemics written by Mozarabs before the thirteenth century drew on their knowledge of both Christian and Muslim religious texts in Arabic.13 However, notarial records of transactions with Mozarabs reveal a gradually diminishing use of Arabic. The documents of the twelfth century are redacted primarily in Arabic (or have Arabic signatures), those from the thirteenth century contain more Latin and Castilian, and by the fourteenth century Arabic no longer appeared in such documents.14
At the same time, the widely cited etymology mixti Arabes (âmixed with Arabsâ) for the word âMozarabâ gave the Toledan Mozarabic community a notional connection with their Arabizing past and their distinct parishes conferred a historically ambiguous alterity with significant implications. Thought to represent continuous Christian observance descended from the Visigoths, the Mozarabs were not a religious or ethnic minority. Nevertheless, their Arabizing, whether past or present, was a durable marker of group identity, at times leading the Mozarabic clergy celebrating the Old Hispanic rite to be distinguished terminologically from the âLatinâ clergy, who celebrated the Roman rite.
By the fifteenth century, however, the Mozarabic rite had become the ritual heritage of a dwindling minority. The symbiotic relationship between the Mozarabs and their ancient liturgy made it fragile; as the community diminished, celebration of the rite in Toledo became rare. In the early modern period, membership in the Mozarabic parishesâthe other vestige of the communityâs medieval rootsâprovided certain fiscal advantages which were continuously questioned, as we will see in chapters 2 and 3. The parishes enabled the maintenance of the Mozarabsâ status as a distinctive group within Toledan society.
Even though the Mozarabic liturgy, as a parish rite, was a shared inheritance, its survival in the early modern period was due largely to the initiative of one man, Francisco Ximénez de Cisneros, archbishop of Toledo from 1495 to 1517. Cisneros was a Franciscan friar and church reformer, a humanist and founder of the University of Alcalá, a royal confessor, an inquisitor, and a two-time regent of Castile.15 As archbishop, he articulated his manifold identities in a variety of carefully coordinated interventions. Among his most famous projects was his patronage of the Mozarabic rite, which would become a prominent facet of his public identity. He perpetuated the rite by commissioning new editions of it and by endowing its celebration in Toledo Cathedral. In establishing the Mozarabic rite in a chapel of his cathedral, Cisneros effectively created a new tradition, and it was one that would commemorate him in perpetuity.
Cisneros arrived in Toledo in 1497.16 According to early accounts, he encountered medieval manuscripts of the Mozarabic rite and found them in poor condition and difficult to read; indeed, their Visigothic script would have been inscrutable to most people in the late fifteenth century. The preservation of liturgical manuscripts in the library of Toledo Cathedral (which observed the Roman rite) suggests that they were no longer in use in the Mozarabic parishes. Cisneros must have been struck by these mute witnesses to a Christian tradition that had never been observed in the Gothic cathedral and was charged with the symbolism of Visigothic origins. Yet one must exercise caution in imagining a process of discovery that has become a legendary episode in the life of this singularly erudite and ambitious archbishop.
Efforts to ensure the continuity of the Mozarabic rite did not start with Cisneros, to be sure. Gonzalo Pérez Gudiel, who was archbishop of Toledo from 1280 to 1299âand himself a Mozarabâundertook a renewal of the cityâs Mozarabic parishes with the help of the archdeacon, Joffré de Loaysa, teaching clerics the services and copying new liturgical books in order to maintain its observance.17 Prelates outside Toledo also attempted to establish regular celebration of the rite. In 1436, for instance, Juan Vázquez de Cepeda, bishop of Segovia, founded a college of regular clergy who celebrated the rite until 1441.18 In 1480 Isabella of Castile and Ferdinand of Aragon confirmed the privileges of the Mozarabic clergy in Toledo and mandated the appropriate distribution of funds designated for Mozarabic parishes. That same year, Alonso Carrillo de Acuña (archbishop of Toledo from 1446 to 1482) forbade the distribution of such benefices to clerics who could not celebrate the Mozarabic rite. Cardinal Pedro González de Mendoza (archbishop of Toledo from 1482 to 1495) sought to consolidate the Mozarabic parishes as autonomous areas by preventing Mozarabs from moving out of them while discouraging others from moving in.19 According to the 1569 biography of Cisneros by Alvar Gómez de Castro, by the time Cisneros arrived in Toledo as archbishop the rite âwas not celebrated in those churches except on a few occasions and feast days,â and the ceremonies âhad fallen into such desuetude that they seemed about to disappear at any moment.â20
In order to forestall the disappearance of the rite, Cisneros appointed a commission under the direction of Alfonso (or Alonso) Ortiz, a canon of the cathedral, to prepare an edition of the Mozarabic missal and an edition of an accompanying breviaryâthe latter a new form of book for the Mozarabic rite, as we will see.21 A poet and bibliophile trained in law, Ortiz had been a canon of Toledo Cathedral since 1478.22 Among the members of the commission were the clergy of three of the Mozarabic parishes: Antonio RodrÃguez of Santa Justa, Alonso MartÃnez de Yepes of Santa Eulalia, and Geronimo Gutiérrez of San Lucas. Eugenio de Robles, in his biography of Cisneros, states that these men were âinstructed in the ceremonies and ancient manner of praying and singing according to this Mozarabic riteâ (instructos en las ceremonias y antiguo modo de rezar, y cantar, segun este orden Muzarabe).23 The editions were printed by the German printer Peter Hagembach.24 The preface to the Ortiz edition of the Mozarabic missal (henceforth to be capitalized, along with the Breviary assembled by Ortiz) states that Melchior Gorricio, a northern Italian publisher and bookseller, financed the publication of the editions, but Cisneros underwrote the cost while Gorricio acted as his agent.25 The editions were major undertakings; copies were printed on parchment as well as on paper.26 In the Missal, musical notation was added by hand, making each copy unique.27
Cisnerosâs decision to harness the power of print by commissioning an updated and adapted version of a parish rite that was local, poorly preserved, and rarely celebrated may have been inspired by other Iberian bishops who oversaw the publication of liturgical books in the late fifteenth century.28 However, other printed missals and breviaries from the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century were standard editions of the uses of dioceses or religious orders. The titles of liturgical imprints published in Spain around 1500 typically cite the local form of the Roman rite observed in particular dioceses.29 In the incunable era (through 1500), bishops all over Europe commissioned printed liturgical books of their diocesan use, which, according to Natalia Nowakowska, constituted an assertion of episcopal authority.30
The Mozarabic editions differed from the majority of liturgical imprints, however, for they did not publish a tradition that was in wide use. The title of the Missal links it to the Mozarabic community, and that of the Breviary associates the contents with Isidore of Sevilleâand, by extension, with the Visigothic Church (âaccording to the rule of Saint Isidoreâ). In this way, too, the editions constitute âa deliberate act of transmission,â appropriating the medieval ritual legacy to establish legitimacy, authority, and an affinity with the Visigothic rite, a historical gesture of great significance in a cathedral of the Roman rite.
Differences between the Mozarabic and the Roman rite exist on multiple levels. Some texts with similar structures and liturgical functions differ in genre and name in the two rites, and not all the elements of worship services correlate precisely.31 The structures of their services differ to some extent for the same sacramental functions, such as the administration of the eucharist, baptism, the commemoration of the dead, and so on. A major point of contrast lies in the number of daily offices celebrated outside Mass: twelve hours of the Divine Office in the Old Hispanic rite versus eight in the Roman rite. Another crucial distinction between the rites is that they originated in very different historical contexts. The non-scriptural texts of the Old Hispanic rite are customarily ascribed to early Iberian church fathers such as Leander of Seville (d. 600 or 601), Isidore of Seville (d. 636), and Ildefonsus of Toledo (d. 667). The medieval Roman rite, introduced in Castile in the eleventh century, had emerged in the Carolingian period as an adaptation of the early-medieval Roman liturgy.32
By the time of Cisneros, the Roman rite had for centuries been established throughout the Iberian kingdoms, and printing the medieval Hispanic rite was akin to archeology. Comparing a medieval Mozarabic manuscript with the Mozarabic Breviary published by Ortiz brings out some of the differences between the medieval rite and the early modern printed edition (Figs 1.1, 1.2). These two books, of roughly comparable size, represent the rite in markedly different ways.33 The medieval manuscript in figure 1.1, copied in Toledo in the second half of the thirteenth century, belonged to the Mozarabic parish church of Saints Justa and Rufina. It forms part of a local Toledan tradition; its late Visigothic script and its musical notation, with its distinctive writing angle, are characteristic of medieval chant manuscripts copied in Toledo.34 Figure 1.2 reproduces a page from the printed Mozarabic Breviary, the right column being the printed version of the text that appears in the medieval manuscript, which consists of prayers and chants for the office of Matutinum on the first Monday in Lent. In both books, the chant texts are in smaller script than the prayers, and the initial letters as well as the name of liturgical genres are highlighted with red ink.
Figure 1.1
Breviarium mozarabicum Officia feriarum in Quadragesima, thirteenth century, Madrid, BNE, MS 10110, fol. 1v
Photo: Biblioteca Nacional De España: Biblioteca Digital Hispánica.
Figure 1.2
Breviarium secundum regulam Isidori, pub. Petrus Hagembach (Toledo), 1502, Toledo, BCT, FM-23, fol. 82r
Photo: Toledo Cathedral Archive And Library
Transcription of the office for part of the first Monday in Advent from Madrid, BNE, MS 10110, fol. 1v with variations of the Breviarium secundum regulam Isidori (fol. 82r, right column)
Note: Text in the Breviarium secundum regulam Isidori that differs from or is added to Madrid 10110 appears in square brackets and boldface. Rubrics are in italics. (âCum inuocarem,â the incipit of Psalm 4, was added in Madrid 10110 by a slightly later hand and appears here in parentheses for that reason; in the printed Breviarium only the rubric âps iiiiâ appears.)
Disciplina tua domine nos tibi et sancto timori coniungat, et ad exultationem tuam timore nos adtraat [attrahat]. Ac ne [a] via iusta recedamus nos contine et [ut] in te fidere poscimus [possimus] beatos esse concede. [R.] Amen. [Per. Antiphona iii.] Sacrificate sacrificium iusticie et sperate in domino. [Ps.] iiii (Cum inuocarem.) Oratio. Singulariter in spe tua constitue. Ut quia hic per fidem ambulamus et non per speciem, spes ipsa nos ad rem promissionis adducat quae desiderium nostrum tolerantie expectatione sustentet et c[h]aritate consumeret [consumet]. [R.] Amen. [Per. R.] Aperi domine oculos tuos et vide miseriam nostram, inclina aurem tuam et exaudi nos seruos tuos ut non pereat vinea tua. [p.] Quam plantare dignatus es. [v.] Domine deus virtutum conuertere nunc, respice de celo et vide et visita. p. vinea[m] tua[m]. [p. Quam. v. Gloria. Reiteretur R. In laudibus antiphona.] Miserere mei deus secundum magnam misericordiam tuam. ps. L. [Oratio.] Miserere domine miseris, et quia nostram agnoscimus misericordiam tuam preueniamus misericordiam tuam preueniamus misericordiam. Sit [â¦]
The editionâs most obvious departures from the manuscript version are the absence of musical notation and the general appearance of the text, which is printed in two columns in a Gothic typeface used by the German printers working in the Iberian peninsula around 1500.35
The principal contrast between the text as seen in the manuscript and the edition resides in the insertion of abbreviated rubrics that indicate instructions for the performance of the text.36 However, the repetition of the end of Aperi domine (indicated by a p before the unnotated phrase âvinea tuaâ) has been overlooked in the edition, and the phrase integrated into the preceding text. Where entire words differ, it may reflect choices that would have been more familiar to a sixteenth-century reader (attrahat instead of adtraat), or misreadings of the text, such as the subjunctive possimus (âthat we mayâ) where the manuscript has poscimus (âwe entreatâ). The editionâs consumet (instead of the manuscriptâs consumeret) could be a misreading of the original or a conscious choice to make the word resemble the sustentet earlier in the same sentence. Although the text in the printed breviary agrees largely with Madrid 10110, in many other instances the Mozarabic editions diverge from the medieval manuscripts.37
A breviary (which contains the readings, prayers, and chants for the Divine Office) was commonly used in the Roman rite. The mise-en-page of the printed Mozarabic Breviary of Ortiz resembles the layout of other breviaries (whether in manuscript or print) around the same time; the dense assemblage of its texts provided a compendium of the services for those who might use such a book to celebrate the Hours of the Divine Office individually. The typology of the Breviary has no exact counterpart among the liturgical books of the Old Hispanic rite, however.38
2 Philology and Liturgy
While nearly everything about the Mozarabic editions seems anomalous in comparison to other publications of medieval rites in the decades around 1500, the Missal and Breviary are in some respects more akin to a different area of contemporary publication: the editing of ancient and Christian Latin texts. Ortizâs editing represents the intellectual tradition of Renaissance humanism. Taking Cicero as the foremost model for prose, and Virgil as the standard for poetry, Latinists of the fifteenth and sixteenth century considered it necessary to modify texts in biblical and medieval Latin so as to bring them into conformity with the stylistic and grammatical conventions of classical Latin literature. Scholars in the circles of Cisneros and of the Catholic Monarchs applied such standards to ecclesiastical Latin.39
A useful context for the Mozarabic editions of Ortiz is an edition of Roman-rite liturgical texts by his better-known contemporary, the Castilian grammarian Elio Antonio de Nebrija (1444â1522, born Antonio MartÃnez de Cala). Nebrija published an emended edition of the hymns of the Divine Office known at first as the Recognitio hymnorum (âCorrection of the Hymnsâ), a collection subsequently printed in combination with preexisting commentary in the Aurea expositio hymnorum.40 Nebrijaâs edition forms part of an emerging genre of early printed hymnals, which, as Ann Moss has pointed out, not only show the application of humanist principles to Latin liturgical texts but also contributed to the formation of national identities that were being articulated at the time in relation to national churchesâthe kind of contribution the Mozarabic editions themselves would go on to make, as we will see in later chapters of this book.41 It is possible, too, that Nebrijaâs Recognitio was available to Ortiz in the decade before the Mozarabic editionsâ publication. Even though the earliest copy of the Recognitio that is currently known was printed in 1501, Pedro MartÃn Baños has marshaled evidence that Nebrijaâs emendations were published for the first time significantly earlier, probably even before 1487.42 With that possibility in mind, let us consider Nebrijaâs approach to the hymns as a potential background for Ortizâs editions of the Mozarabic rite.
Nebrijaâs preface to the Recognitio, which first appears in the edition of 1501, articulates the precepts underlying his emendations based on classical Latin antecedents. The first error (mendum) Nebrija cites is in a line from the hymn âPrimo dierum omnium,â where he emends liberet to liberat in the phrase âNos morte uicta liberet.â He refers to a verse from Virgilâs Aeneid to illustrate the contraction of the perfect tense in classical Latin.43 According to Nebrija, the entire passage should read âquod Christus resurgens morte uicta nos liberauit,â meaning âbecause Christ, arising from the dead, having conquered death, has freed usâ rather than âquod Christus resurgens morte uicta nos liberetâ (that Christ â¦.may free us). In the grammarianâs view, the form âliberetâ incorrectly implies a petition to Christ rather than proclaiming that the liberation has already occurred (through the Resurrection).44 Nebrijaâs explanation of the emendation demonstrates his brand of Christian humanism, which held that philological judgment should be based as much on a textâs theological sense as on linguistic considerations.45
In addition to explanations of individual emendations in the body of the Recognitio, Nebrijaâs preface to the work alludes to the grammatical mistakes and muddled syntax in manuscript versions of the texts, which he characterized as âdisfigured sometimes by errors and sometimes by the confusion of the poemsâ (tum mendis tum carminum confusione deprauatum). Consequently, he strove âto bring into line with the truth the several errors that are found equally in all booksâ (nonnulla errata quae per omnes libros passim reperiuntur ad lineam ueritatis reducere).46 Ortizâs preface to the Mozarabic Missal likewise invokes the need to correct the textual errors so as to reveal the truth they express: âwith the errors scraped away, and the doubts illuminated by the truth extractedâ (vitiis abrasis, dubiisque enucleata veritate lustratis). Comparing Nebrijaâs comments on the grammar of Latin hymns to Ortizâs emendation of the texts of the Visigothic liturgy reveals that the two editors shared a view of the texts as requiring emendation in order to render their doctrinal substance correctly.
Besides providing a context for the method that Ortiz applied in editing the Mozarabic rite, Nebrijaâs Recognitio represents a method that may have informed Cisnerosâs own view of the rite, which contained scriptural texts as well as late-antique and medieval ones. It is likely that the archbishop knew Nebrijaâs annotations to and emendations of the Latin Bible; the grammarian undertook extensive study of the text in the 1490s and dedicated publications to Queen Isabella in the same decades that Cisneros served as her confessor and as close advisor to the monarchs.47 David Coles has argued, moreover, that Nebrijaâs research on the text of the Bible influenced Cisnerosâs most renowned editorial project, the Complutensian Polyglot.48 This six-volume work was the first publication to print synoptically, in three columns, the texts of the Greek New Testament, the complete Septuagint, and the translation of the Torah known as the Targum Onkelos.49 Nebrija had been on the editorial committee for the Complutensian Polyglot, but his emendations did not appear in the final publication, as the more conservative members of the committee found his proposals too radical.50 The Mozarabic editions exemplify Christian humanism in the spirit of the Complutensian Polyglot, albeit different in scope from that later and more ambitious project. Most pertinent for our purpose here is that Ortiz, like Nebrija, viewed sacred texts as subject to improvement through editorial intervention. The prefaces he wrote for the editions explain the need for the revisions he carried out.
3 Remaking the Rite
Ortizâs prefaces to the Missal and Breviary bespeak a philological project in a humanist vein. (For complete texts and translations of the prefaces see appendix A within the present chapter.) These texts make no reference at all to the music of the chant; rather, they stress the need to decipher, to recover, and above all to improve and rearrange and even to rewrite the texts so as to make them accessible and legible. The preface to the Missal states that the manuscripts had âlong been worn out by neglect and old age and sprinkled with a cloud of errors, so that a skillful reader could scarcely uncover a pleasing sentence in the course of examining many volumes.â These elements of the prefaceâs language align with claims in the prefaces to other liturgical books printed elsewhere in Europe in the same period; it was conventional to describe the manuscripts on which they were based as faded with age and disintegrating, their texts corrupted and full of errors.51 Ortiz claimed that the Visigothic script of the Mozarabic manuscripts had caused them to fall out of use. According to the preface to the Missale mixtum, they had âlong been abandoned on account of the rusticity of the letters.â The difficulty of reading the Visigothic script presumably caused at least some of the numerous errors in the editions, which contain mistakes of transcription noted by their users in the early modern period and by scholars over the course of the last century. We must keep in mind the technical challenges of Ortizâs undertaking, which must have been formidable, as a counterbalance to rhetorical emphasis in his prefaces on the necessity of correcting corrupted texts.
Ortiz states that he was charged by Cisneros to ârestoreâ (reficere) the texts without changing them too much, by keeping some elements intact, at Cisnerosâs request, on account of their antiquity. The result was an improved version in the sense that incoherence in the source material was remedied by organization and emendation:
Once the dispersed things were brought into order, the errors scraped away, and the doubts illuminated by the truth [I had] extracted, as if repairing many things that had been destroyed, at your order I made everything as clear as I was able.52
In the preface, then, Ortiz acknowledged his own agency in the genesis of the final product, asserting the necessity of altering the contents and ordering so as to improve them. He edited the Mozarabic Missal drawing on the framework of the Roman-rite Toledan missal of 1499, which he had likewise edited. For instance, as José Janini has pointed out, Ortiz employed the term âOfficium,â in use already for the Introit of the Mass in the Roman rite, and he gave the chant the structure of an Introit, with the repetition of the versicle and the final doxology Gloria et honor.53 In this instance, his adjustment enhanced comprehensibility. In other cases, his choices display creativity in furnishing material that was considered wanting. For twenty-five of the Mass formularies in the Missale mixtum, Ortiz compiled and partly recomposed texts from various sources. For seven further Masses, he adapted existing texts to create entirely new formularies.54
Another indication of Ortizâs personal touch in the preparation of the Missale mixtum is his insertion of a rubric exhorting the reader to pray for him: âPray for Alfonso Ortiz, doctor and Toledan canon.â55 The canonâs entreaty appears between the rubric and the text of the Introit chant that opens the votive Mass for the Virgin Mary (Fig. 1.3, right). His self-naming seems also to be a kind of signature, for all the chant and prayer texts in that Mass appear to be his own compositions (in some cases adapted from existing ones).56 Closing the volume with Ortizâs newly written tribute to the Virgin is a fitting example of the amalgamation of old and new that he carried out in the edition, in which he drew on both the Old Hispanic and Roman rites and modified them according to pragmatic as well as philological considerations.57
Figure 1.3
Missale mixtum, 1500, Madrid, BNE, INC/15, fol. 467r
Photo: Biblioteca Nacional De España: Biblioteca Digital Hispánica.
While the Ortiz edition of the Mozarabic Missal stays relatively close to the texts of the Old Hispanic rite, it includes services from the Roman rite such as the Palm Sunday procession and the Feast of Corpus Christi. The Mozarabic Breviary also incorporates elements from the Roman rite.58 Ortizâs preface to the Breviary states that even more extensive reworking was necessary to extract a readable and coherent text from the muddled contents of the medieval manuscripts. In addition to reorganizing, reordering, and rewriting texts, Ortiz introduced novel elements to ensure that the Breviary would contain all the requisite liturgical items for the Divine Office. Some of these anachronismsâwhich were intended to make the editions more comprehensible to their usersâinclude the formularies for feasts introduced after the suppression of the Old Hispanic rite.59
The Ortiz editions, then, are not critical editions in the modern sense; they are a reformed Office in every sense of the wordâtexts reshaped and improved to present an updated and revised version of the rite, one that was more practical as well as more correct from the standpoint of its editor. Ortiz modified texts in the Breviary to suit current philological standards. The colophon printed in both the Missal and the Breviary describes the liturgical content as âcorrectedâ (emendatum) by him. Finally, he interpolated newly written passages of prose into existing prayers and adapted some prayer formularies for use on feasts to which they were not originally assigned.60 Some changes were made to adjust for the divergences between the Mozarabic rite and the Roman rite. Such editorial interventionâand inventionâeffectively rendered the Breviary more of a hybrid than an edition of the medieval rite.61
4 Imprint and Image
In addition to the refashioning of the liturgy with the indispensable aid of Ortiz, Cisnerosâs patronage of the Mozarabic rite was a form of self-fashioning as well. The prefaces to the editions were the first texts to memorialize the archbishopâs relationship to the rite, and they served to embed his name indelibly in all subsequent accounts. Such memorialization was not only verbal but also visual, for his sponsorship of the Mozarabic rite undergirded his image as a prelate with the riteâs unmatched venerability. We see this clearly in the frontispieces of the Mozarabic Missal and Breviary, each of which illustrates the symbolic link between Cisneros and his Visigothic predecessor, Saint Ildefonsus (archbishop of Toledo from 657 to 667). While the panel in the frame differs slightly from one frontispiece to the other, their central images are identical representations of the Virginâs miraculous gift of a chasuble to Ildefonsus (Figs 1.4, 1.5).62 According to legend, when Mary descended to earth give him the chasuble, she left her footprints in a place that is now enshrined within the cathedral. An early reference to the relic appears in a description of Toledo Cathedral published in 1549 by Blas Ortiz (1485â1552), a canon there from 1524.63
Figure 1.4
Frontispiece, Missale mixtum, 1500, Vienna, Ãsterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ink 5.E.16
Photo: Ãnb Vienna
Figure 1.5
Frontispiece, Breviarium secundum regulam Isidori, 1502, Toledo, BCT, FM-21
Photo: Toledo Cathedral Archive And Library
The Virginâs bestowal of the chasuble on Saint Ildefonsus is depicted in the seals of the archbishop and chapter of Toledo beginning in the thirteenth century as well as on the fourteenth-century portal of Toledo Cathedral known as the Puerta del Perdón.64 The composition of the scene in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries differs significantly from earlier examples. Rather than standing majestically to the right of the kneeling Ildefonsus as before, the Virgin now sits enthroned, extending the chasuble protectively over his head.65 The frontispiece of the Missale toletanum of 1499, which was the first of the three liturgical books that Petrus Hagembach printed in Toledo, is nearly identical to that of the Mozarabic editions (only without a decorative border). The iconography of the Mozarabic editionsâ frontispieces thus originated in an edition of the Roman-rite liturgy of the Toledo diocese.66 The composition came to symbolize Cisnerosâs patronage, a connection underlined by a medal worn by the archbishop in the frontispiece to the 1569 edition of Alvar Gómez de Castroâs biography (Fig. 1.6). There we see, depicted in miniature, the chasubleâs bestowal on a genuflecting Ildefonsus.67
Cisneros may not have influenced the frontispiecesâ design, but he would have seen his own image reflected in them. Their depiction of the investiture is closely related to the altarpiece painted by Juan de Borgoña (1470â1535) in 1508â14 for the altar of the chapel of the Colegio Mayor de San Ildefonso in Alcalá (Fig. 1.7; now in the Meadows Museum, Southern Methodist University, in Dallas, Texas). In that work, Ildefonsus seems intentionally to resemble Cisneros, whose portrayal in profile was a distinctive characteristic of his personal iconography, a humanist style of image-making likely acquired in Rome.68 The portraits in various media executed during his lifetime, and the subsequent images based on them, always show him in profile, including one executed by Borgoña for the chapter room in Toledo Cathedral commissioned by Cisneros.
Figure 1.6
Portrait medallion of Cisneros, 1569, from Alvar Gómez de Castroâs De rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio Cisnerio Archiepiscopo Toletano
Photo: Public Domain: Biblioteca Digital Universidad de Alcalá.
The resemblance between the frontispiece and Borgoñaâs panel painting is all the more striking when compared to another Hispano-Flemish depiction from the end of the fifteenth century (attributed to the Maestro de San Ildefonso), in which Ildefonsus resembles Cisneros and now appears in profile as well (Fig. 1.8).69 In the chapel of the Colegio Mayor, then, Cisneros was represented as he was in the frontispieces of the Mozarabic editionsâas the Visigothic bishopâs successor. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, this image contributed to the memorialization of Cisneros as reformer of the rite, an idea transmitted across Europe along with copies of the Ortiz editions, on the one hand, and the biography by Gómez de Castro, on the other. The same period thus saw a twofold transmission of engraved portraits of Cisneros, frequently accompanied by panegyrics.70 The image of the cardinal was diffused through print culture, and the book trade inserted him permanently into written accounts of the Mozarabic riteâand bound those accounts to his historical identity.
Figure 1.7
Juan de Borgoña, The Investiture of Saint Ildefonsus, tempera and oil on wood, c.1508â14, Dallas, Meadows Museum, Algur H. Meadows Collection, MM.69.03
Photo: Michael Bodycomb
Figure 1.8
Master of Saint Ildefonso, St. Ildefonso Receiving the Chasuble from the Virgin, oil on wood, late fifteenth century, Paris, Musée du Louvre, RF1537
Photo: Gérard Blot / RMN-Grand Palais / Art Resource, NY
To shape Cisnerosâs image, the Missal and Breviary frontispieces deployed more than iconography. The inclusion of a terse textual inscription surrounding the central scene of each sets them apart from the other images discussed so far. A nearly literal translation brings out the repetitive character of the text: âFor I shall clothe him in the garment of salvation: his priests shall I dress in a salvific [garment]â (Induam enim vestimento salutis: Sacerdotes eius induam salutari). The two halves of the inscription share the word induo (to clothe) and each half ends with a word based on the word âsalvationâ (the substantive salus and the adjective salutaris). Both phrases allude to scriptural texts that were sung in the medieval liturgy and had theological as well as liturgical resonances.
The first part of the inscription, âinduam enim vestimento salutis,â echoes the phrase induit me vestimentis salutis in Isaiah 61:10:
I will greatly rejoice in the Lord, and my soul shall be joyful in my God, for he hath clothed me with the garments of salvation, and with the robe of justice he hath covered me, as a bridegroom decked with a crown, and as a bride adorned with her jewels.
Gaudens gaudebo in Domino et exultabit anima mea in Deo meo quia induit me vestimentis salutis et indumento justitiae circumdedit me, quasi sponsum decoratum corona, et quasi sponsam ornatam monilibus suis.71
A lengthy passage from Isaiah (including 61:10) was sung in the Old Hispanic rite at the Office of Matutinum on feasts of virgin saints as well as on the Feast of the Assumption of the Virgin.72 In the chant of the Roman rite, the phrase âvestimentis salutisâ is much less common. The choice of Latin vestimentum clearly refers to the Virginâs miraculous conferral of the chasuble on Ildefonsus. Given that the prophetic verse describes God as clothing the speaker in salvific garments, the phrase âI shall clotheâ in the inscription would logically be interpreted as Godâs own words. In the image, however, it is Mary who clothes Ildefonsus in the chasuble, and that particular raises the possibility that the Virgin herself could be understood by intended viewers to speak, albeit figuratively, through the Isaian text.
The second part of the inscription, âSacerdotes eius induam salutari,â is from Psalm 131:16 (Sacerdotes eius induam salutari, et sancti eius exsultatione exsultabunt), which supplied the texts of the Introit and the Gradual at Mass for feasts of confessors in the Roman rite. This psalm verse fittingly encapsulates the metaphor of clothing Saint Ildefonsus with the vestment of salvation in the form of the salvific chasuble and places the saint in the priesthood passed down from the Old Testament. Like the phrase âinduam eius vestimento salutis,â this one imbues the frontispiece image of Maryâs vesting Ildefonsus with biblical significance.
The two phrases in the inscription are in a contrapuntal relationship. The first half, which evokes a prophetic text, was anchored in the Old Hispanic rite, where it formed part of the liturgical commemoration of holy virgins, including Mary. The second half was often sung in the Roman rite at Mass, in celebration of male saints who were confessors. The shared phrases that make the inscriptionâs two parts seem to echo each other, the complementarity of their liturgical uses, and the way they seem to describe the scene they frameâas a kind of caption or mottoâall these factors lend weight to the interpretation of Cisneros we have already seen at the pictorial level, namely that the man who introduced the Old Hispanic rite into the Roman-rite cathedral was the other face of Ildefonsus and his legitimate successor.
5 Relocating the Rite
If publication of the Mozarabic editions had the ultimate effect of projecting the rite outward, rendering it legible and available to users in Toledo and beyond through the conspicuous agency of Cisneros, the other facet of the archbishopâs initiative was his decision to introduce its non-Roman liturgy into the space of his cathedral, in the Chapel of Corpus Christi. In 1501 he endowed thirteen chaplaincies to celebrate the Mozarabic Mass and Office there in perpetuity.73 Pope Julius II approved the use of the Mozarabic rite in the chapel in 1508 and confirmed its endowments in 1512.74 In addition, Cisneros commissioned the decoration of the chapel and of a new chapter room.75 In the end, the chapel functioned in part as a tribute to Cisneros, as chapter 3 will show in discussing the chapelâs decoration and commemorative function.76
For the services in Mozarabic Chapel, a set of manuscript choirbooks (cantorales) was produced containing four hundred chants.77 By the end of the fifteenth century, the medieval Mozarabic rite was a waning tradition, as we saw earlier; a complete repertory was needed.78 As with the Ortiz editions, the solution was a composite of old, new, and external elements. Chants were borrowed from the Roman rite for services that did not exist in the Old Hispanic rite.79 Certain of the melodies reflect the configurations of neumes in medieval manuscripts.80 Many of the chants in the cantorales appear to have been newly composed.81 Of the eighteen chants borrowed from the Gregorian repertory, eleven have texts also in the Old Hispanic rite.82
Both the Mozarabic cantorales and the editions are appropriately described as âneo-Mozarabic.â83 Scholars have noted the preservation of some aspects of the medieval rite in the neo-Mozarabic cantorales: the basic forms of the chants follows those of the Mozarabic ones, and the structures of the neo-Mozarabic Mass and Office in the cantorales correspond to those of the medieval rite. Moreover, the cantorales retain certain distinctive features of the Mozarabic calendar, but their sanctorale is essentially Gregorian with the addition of a few Mozarabic saints.84
Cisnerosâs decision to endow the celebration of the rite in the Mozarabic Chapel rather than enhancing its observance in the Mozarabic parishes effectively appropriated the symbolic capital of the ancient rite for Toledo Cathedral. The rite had never before been celebrated in the cathedralâwhich had been a mosque until 1086âbut by implanting the ancient liturgy there, Cisneros implicitly connected his church to the Visigothic period, when Toledo was the capital of the kingdom. Starting early in the chapelâs history, royalty attended Mass there. One of these was Philip the Fair (1478â1506), who heard Mass there in 1502, two years before becoming king of Castile and Leon.85 As we will see in chapter 2, the visit of kings to the Mozarabic Chapel had great symbolic importance for the Mozarabic community as well. Nathan Chase, describing the observance of the rite in our own times, notes that its political connotations are the logical outcome of Cisnerosâs original initiative. The Mozarabic Chapel projects âthe Mozarab communityâs identity beyond the community itself. The Mozarabic Chapel is the political or public focus of this Rite, whereas the Mozarabic parishes are the primary location for the celebration of the Rite by the Mozarab community itself.â86
This is not to say that the Mozarabic parish clergy had no place in the chapel; indeed, they were crucial for the restoration of the rite and its installation in the cathedral, though their role is unevenly acknowledged in the early historiography and became subsumed into the representation of the rite as part of the cathedralâs ritual life. The parish priests served in the chapel as beneficed cathedral clergy. Beyond the cathedral, however, matters are less clear. The preface to the Mozarabic Missal names Mozarabic parish clergy skilled in the rite among those who helped Ortiz prepare the edition and evokes the crowds that had filled their churches before 1085, but it does not mention their contemporary parishioners. According to Juan de Vallejo, a secretary to Cisneros, the archbishop decreed that the Mozarabic rite should be âsung and celebratedâ (que se cantase y çelebrase) as it had been at the time of Isidore of Seville and Ildefonsus of Toledo, but this account from the early sixteenth century does not allude to the living tradition in the parishes.87 Instead, such references to the Visigothic period reinforce the connection with the early history of the city.
In early modern discourse about the Mozarabic rite, the parishes were effectively relegated to serving as a backdrop for the actions of Cisneros and for the medieval history of Toledo. Cisnerosâ biographer, Gómez de Castro, frames the rite with a capsule history of the Visigoths and of Toledo. (The complete text and translation of the relevant chapter are at the end of appendix A.) After the opening sentence mentions the archbishopâs discovery of manuscripts in Visigothic script, most of the chapter recounts the history of the Visigoths and their liturgy, the persistence of the rite in the Mozarabic parishes after 711, and its gradual loss after the Christian conquest of Toledo in 1085. Gómez de Castro, in describing the Mozarabs as a group in this period, employs a form of the ancient Roman term tribulis, meaning âbelonging to the same tribe,â which conveys an idea of inherited status and group identity defined by lineage:
Mozarabs and their descendants, wherever they lived within or outside the city in the region of Toledo, were assigned to each of the churches as parishioners and members of the same tribulis, with the concession of immunities and uncommon privileges.88
The implication that the Mozarabs were something like a tribe is heightened by Gómez de Castroâs use of another ancient Roman term, sacra gentilitia, to refer to the celebration of the rite.89 The expression connotes the rites performed by members of an ancient Roman gens.90 Gómez de Castroâs use of the Latin term, although classicizing, recalls the later Castilian term gentilicio, which designates people of the same nation or lineage.
Gómez de Castro includes the widespread story of the duel between two knights representing the Mozarabic and Roman rites, and the trial by fire to which books of the two liturgies were subjected, but the Mozarabic book was unharmed.91 A brief description of the Visigothic script leads the biographer back to Cisnerosâs perusal of the ancient service books, his realization that the ancient rite was on the verge of disappearance, his decision to have the editions published, and his founding of the Mozarabic Chapel.
Cisnerosâs introduction of the rite into the cathedral presumably reinforced the secondary status of the Mozarabic parishes. Permanently marked by his act of patronage, the chapel was more visible than the archbishop himself, who was largely absent from that space. Like most potentates of the church at the time, he was rarely to be found in his seat of ecclesiastical authority, being occupied by other initiatives and obligations both at Alcalá and at court.92 Pre-Tridentine bishops, as Emily Michelson notes, âcommonly devoted their time to diplomatic, administrative, and scholarly pursuits while enjoying the income from dioceses that vicars or other clerics ran in their absence.â93 Cisneros was no exception, as his voluminous correspondence amply demonstrates.94
At the same time, the fact that Cisnerosâs relations with his cathedral chapter had been fraught with conflict from the outset might have overshadowed the riteâs celebration.95 He had not been the canonsâ choice, but had been imposed on them by Ferdinand and Isabella without consultation. Cisnerosâs first action after his election was to undertake sweeping ecclesiastical reforms aimed at both the cathedral chapter and the diocesan clergy; he quickly obtained authorization from the pope for visitation of the diocese.96 Soon, the canons rebelled against their new archbishopâs stringent measures and sought to organize resistance with other members of the clergy in Castile and elsewhere. They even sent an envoy to the papal court to protest the policies of the Catholic Monarchs. Strongly opposed to Cisneros, the canons tried (and failed) to mount a concerted campaign against him and his intended reform of the chapter.97
Against this background of strife and contestation, the archbishopâs use of the chapel for the Mozarabic riteâindeed, his whole program of support for the riteâtakes on particular meaning as a public statement in furtherance of his own goals and prerogatives. In practice, the chapel did commemorate him. And the rite, through its perpetual celebration there, became meaningfully linked to Cisneros in that space. As Gómez de Castroâs account demonstrates, the connection between the man and the rite was not left to the imagination: a cenotaph at the chapelâs center honored the archbishopâs restoration of the rite (see the conclusion of appendix A).
As the archbishop of Toledo in a peninsula now entirely under Christian rule, and seeking to connect the reign of the Catholic Monarchs with the Visigothic period, Cisneros would have considered himself the successor to the Visigothic bishop Ildefonsus of Toledo, who as we have seen was prominently portrayed in the frontispieces to the Mozarabic editions and on the Puerta del Perdón of Toledo Cathedral. As if to underscore that symbolic succession, he took action to eradicate the remains of multiconfessional Iberia. Cisnerosâs campaign to restore the Mozarabic liturgy in Toledo unfolded in parallel with the campaign to convert the remaining Muslims in Spain after the capitulation of Granada.98 In 1499, Cisneros went to Granada to replace Hernando de Talavera, the first archbishop of Granada, for the purpose of Christianizing the city. Talavera had commemorated the fall of Granada by composing a new liturgical office, but the Catholic Monarchs considered the conversion process too slow and replaced Talavera with Cisneros.99 In his letters to the cathedral chapter on 23 December 1499, 4 January 1500, and 16 January, Cisneros described the success of the mass baptisms taking place in Granada.100 As that was happening, on 9 January, Peter Hagembach printed the Ortiz edition of the Mozarabic Missal. To be sure, the proximity of the events does not imply a direct or causal connection between them, but it underlines the fact that both were parts of the concurrent processes led by the archbishop.
Given Cisnerosâs consequential patronage of philology and publication, it stands out all the more that he worked to eliminate the Arabic written tradition from Granada even as he fostered a new Christian Latin one in Toledo. In October 1501, just months after founding the Mozarabic Chapel, he oversaw a burning of Arabic books in Granada that had been ordered by Queen Isabella.101 Shortly thereafter, in early 1502, the Ortiz edition of the Mozarabic Breviary was published. Cisnerosâs rescue of the Mozarabic rite from imminent desuetude and his commission of its publication to ensure the survival of the Latin liturgy of formerly Arabizing Christians, I am suggesting, was meaningfully related to the eradication of Islam from the peninsula.
Championing the Mozarabic rite by bringing it to print and endowing its celebration in the Mozarabic Chapel of Toledo Cathedral, Cisneros forged a new and durable tradition out of an old one. His neo-Mozarabic rite can be interpreted as an invented tradition in the sense used by Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger to describe a custom that accrues venerability through repetition and ritual use.102 It was also an example of ârestorative nostalgia,â which according to Svetlana Boym âmanifests itself in total reconstructions of the past.â103 Both the invention of tradition and restorative nostalgia were cultural tendencies underlying modern appropriations of the Visigothic rite such as that performed by the regime of Francisco Franco in 1939, as Carmen Julia Gutiérrez has shown.104
Restorative nostalgia may emerge from the perception of a threat to tradition, as was the case with the Mozarabic rite around 1500. According to the biography of Cisneros by Eugenio de Robles, the archbishop feared that not only the practice of the rite but even the memory of it would be lost. Robles illustrated the point by adding an arresting detail: some of the medieval service books had been lying unbound in Toledoâs shops, their pages being used to wrap merchandise.105 By commissioning the editions, Cisneros effectively reversed the riteâs material disintegration.
Once readers (including those far from Toledo) could read the texts of the Mozarabic rite thanks to the editions, the printed liturgy became an autonomous cultural artifact, as we will see in chapters 4 and 5. The Toledan Mozarabs did not entirely vanish from view, however. Their association with Arabizing habits of the pastâwhich would be evoked time and again in writings throughout the early modern period, including by Alvar Gómez de Castroâis the subject of chapter 2.
Appendix A: Prefaces and Colophon of the Mozarabic Editions
Preface to the Missale mixtum secundum regulam Beati Isidori, dictum Mozarabes (Toledo: Petrus Hagembach, 1500)
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Ad reverendissimum in Christo Patrem et dominum D. praestantissimum Franciscum Ximenum, archiepiscopum Toletanum, Alfonsi Ortis, divini et humani juris doctoris, et canonici Toletani, praefatio incipit. |
To the most reverend father and Lord in Christ, most excellent Lord Francisco Ximenez, archbishop of Toledo, from Alfonso Ortiz, doctor of divine and human law, and canon of Toledo, begins the preface. |
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Immortales tibi, antistes celeberrime, referant gratias saeculi nostri homines oportet, cum vetera et quasi obsoleta nostrae religionis arcana tanto studio renovare institueris, ut incipiant nostrates majorum suorum monimenta incultis characteribus hactenus obstrusa ingenii tui igniculo respicere ac propius intueri. Beatissimi Isidori nostri ecclesiastica Officia, quae in urbe regia Toletana, cui tu praees archiepiscopus, quondam Maurorum irruptione, cunctis absorptis simul cum Christianis, ceu |
Most honored bishop, the men of our age should be eternally grateful to you, since you have undertaken with such great assiduousness to renew the ancient and almost obsolete secrets of our religion, so that by the spark of your genius the people of our country may begin to look upon and more closely contemplate the monuments concealed until now by uncultivated letters. At your own expense, you decided to restore to our age and to bring forth into the light the ecclesiastical Offices of our |
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captiva superfuerant, nostra aetate propriis sumptibus restaurare ac in lucem promere decreveras. |
blessed Isidore, which had remained like captives in the royal city of Toledo (over which you preside as archbishop), having all, along with the Christians, been engulfed by the invasion of the Moors. |
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Ac non immerito quidem, ne tam illustria fidei nostrae mysteria abdita jam penitus interirent, quaeque adeo situ et vetustate fuerant exesa, et errorum caligine respersa, ut vix callidus lector congruas sententias multorum librorum indagine rimari potuerit. Quam profecto durissimam provinciam mihi servorum tuorum minimo mandare non dubitasti, quatenus summa cum diligentia missarum in primis solemnia recenserem, ac vigili lucubratione quae a vero characterum ruditate dimissa jam diu fuerant styli non mutato ductu reficerem, servataque verborum dignitate, antiquorum majestatem custodirem. Nam quae prae se antiquitatem ferebant intacta esse jusseras, et tandem sic actum est. Nam dispersis in ordinem redactis, vitiis abrasis, dubiisque enucleata veritate lustratis, et ceu abolita multa resarciens, tuo jussu, ut valui, omnia illustravi. |
And deservedly, lest such illustrious mysteries of our faith, once hidden, perish utterly; they all had long been worn out by neglect and old age and sprinkled with a cloud of errors, so that a skillful reader could scarcely uncover a pleasing sentence in the course of examining many volumes. You did not hesitate to order me, the least of your servants, to take on a very arduous duty, that with the greatest diligence I should first review the solemnities of the Mass, and that with vigilant nocturnal study I should restore those things that had long been abandoned on account of the rusticity of the letters; and that I should conserve the majesty of the ancients without changing the style and preserving the dignity of the words. For you ordered some things to be kept intact on account of their antiquity, and thus it was done. Once the dispersed things were brought into order, the errors scraped away, and the doubts illuminated by the truth [I had] extracted, as if repairing many things that had been destroyed, at your order I made everything as clear as I was able. |
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Unde conflatus liber iste fuit, praebentibus ad id opem mihi ven- |
And thus this book was produced with the help offered me for this pur- |
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erabilibus presbyteris ejusdem officii peritioribus Antonio Roderico, Alfonso Martino, ac Hieronymo Guterio, beatarum Justae et Eulaliae, ac beati Lucae evangelistae ecclesiarum rectoribus, quorum basilicae inter pressuras Christianorum Toleti fluctuaverant, cum Hispania pene omnis Arabum inundatione tabesceret. Quo fit ut habitantibus Christianis Toleti inter Arabes ejus urbis imperio potitos nomen Mozarabes inductum hucusque permanserit, ut opinor dicti sunt Mozarabes, hoc est inter Arabes degentes. Ut autem ecclesiastica eorum officia memoratu digna neminem de caetero laterent, litteris Latinis, explosis Gothicis, imprimenda nobili viro Melchiori Gorricio Novariensi tribuisti. Cujus opera et impensis ars impressoria in ea urbe valde illustrata est. |
pose by venerable priests quite expert in that rite: Antonio RodrÃguez, Alfonso MartÃnez, and Geronimo Gutiérrez, rectors of the churches of saints Justa and Eulalia, and of Saint Luke the Evangelist, whose basilicas had swelled with the throngs of the Christians of Toledo when nearly all of Hispania was wasting away in the flood of Arabs. For this reason the name of Mozarabs (which was applied to the Christians of Toledo living among the Arabs who had acquired power over the same city) still persists, as I believe they were called Mozarabs, meaning those living among Arabs. But so that their ecclesiastical Offices, worthy of mention, would lie hidden from no one, in Latin letters (the Gothic ones having been rejected) you gave them over to the noble man Melchior Gorricio of Novara to be printed. Through his work and at his expense, the art of printing in this city is renowned. |
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Adsit huc igitur lector, qui fidei Christianae mirifica nosse cupit sacramenta, ubi etiam sanctorum pro fide certantium et martyrum gesta praeclara intueri licebit, cum nullibi profecto copiosus ac praeclarius reperire queat, dummodo singula propensius perlustret, qui si fidem mihi praebere recusaverit, credat Isidoro clarissimo auctori. |
Therefore, let the reader who wishes to know the wondrous sacraments of the Christian faith turn to this book, in which one may contemplate the illustrious deeds of the saints and martyrs struggling for the faith, for certainly nothing more abundant or nobler can be found, provided that he willingly surveys the single things. If anyone refuses to lend me credence, let him believe the most glorious author Isidore. |
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Tu quoque testis locupletissimus adsis, reverendissime pater, cujus lumini pervigili admota sunt omnia quae probata statuisti omnibus doctis communia reddere, cum imprimi solertius ea jusseris. |
May you, too, be the most reliable witness, most reverend father, to whose attentive eye were directed all the things which, once approved, you decreed to deliver as common property to all the learned, when you ordered them to be rather expertly printed. |
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Sis felix oro atque diu superstes, magnificentissime domine. |
I pray that you may be happy and long-lived, most magnificent Lord. |
Preface to the Breviarium secundum regulam Beati Isidori (Toledo: Petrus Hagembach, 1502)
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Reuerendissime in christo pater et domine prestantissime beati hysidori ecclesiastica officia nocturna pariterque diurna, dignitate quidem egregia, cognitione autem et castigatione difficilia tuo iussu aggressus sum reformanda operosum profecto studium, quae diu multumque recognita illustriora me reddidisse tuae diligentiae et sollicitudini clerici annumerent. |
Most reverend father in Christ and most excellent sir, at your order I undertook the laborious endeavor to reform the ecclesiastical Offices of blessed Isidore, both the nocturnal ones and the diurnal ones, outstanding in their venerability, but difficult to acquire knowledge of and to correct. The clergy should attribute to your diligence and solicitude the fact that I have restored these offices long recognized as very illustrious. |
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Antea namque confusa pene omnia in libris veteribus, atque hactenus incognita jacuisse penes eruditos palam est. Nunc vero suis locis quaeque reposita officia, aptaque reperies: characteribus atque periodis distincta, verbis atque sententiis dilucida. |
For it is clear that, earlier, everything was profoundly disordered in the ancient books, and until now remained unknown even among learned people. Now, however, you will find all the suitable offices restored in their [proper] places, distinct in their letters and periods, and clear in their words and meanings. |
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Nempe in primis dominicalia atque quadragesimalia officia ordine priora sese offerunt, subsequenter |
The Sunday and Lenten Offices are presented first in order, then there follows the Psalter with the renowned |
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psalterium, cum defunctorum celebri officio atque commune, postremoque sanctorum legende occurrentes, quibus peractis tandem ad calcem optatum peruentum fuit non sine labore Alfonsi serui tui vehementissimo. |
Office of the Dead and the common of saints, and finally come the saintsâ Offices. Once these things were accomplished, the desired finish line was finally reached, not without the very strenuous labor of your servant Alfonso. |
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Tuis igitur industria et impensis diu senio periclitata officia Isidoriana legentur. Que in omnium notitiam perventura apud posteros, charitatis tuae studia, et meos labores recensebunt. |
Therefore, by the industry of your associates and at your expense the Isidorian Offices, far too long threatened by desuetude, can be read. These Offices, which will be known to posterity, will manifest your generosity and my labors. |
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Videbitur insuper diligentia nobilis viri Melchioris Goricii Novariensis: cuius opera exactissima hoc opus laboriosum est impressum in urbe regia Toletana, vale et gaude quod annositate delecta sanctorum officia tuo munere renouata fuerint, atque sine difficultate legenda nostris seculis tradideris. |
This shows above all the diligence of the noble man Melchior Goricio of Novara, by whose very punctilious efforts this difficult work has been printed in the royal city of Toledo. Hail and rejoice that in the fullness of years the Offices of the saints have been restored by your gift, and you deliver them to our times to be read without difficulty. |
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Iterumque, vale. |
And again, farewell. |
Colophon of the Missale mixtum
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Ad laudem omnipotentis Dei necnon virginis marie matris eius, omnium sanctorum sanctarumque, expletum est missale mixtum secundum regulam beati Isidori dictum Mozarabes, maxima cum diligentia perlectum et emendatum per Reuerendum in utroque iure doctorem dominum Alfonsum Ortiz, Canonicum Tole- |
In praise of the omnipotent God and His mother the Virgin Mary, and of all the saints (both male and female), [herewith is] completed the Mixed Missal according to the rule of blessed Isidore, called of the Mozarabs, read through and corrected with the greatest care by the Lord Reverend Alfonso Ortiz, doctor |
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tanum. Impressum in regali ciuitate Toleti, iussu Reuerendissimi in Christo patris Domini Don Francisci Ximenes, eiusdem ciuitatis Archiepiscopi, impensis nobilis melchioris goricii Novariensis, per magistrum Petrum Hagembach, Alemanum, anno salutis nostre millesimo quingentesimo die uero nona mensis Januarii. |
in both Roman and canon law, and canon of Toledo. Printed in the royal city of Toledo at the order of the most reverend in Christ of the father Lord Francisco Ximenes, archbishop of the same city, at the expense of the noble Melchior Goricio of Novara, by master Peter Hagembach, a German, in the year of our salvation 1500, on the ninth day of the month of January. |
Alvar Gómez de Castro, De rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio Cisnerio archiepiscopo Toletano (Complutum: Andream de Angulo, 1569), fols 40vâ42r
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Sed ad templi Toletani bibliothecam, quo illum venisse dixeramus, redeo: vbi cum singulos libros diligenter excuteret, de omnibusque certior fieri vellet, vt si quando vsus exposceret, haud eorum codicum inopia laboraret, forte ad quaedam vetusta volumina in membranis Gotthicis characteribus scripta peruenit. |
I return to the library of Toledo Cathedral, where we had said that he had gone, where, while he examined each book carefully, and he wished to be sure of the whereabouts of all of them, so that if, when he wanted to use them, he would not be troubled by the scarcity of their codices, by chance he came to certain ancient parchment volumes written in [Visi]gothic letters. |
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Sed antequam ad ea quÄ circa haec volumina Ximenius gessit, dicenda accedo, pauca mihi de Gotthicis sacris narranda sunt. Gens Visigotthica (hoc est) qui occidentales dicebantur Gotthi, quo tempore Hispaniam pene vniuersam Honorij imperatoris permissu occupauit, cum esset Arrianae impietatis dogmate infecta, tantam catholicis eius prouinciÄ ecclesijs perturbationem inuexit, vt cultus diuini in varios ritus ceremoniasque diuisi fuerint: & neque inter orthodoxos quidem ipsos, vna vel sacrificandi vel orarias preces (quÄ canonicÄ dicuntur) psallendi consuetudo esset. |
Before I recount what Jiménez did with these volumes, I should relate a few things about the Gothic rites. The Visigothic people, that is, who were called the western Goths, at the time when they occupied nearly all of Hispania with the permission of the Emperor Honorius, since [this people] was infected with the dogma of Arian impiety, introduced such confusion in the Catholic churches of this province that the divine cult was divided into various rites and ceremonies, and not even among the Catholics themselves existed a single custom either in the sacrifice [of the Mass] or in the hourly prayers of psalmody (which are called canonical). |
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Sed postquam vniuersa Gotthorum gens Leandri, & Fulgentij studio, post annum centesimum circiter quadragesimum ex quo in Hispaniam venerat, antiqua impietate abdicata, orthodoxam fidem vna cum suo rege Recaredo cupidissime accepisset: pace ecclesijs restituta, de sacris communi consilio constituendis agitari coeptum est: idque potissimum in vrbe regia, sic enim Toletum post aduentum Gotthorum, qui sedem regni illuc transtulerunt, cognominabant, cum antea (vt Rodericus Toletanus pont. rerum Gotthicarum diligens scriptor tradit) a Vandalis, & Selingis Germianiae gentibus qui vna in Hispaniam commigrarunt, Hispalis vrbs regia, & vocata & habita fuerit. |
After the entire Gothic people, by the efforts of Leander and Fulgentius, around 140 years after they had come to Hispania, renounced their ancient impiety, they most eagerly accepted the orthodox faith together with their king Reccared: peace having been restored to the churches, they began to deliberate about the rites that were to be established by general council, and especially in the royal city, for thus they named Toledo after the arrival of the Goths, who had transferred the seat of their kingdom there, when before (as reported by Bishop Rodrigo of Toledoâs punctilious history of the Goths) Seville had been both called and inhabited as the royal city by the Vandals and the Seling people of Germany who had migrated together into Hispania. |
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Toleti igitur conuentu episcoporum indicto (quod concilium quartum Toletanum fuisse ferunt) patrum decreto sancitum est, vt in vniuersis Hispaniae ecclesijs, preces priuatÄ missarum oblationes, & omnes publicae psalmodiae, vnico & eodem exemplo a sacerdotibus celebrarentur. Cura hunc ordinem instituendi Isidoro pontifici Hispalensi, summa tunc sanctimonia, & doctrina claro, |
Therefore, when the assembly of bishops was convened in Toledo (which they call the Fourth Council of Toledo), it was established by the decree of the fathers that in all the churches of Hispania, private prayers, the offerings of the Mass, and all public psalmody should be celebrated by priests using one and the same formula. The task of establishing this rite was entrusted to Isidore, bishop |
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demandata fuit. Quanquam in hoc authores variant: nonnulli enim Leandrum Hispalensis ecclesiÄ antiquiorem antistitem ei muneri praefectum aserunt, cui Isidorus comes datus fuerit. sed illud constat, ab Isidoro eum ritum Isidorianum officium fuisse nuncupatum. |
of Seville, of the highest sanctity and famous for his learning. Writers disagree on this point, however, for many assert that the charge was given to Leander, an earlier bishop of the Church of Seville, and that Isidore was given to him as a companion. But it is clear that the rite was called the Isidorian Office after Isidore. |
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Perseuerauit in Hispanis ecclesijs haec sacrorum religio, quandiu res Gotthorum in ea floruerunt: hoc est, centum viginti circiter annos, usque ad miserandam illam calamitatem, cum per Mauros Arabesque vniuersa pene regio caede incendijsque vastata, fusis, fugatisque Hispanorum copijs, in barbarorum ditionem venit. Cum autem in publica clade, vrbs quoque ipsa regia in hostium potestatem, idque ea conditione venisset, vt oppidanis liceret Christiano ritu, legibus, moribusque in ea viuere: quanuis pleraque ciuium multitudo spontaneum exilium ArabicÄ praetulit seruituti, nonnulli tamen quibus patrij domesticique lares cariores libertate fuerunt, conditione accepta, sub Arabum & Maurorum imperio sacris suis retentis, in vrbe manserunt. Ergo eiusmodi homines quod arabibus permisti viuerent, Mistarabes appellati sunt, & illorum ecclesiasticus ritus, officium Mistarabum. |
This observance of the rites persisted in the Hispanic churches as long as the Goths flourished there; that is, for around 120 years, until that lamentable calamity, when nearly the entire region came into the hands of barbarians, destroyed by death and conflagrations by the Moors and the Arabs, after the majority of the Spaniards had been put to flight. Although in the course of this national defeat the royal city itself had also come into the power of the enemy, they came to an agreement that would permit the inhabitants of the town to live there with the Christian rite, laws, and customs. Although a great many of the citizens preferred voluntary exile to servitude, nevertheless many for whom the ancestors and household gods were dearer than freedom remained in the city, having accepted the terms, and retaining their rites under the rule of Arabs and Moors. Therefore, men of this kind, who lived mixed with Arabs, are called âMistarabes,â and their ecclesiastical rite is called the Office of the Mistarabs. |
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Quae vox cum temporis diuturnitate, tum barbarorum lingua est corrupta, & in Mozarabum degenerauit, qua nunc vulgus vtitur. Igitur ijs qui sic inter Arabes Toleti manserunt, sex ecclesiae in quibus rem diuinam facerent a Mauris permissae sunt, diuorum Marci, Lucae, Sebastiani, Torquati, Eulaliae, & Iustae numinibus dedicatae: in quibus ritum illum Isidorianum, qui incolumi florentique ciuitate in templis omnibus canebatur, captiua etiam quadringentos ferme annos conseruauerunt, quod Toletanum officium appellabatur. |
This word, with the long passage of time, then was corrupted by the language of the barbarians, and degenerated into âMozarab,â which now is widely used. Therefore those who remained thus among the Arabs in Toledo were conceded six churches in which they might perform the Holy Officeâthe churches dedicated to Saints Mark, Luke, Sebastian, Torquatus, Eulalia, and Justa, in which that Isidorian rite, which they call the Toledan Office, which was sung in all the churches in that celebrated and verdant city, they preserved in captivity for nearly four hundred years. |
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At vero vrbe ipsa diuina tandem benignitate, Alfonsique regis Ferdinandi magni F. felicibus auspicijs recuperata, cum de sacris in ea instaurandis restituendisque ageretur, rex Ricardi Massiliensis abbatis suasu, & ConstantiÄ reginae vxoris assidua instigatione, ritum sacrorum a diuo Gregorio olim institutum Toletano prÄtulit, quanuis populis clamantibus, vsum suorum sacrorum tot seculis inter medios barbaros conseruatum, per summam iniuriam aboleri. Quae vero de singulari militum certamine, altero pro Gotthicis sacris, altero pro Gregorianis dimicantium, deque pyra in medio foro Toleti incensa dicuntur, in quam sacri vtriusque officij codices coniecti sunt, apud alios authores qui de ea re scripserunt explicatius, & vberius, legi poterunt. |
But when that same city was finally recuperated by grace of God and by the good auspices of King Alfonso, son of the great Ferdinand, when it was time to introduce and restore the liturgy there, the king, persuaded by Richard of Marseille, and at the constant instigation of his wife Constance, preferred the liturgy established of old by Saint Gregory to the Toledan one, even though the populace exclaimed that it was the gravest injustice to abolish the liturgy preserved for so many centuries among the barbarians. In the works of other authors who have written in more detail and more extensively on the subject, one can read about the remarkable combat of knights, one fighting for the Visigothic liturgy, the other for the Gregorian, and about the pyre that they say was ignited in the middle of the main square of |
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Toledo, into which fire the holy books of each liturgy were thrown. |
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Sed tamen vt rex animos turbarum leniret, adhuc sacra sua auferri frementium, cum in vrbe nuper recuperata inter varias basilicarum fanorum, Ädiumque sacrarum dedicationes, paroeciales in primis (quas vulgo parrochiales vocant) ecclesiae regionatim constituerentur, ad quas populus rei diuinÄ cause conueniret, suique limites per vicos domosque singulis definirentur, solis illis sex ecclesijs, in quibus Isidorianus ritus, vel inter hostes per tot annos durauerat, fines nulli prÄscripti sunt, sed sui cuique Mozarabes, illorumque posteri, vbi vbi illos intra extraue vrbem in agro Toletano morari contingeret, immunitatibus, & priuilegijs non vulgaribus concessis pro parrochianis & tribulibus assignati fuerunt. Quandiu ergo illi Mozarabes eorumque posteri floruerunt, suam quisque ecclesiam, sacraque gentilitia frequentarunt. |
Nevertheless, to appease the souls of the multitudes protesting the removal of their rites, when in the recently restored city among the various dedications of the sanctuaries of churches and of holy buildings, parish churches (which are commonly called parrochiales) where the population could gather for worship were established according to the districts. To define the limits by the streets and houses individually, no boundaries were prescribed just for those six churches in which the Isidorian rite had endured among enemies for so many years; instead, the Mozarabs and their descendants, wherever they lived within or outside the city in the region of Toledo, were assigned to each of the churches as parishioners and members of the same tribulis, with the concession of immunities and uncommon privileges. Therefore, as long as those Mozarabs and their descendants flourished, they observed the sacred rites of their people, each in his own church. |
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Sed paulatim familiis deficientibus, ritus etiam ille deficere, & Gregorianus sensim in sex etiam illas ecclesias introduci coepit. Tandem ergo factum est, vt non nisi paucis quibusdam statis, festisque diebus, eo ritu in illis sacrificaretur. |
But as the families diminished little by little, that rite also began to disappear, and the Gregorian rite gradually began to be introduced into those six churches. Therefore, finally it happened that the rite was not celebrated in those churches except on a few occasions and feast days. |
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Literarum vero Gotthicarum characteres latinis nostris non multum sunt absimiles: nonnulli enim eadem sunt forma, alij vero dissimili: quos per Gudillam quendam Episcopum, vna cum fidei nostrÄ rudimentis, genti Gotthorum traditos ferunt: qui primum Gotthici, deinde Toletani, postremo Mozarabum appellati sunt. Ferunt etiam veteris ac noui testamenti libros, in vulgarem Gotthorum linguam per hunc Gudillam translatos fuisse. |
The letters of the Goths are not very different from our own, for many of them are in the same shape, while others are in a different shape. They say that these were taught to the Gothic people by a certain Bishop Gudila along with the rudiments of our faith. These letters were first called Gothic, then Toledan, finally Mozarabic. They also say that the books of the Old and New Testaments were translated into the vernacular language of the Goths by this Gudila. |
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Igitur cum ad ea volumina Ximenius venisset, de re tota (vt supra narratum est) edoctus, indignum esse & graue iudicauit, sanctissimas priscorum Hispanorum caeremonias a viris prÄclaris institutas, & miraculorum testimonijs comprobatas, in tantam desuetudinem venisse, vt iamiam interiturÄ esse viderentur. Coepit rem altius considerare: & vt erat priscarum cÄremoniarum studiosissimus, Mozarabum ritus instaurandi curam suscepit: adhibitisque viris quotquot extabant eius rei peritis, primum libros omnes quibus sacra illa continerentur, Gotthicis characteribus conscriptos, in vulgaris literaturÄ formam redigendos, impressorijsque formis excudendos curauit. Quibus non sine magna impensa in exempla innumera vulgatis. |
Therefore, when Ximenes came upon these volumes, having been instructed about the entire matter (as related earlier), he judged it a terrible shame that the most holy ceremonies of the ancient Spaniards established by great men and demonstrated by the testimony of miracles had fallen into such desuetude that they seemed about to disappear at any moment. He reflected deeply on the problem and, as he was a great student of the ancient ceremonies, he saw to it that the rite of the Mozarabs would be restored. Having convened all the men who were knowledgeable in this matter, he arranged that all the books written in [Visi]gothic letters in which those holy things were contained would be brought into the form of ordinary letters and printed in printing presses. These were distributed in innumerable copies at great expense. |
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Ad extremam templi partem, occidentem versus, in aedicula quÄ corporis Christi dicebatur, sacellum eleganti structura aedificauit, in quo tredecim sacerdotum collegium, adiunctis tribus ministris, instituit, quos Mozarabes sodales appellauit. Hoc collegium idoneis prouentibus annuis instructum sub capituli Toletani patrocinio constituit. Ipsis porro sacerdotibus perpetuam horum sacrorum curationem demandauit: vt eo ritu singulis diebus sacrificare, horariasque preces concinere solenne esset. |
At the west end of the church, in the chapel that used to be called âof Corpus Christi,â he built a chapel of elegant structure, in which he established a college of thirteen chaplains (with three additional prelates) that he named the Mozarabic confraternity. He endowed this college with appropriate yearly revenues and placed it under the authority of the chapter of Toledo. He required of those same priests the continual care of the Holy Hours, to celebrate Mass with that rite every day, and to sing the hours of prayer together festively. |
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Ad quos & sex Mozarabum ecclesiarum sacerdotia pertinere voluit: quÄ quoties vacua esse contingeret, ipsi optare possent sacerdotes, quibus illa Archiepiscopus conferret: aliasque leges addidit, quas non est operae pretium referre. Sic ergo sacra illa per Ximenium restituta, & ab interitu vindicata sunt: in cuius restitutionis memoriam cenotaphium reparatori in medio sacello honorifice erectum cernitur, impendente desuper coccÃneo galero, Cardinalitii honoris insigni. |
He also wanted the rectorships of the six Mozarabic churches to belong to this college; whenever these posts should fall vacant, those same priests to whom the archbishop gave their benefices would have the option of assuming them. He also provided other rules that it is not worth recounting here. And thus those rites were restored by Jiménez and rescued from destruction. In memory of this restoration, a cenotaph was erected in honor of the restorer in the middle of the chapel; hanging over it is the scarlet hat that is the sign of the rank of cardinal. |
Mette B. Bruun and Stephanie A. Glaser, âIntroduction,â in Negotiating Heritage: Memories of the Middle Ages, ed. Mette B. Bruun and Stephanie A. Glaser, Ritus et Artes 4 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), 4â11, at 4.
Bruun and Glaser, âIntroduction,â 2.
For an overview and summary see Raquel Rojo Carrillo, âOld Hispanic Chant Manuscripts of Toledo: Testimonies of a Local or of a Wider Tradition?,â in A Companion to Medieval Toledo: Reconsidering the Canons, ed. Yasmine Beale-Rivaya and Jason Busic, Brillâs Companions to European History 16 (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 97â139.
Jerrilynn Dodds, âA Forma Mesquite in Formam Ecclesiae: Toledo, Between Rodrigo and Ibn Hud,â in A Plural Peninsula: Studies in Honour of Professor Simon Barton, ed. Antonella Liuzzo Scorpo, The Medieval Mediterranean 138 (Leiden: Brill, 2023), 239â74; Tom Nickson, Toledo Cathedral: Building Histories in Medieval Castile (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2015), 35â39.
Juan Pablo Rubio Sadia, âLa introducción del rito romano en la Iglesia de Toledo,â Toletana 10 (2004): 151â77; Rubio Sadia, Las órdenes religiosas y la introducción del rito romano en la iglesia de Toledo: Una aportación desde las fuentes litúrgicas (Toledo: Instituto Teológico San Ildefonso, 2004).
Dodds, âA Forma Mesquite,â 250.
Thomas Deswarte, âUne Chrétienté hérétique? La réécriture de lâhistoire de lâEspagne par Grégoire VII,â in Le passé à lâépreuve du présent: Appropriations et usages du passé au Moyen Ãge et à la Renaissance, ed. Pierre Chastang (Paris: Presses de lâUniversité de Paris-Sorbonne, 2008), 169â90; Deswarte, Une Chrétienté romaine sans pape: LâEspagne et Rome (586â1085), Bibliothèque dâhistoire médiévale 1 (Paris: Ãditions Classiques Garnier, 2010), 403â20; Joseph F. OâCallaghan, âThe Integration of Christian Spain into Europe: The Role of Alfonso VI of León-Castile,â in Santiago, Saint-Denis, and Saint Peter: The Reception of the Roman Liturgy in León-Castile in 1080, ed. Bernard F. Reilly (New York: Fordham University Press, 1985), 101â20; Juan Pablo Rubio Sadia, La recepción del rito francorromano en Castilla, ss. XIâXII: Las tradiciones litúrgicas locales a través del Responsorial del Proprium de tempore, Monumenta studia instrumenta liturgica 61 (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2011); Ludwig Vones, âThe Substitution of the Hispanic Liturgy by the Roman Rite in the Kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula,â in Hispania vetus, ed. Susana Zapke (Bilbao: Fundación BBVA, 2007), 43â59.
On the Carolingian controversy see Patrizia Carmassi, âQuomodo universalis ecclesia per totum mundum communi consuetudine ⦠dicere solet. Liturgische Traditionen Spaniens zwischen theologischen Kontroversen und karolingischer Ekklesiologie,â in Die Mozaraber: Definitionen und Perspektiven der Forschung, ed. Matthias Maser and Klaus Herbers, Geschichte und Kultur der Iberischen Welt 7 (Berlin: Lit, 2011), 211â30; and John C. Cavadini, The Last Christology of the West: Adoptionism in Spain and Gaul, 785â820 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993).
See particularly Juan Pablo Rubio Sadia, âLos mozárabes frente al rito romano: Balance historiográfico de una relación polémica,â Espacio, tiempo y forma, 3rd ser., Historia medieval 31 (2018): 619â40. A briefer version of the same article appeared in Los mozárabes: Historia, cultura y religión de los cristianos de Al Ãndalus, Actas del I congreso internacional (Cordoba: Almuzara, 2018), 439â50. See also Ramón Gonzálvez Ruiz, âThe Persistence of the Mozarabic Liturgy in Toledo after A.D.â¯1080,â in Reilly, Santiago, Saint-Denis, and Saint Peter, 157â85.
On the history of the Iberian Mozarabs see particularly Cyrille Aillet, Les mozarabes. Christianisme, islamisation et arabisation en péninsule ibérique (IXeâXIIe siècle) (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2010). Among the studies of the documentary corpus are Toledo Diego Olstein, âThe Mozarabs of Toledo (12thâ13th Centuries) in Historiography, Sources, and History,â in Maser and Herbers, Die Mozaraber, 151â86; Olstein, La era mozárabe: Los mozárabes de Toledo (siglos XII y XIII) en la historiografÃa, las fuentes y la historia (Salamanca: University of Salamanca, 2006).
Aaron Moreno, âArabicizing, Privileges, and Liturgy in Medieval Castilian Toledo: The Problems and Mutations of Mozarab Identification (1085â1436)â (PhD diss., University of California Los Angeles, 2012), 160â71; Miquel S. Gros I Pujol, âLes six paroisses mozarabes de Tolède,â Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 232 (2015): 387â94.
Reyna Pastor Togneri, âProblèmes dâassimilation dâune minorité: Les mozarabes de Tolède (de 1085 à la fin du XIIIe siécle),â Annales. Economies, sociétés, civilisations 25 (1970): 251â90.
The classic study on this subject (which lies outside the scope of this book) is Thomas E. Burman, Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabs, c.1050â1200 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994).
Yasmine Beale-Rivaya, âThe Written Record as Witness: Language Shift from Arabic to Romance in the Documents of the Mozarabs of Toledo in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,â La corónica 40 (2012): 27â50; Francisco Hernández, âLanguage and Cultural Identity: The Mozarabs of Toledo,â BoletÃn Burriel 1 (1989): 29â51; Ruth Miguel-Franco, âLa recepción de la documentación árabe en los cartularios del Archivo Capitular de Toledo: Traducciones y adaptaciones de cartas árabes entre el latÃn y el romance,â Al-Qaná¹ara 43, no. 1 (2022): e10; Moreno, âArabicizingâ; Olstein, âThe Mozarabsâ; and Olstein, âEl péndulo mozárabe,â Anales toledanos 39 (2003): 37â77.
On the life of Cisneros see particularly José GarcÃa Oro, Cisneros: Un cardenal reformista en el trono de España (1436â1517) (Madrid: La Esfera de los Libros, 2005).
After his appointment by the Catholic Monarchs was announced on 18Â June 1495, he remained in residence with the court at Tarazona for two years (GarcÃa Oro, Cisneros, 88).
Gonzálvez, âThe Persistence,â 178â79; Francisco J. Hernández and Peter Linehan, The Mozarabic Cardinal: The Life and Times of Gonzalo Pérez Gudiel (Florence: SISMEL, Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2004).
On the foundation see Juan Meseguer Fernández, âEl cardenal Jiménez de Cisneros, fundador de la Capilla Mozárabe,â in Historia mozárabe: Ponencias y comunicaciones presentadas al I Congreso internacional de estudios mozárabes (Toledo: Instituto de Estudios Visigótico-Mozárabes de San Eugenio, 1975), 149â245, at 153. The most recent account of the attempts by Cepeda, Carrillo, and González de Mendoza is in Miguel Ãngel López Fernández, âOfficium y Sacrificium neomozárabes: Ejemplos de composición de un repertorio,â in El cardenal Cisneros: Música, mecenazgo cultural y liturgia, ed. Tess Knighton and José MarÃa Dominguez (Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2022), 289â322, at 293â94.
Lynette Bosch, Art, Liturgy, and Legend in Renaissance Toledo (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000), 61â64; Gómez-Ruiz, Mozarabs, Hispanics, and the Cross, 33â34.
Alvar Gómez de Castro, De rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio Cisnerio archiepiscopo Toletano (Complutum: Andream de Angulo, 1569), fol. 41r: Tandem ergo factum est, vt non nisi paucis quibusdam statis, festisque diebus, eo ritu in illis sacrificaretur. (For the full account see appendix A in this chapter.)
Missale mixtum secundum regulam Beati Isidori, dictum Mozarabes (Toledo: Petrus Hagembach, 1500); Breviarium secundum regulam Beati Isidori (Toledo: Petrus Hagembach, 1502). The Usuarium database outlines the contents of each (for the Missal:
For a biographical summary see Ãngel Fernández Collado, âAlonso Ortiz,â in Diccionario Biográfico electrónico, Real Academia de la Historia,
Eugenio de Robles, Compendio de la vida y hazañas del cardenal [â¦] F. Ximenez de Cisneros; y del Ofizio y Missa Muzarabe (Toledo: P. Rodriguez, 1604), 237.
Hagembach (also spelled Hagenbach) had arrived in Toledo in 1496 and worked primarily for Cisneros from 1500 until 1502. See Julián MartÃn Abad, Los primeros tiempos de la imprenta en España (c.1471â1520), Arcadia de las letras 19 (Madrid: Ediciones del Laberinto, 2003), 62â63. Hagembachâs production provides the basis for the biographical summary in Isabel Moyano Andrés, âPedro Hagenbach,â in Diccionario Biográfico electrónico, Real Academia de la Historia,
Missale mixtum, preface. See appendix A.
The Missal contains 480 leaves, the Breviary 440 leaves. The dimensions of the page vary by copy today because most copies have been trimmed when rebound at various times. The pages in the Morgan Libraryâs relatively untrimmed copy of the Missal (ChL 1754) measure 338â¯Ãâ¯232â¯mm. The Breviary is somewhat smaller, but still in folio; the pages of the Breviary measure between 270â280â¯mm à 190â200â¯mm depending on the copy.
This feature makes the Mozarabic editions different from the other music prints discussed by Margarita Restrepo, âGerman-Speaking Printers and the Development of Music Printing in Spain (1485â1505),â in Early Music Printing in German-Speaking Lands, ed. Andrea Lindmayr-Brandl, Elisabeth Giselbrecht, and Grantley McDonald, Music and Material Culture (New York: Routledge, 2018), 46â63.
See Mercedes Castillo-Ferreira, âChant, Liturgy, and Reform,â in Companion to Music in the Age of the Catholic Monarchs, ed. Tess Knighton (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 282â322, at 286â89, for a table of the printed liturgical books commissioned by reformist bishops in the late fifteenth century in Spain.
A listing of some editions published after 1501 appears in Julián MartÃn Abad, Post-incunables ibéricos (Madrid: Ollero and Ramos, 2001), 141â48 (breviaries of dioceses and religious orders) and 373â80 (missals). The Iberian Books database lists fourteen breviaries of diocesan uses printed from 1480 to 1501 (not all printed in the Iberian peninsula) and thirteen missals of diocesan uses, two of the Roman rite, and two for religious orders.
Natalia Nowakowska, âFrom Strassburg to Trent: Bishops, Printing and Liturgical Reform in the Fifteenth Century,â Past & Present 213, no. 1 (2011): 3â39. The final seven pages of the article list the liturgical books for diocesan use commissioned by Catholic bishops before 1501.
A full treatment of the Old Hispanic rite lies beyond the purview of this book, which focuses on its reception. For an overview and introduction see Raúl Gómez-Ruiz, Mozarabs, Hispanics, and the Cross (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Press, 2007), 43â78. On the Old Hispanic office see Hornby, Ihnat, Maloy, and Rojo Carrillo, Understanding.
See Roger Reynolds, âThe Organization, Law and Liturgy of the Western Church, 700â900,â in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, c.700âc.900, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 587â621, at 617â21.
The pages of Madrid, BNE, MS 10110 measure 270â¯Ãâ¯190â¯mm, and the pages of the Breviarium copy reproduced here measure 275â¯Ãâ¯200â¯mm. The dimensions of the page in the extant copies of the Mozarabic Breviary vary widely because they were often trimmed when rebound. (For instance, the pages measure 280â¯Ãâ¯195â¯mm in New York, Hispanic Society of America, BX 2000 .A2 1502.)
On the date and origins of Madrid, BNE, MSÂ 10110 see Emma Hornby, Kati Ihnat, Rebecca Maloy, and Raquel Rojo Carrillo, Understanding the Old Hispanic Office: Texts, Melodies, and Devotion in Early Medieval Iberia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2023), 355.
On the typefaces used in this period see Julián MartÃn Abad, âLetrerÃas góticas, redondas y cursivas en la imprenta hispana (siglos XV y XVI),â in Cultura manuscrita y cultura impresa en el entorno de Antonio de Nebrija, ed. Jacobo S. Sanz Hermida and Pedro MartÃn Baños (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2022), 77â132.
My transcription is for comparison only; for an edition see Liber misticus de cuaresma (Cod. Toled. 35.2, hoy en Madrid, Bibl. Nac. 10.110), ed. José Janini (Toledo: Instituto de Estudios Visigótico-Mozárabes de San Eugenio, 1979), 4â5. It is likely that Madrid, BNE, MS 10110 was consulted for the 1502 Breviarium.
Differences between the medieval Mozarabic manuscripts and the editions were analyzed by scholars in the twentieth century, starting with Louis Brou, âÃtudes sur le Missel et le Bréviaire âmozarabesâ imprimés,â Hispania Sacra 11 (1958): 349â98. Some of José Janiniâs numerous studies on this subject are cited below.
The most recent survey of medieval manuscripts of the Old Hispanic rite is Hornby, Ihnat, Maloy, and Rojo Carrillo, Understanding, 43â76.
On the social context for the heightened study of Latin under the Catholic Monarchs see Richard L. Kagan, Students and Society in Early Modern Spain (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), 31â40.
Pedro MartÃn Baños, Antonio de Nebrija. V Centenario (1522â2022), vol. 1, Nueva caracola del bibliófilo nebrisense. Repertorio bibliográfico de la obra impresa y manuscrita de Antonio de Nebrija siglos XV y XVI, Serie conmemorativa 8 (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2022), 245â59, lists and describes all the attested editions. The post-incunables are listed by MartÃn Abad, Post-incunables ibéricos, 117â23. Alexander Wilkinson, âThe Printed Book on the Iberian Peninsula, 1500â1540,â in The Book Triumphant: Print in Transition in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, ed. Malcolm Walsby and Graeme Kemp, Library of the Written Word 15, The Handpress World 9 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 78â96, at 90 n. 39, states that at least sixteen editions/states/issues of the Aurea expositio were published before 1541.
Ann Moss, âLatin Liturgical Hymns and Their Early Printing History, 1470â1520,â Humanistica Lovaniensia 36 (1987): 112â37.
In his Introductiones Latinae (1495), Nebrija referred to his correction of the hymn âPange linguaâ in his Recognitio hymnorum. Moreover, Nebrija addresses the preface to the senatus of the University of Salamanca as a professor addressing his colleagues, so it must have been written before his departure from the university in 1487. Finally, a 1491 publication by a student of Nebrija, Andrés Gutiérrez de Cerezo, includes a hymn collection that closely resembles the corrected hymns in Nebrijaâs Recognitio and thus may be based on an earlier edition that has not survived. MartÃn Baños also adduces material evidence for earlier editions. MartÃn Baños, Antonio de Nebrija, 1:247.
Most medieval manuscripts have liberet; see the apparatus of the edition in Early Latin Hymns, ed. Arthur S. Walpole (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1922), 262.
For a transcription of the prefaces see MartÃn Baños, Antonio de Nebrija, 1:254.
On this aspect of Nebrijaâs grammatical teachings see Felipe González Vega, ââ¯âIudicium meum semper fuitâ: Cuestiones de poética en el comentario gramatical de Antonio de Nebrija (1444â1522),â Revista de poética medieval 17 (2006): 299â334.
González Vega, ââ¯âIudicium meum semper fuit.ââ¯â
For an overview of Nebrijaâs annotations see Carlos Del Valle RodrÃguez, âAntonio Nebrijaâs Biblical Scholarship,â in A Companion to Biblical Humanism and Scholasticism in the Age of Erasmus, ed. Erika Rummel, Brillâs Companions to the Christian Tradition 9 (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 57â72.
David Coles, âHumanism and the Bible in Renaissance Spain and Italy: Antonio de Nebrija (1441â1522)â (PhD diss, Yale University, 1983), 4:1286â95.
On the typography of the Complutense Polyglot see Julián MartÃn Abad, âLa Biblia PolÃglota Complutense: El proceso de fabricación y el producto editorial,â in A quinientos años de la PolÃglota. El proyecto humanÃstico de Cisneros: Fuentes documentales y lÃneas de investigación, ed. Miguel Anxo Pena González and Inmaculada Delgado Jara (Salamanca: Universidad Pontificia de Salamanca, 2015), 23â66; MartÃn Abad, âLa impresión y la puesta en venta de la Biblia PolÃglota Complutense,â in La Biblia PolÃglota Complutense en su contexto, ed. Antonio Alvar Ezquerra (Alcalá de Henares: Universidad de Alcalá, 2016), 295â326.
Felipe González Vega, âEx grammatico rhetor: The Biblical Adventures and Rhetorical Maturity of Antonio de Nebrija between the Apologia and the Tertia quinquagena,â in Humanism and Christian Letters in Early Modern Iberia (1480â1630), ed. Barry Taylor and Alejandro Coroleu (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2010), 9â36. In his Apologia, first published late in 1507, Nebrija âdefended himself against those who accused him of impiety for touching Holy Writâ; see Del Valle RodrÃguez, âAntonio Nebrijaâs Biblical Scholarship,â 65.
Nowakowska, âFrom Strassburg to Trent,â 15.
Preface to the Missale mixtum: Nam dispersis in ordinem redactis, vitiis abrasis, dubiisque enucleata veritate lustratis, et ceu abolita multa resarciens, tuo jussu, ut valui, omnia illustravi. (For the complete text of the preface see appendix A.)
José Janini, âLas misas votivas del âLiber Ordinumâ publicadas por Ortiz,â Anales Valentinos 10 (1984): 99â111, at 100.
José Janini, âMisas mozárabes recompuestas por Ortiz,â Hispania sacra 34 (1982): 153â63, and most recently López Fernández, âOfficium y Sacrificium neomozárabes.â
Missale mixtum, fol. 467r: Orate pro Alfonso Ortiz doctore et canonico Toletano.
Missale mixtum, fols 467râ469v. Janini, âMisas mozárabes,â 163, states that they were Ortizâs own writings, and they are otherwise unattested.
Like Ortiz, Nebrija wrote liturgical texts for the Virgin Mary, but expicitly designated them as his own compositions. His two Marian hymns, which appear in his 1501 Recognitio hymnorurm, preceded by a dedication naming the author and the poemsâ quantative meters, are printed in MartÃn Baños, Antonio de Nebrija, 1:258.
Two examples of collects in the Mozarabic Breviary that appear adapted from the Roman rite for use on feasts of Mozarabic saints are described by Juan Pablo Rubio Sadia, âLa incorporación del santoral hispano-mozárabe en la liturgia romana de Toledo,â in Knighton and MarÃa Dominguez, El cardenal Cisneros, 249â72, at 267.
On the Mozarabic Breviary as a witness to the Hispanic rite see José Maria MartÃn Patino, âEl Breviarium Mozárabe de Ortiz: Su valor documental para la historia del oficio catedralicio hispánico,â Miscelánea Comillas 50 (1963): 207â97.
José Janini, âLa peculiar edición del breviario mozárabe de Cisneros,â in Liber misticus de cuaresma, xxxiâxliii.
As we will see in chapter 5, numerous early modern annotations in copies of the Mozarabic Breviary signal usersâ recognition of disparities between the edition and the traditions of the Old Hispanic and Roman rites.
This legend, celebrated in medieval Latin and vernacular literature, is retold in the Castilian verse miracle collection by Gonzaleo de Berceo as well as in the Galician-Portuguese Cantigas de Santa Maria. See Joseph T. Snow, âGonzalo de Berceo and the Miracle of Saint Ildefonso: Portrait of the Medieval Artist at Work,â Hispania 65, no. 1 (1982): 1â11.
Nickson, Toledo Cathedral, 1â2 (and fig. 1), 143.
Nickson, Toledo Cathedral, 144â45 (and fig. 77), 150 (and fig. 82), 192â96, 115.
On the diffusion of this composition in printed books see Johannes Röll, âThe Tomb of Bishop Alonso de Madrigal (âEl Tostadoâ) in the Cathedral of ÃvilaâThe Monumentalization of the âAutorbild,ââ¯â in Artistic Circulation Between Early Modern Spain and Italy, ed. Kelley Helmstutler Di Dio and Tommaso Mozzati (New York: Routledge, 2019), 38â55.
Juan Manuel Sierra López, El misal toledano de 1499 (Toledo: Instituto Teológico de San Ildefonso, 2005), 63.
The composition of the frontispiece has been described as the personal mark of Hagembach, but the symbolism of the Franciscan cord indicates an association with Cisneros.
Roberto González Ramos, âCisneros: IconografÃas de prestigio e santidad,â in F. Ximénez de Cisneros. Reforma, conversión y evangelización, ed. José MarÃa Magaz and Juan Miguel Prim, Presencia y diálogo 53 (Madrid: Universidad San Dámaso, 2018), 97â158. Juan de Borgoña worked for Cisneros in Toledo starting in 1495, when he executed the decoration of the cloister.
Maestro de San Ildefonso, The Granting of the Chasuble to San Ildefonso, fifteenth century, Paris, Musée du Louvre, R.F.1537.
Roberto González Ramos, âThe Face of the Exemplar Ruler: The Engravings of Cardinal Ximénez de Cisneros in the Early European Modern Age,â Liño: Revista anual de historia del arte 26 (2020): 21â30.
Isaiah 61:10 (emphasis added), Douay-Rheims translation and Latin Vulgate,
In addition to the common of virgins, this passage was sung on the Feast of Saints Agnes, Columbia, and Eulalia. For its use on the Old Hispanic Feast of the Assumption see
On the history of the chapel see Mario Arellano Garcia, La capilla mozárabe o del Corpus Christi (Toledo: Instituto de Estudios Visigóticos-Mozárabes de San Eugenio, 1980). Miguel Ãngel López Fernández, âLos cantorales de Cisneros: Del canto hispánico al canto neomozárabeâ (diss., Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2019), 86â90, offers a summary of the endowment and the earliest chaplains.
On the foundation see Meseguer Fernández, âEl cardenal Jiménez de Cisneros.â
The Chapel of Corpus Christi, which became the site of the Mozarabic Chapel, had taken over the space of the previous chapter room. On the chapter room and Mozarabic Chapel see Erika Dolphin, âArchbishop Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros and the Decoration of the Chapter Room and Mozarabic Chapel in Toledo Cathedralâ (PhD diss., New York University, Institute of Fine Arts, 2008). On Borgoñaâs decoration of the chapter room see most recently Juan Luis Blanco Mozo, âJuan de Borgoña y los inicios del clasicismo en la catedral de Toledo,â Espacio, tiempo y forma, 7th ser., Historia del arte 11 (2023): 3â31.
It was not his only intervention in the vast Gothic building; even before the creation of the Mozarabic Chapel, he had begun changing the fabric of the cathedral by commissioning a new high altar. On this project see most recently Eduardo Carrero Santamaria, âLa reforma del altar mayor de la catedral de Toledo: Mendoza, Cisneros y reorganización del espacio litúrgico,â in Knighton and MarÃa Dominguez, El cardenal Cisneros, 213â45.
On the Mozarabic cantorales see Ãngel Fernández Collado, âLos cantorales mozárabes de Cisneros,â Toletana: Cuestiones de teologÃa e historia, Estudio teológico de San Ildefonso, Toledo 2 (2000): 145â68; Carmen Julia Gutiérrez, âLos cantorales mozárabes de Cisneros: Un ejemplo de construcción de la identidad nacional española,â Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez 49, no. 1 (2019): 185â222,
The discovery of a fourteenth-century fragment containing a Mozarabic chant melody suggests the existence of other late medieval manuscript sources, now lost. See David Catalunya and Carmen Julia Gutiérrez, âMozarabic preces in Ars Nova Notation: A New Fourteenth-Century Fragment Discovered in Spain,â Plainsong and Medieval Music 22 (2013): 153â68. In addition to the preces, hymn melodies offer further examples of Old Hispanic melodies that appear to have survived in later sources; see Carmen Julia Gutiérrez, âMelodÃas del canto hispánico en el repertorio litúrgico poético de la Edad Media y el Renacimiento,â in El canto mozárabe y su entorno: Estudios sobre la música de la liturgia viejo hispánica, ed. Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, Rosario Ãlvarez MartÃnez, and Ana Llorens MartÃn (Madrid: Sociedad Española de MusicologÃa, 2013), 547â75.
Gutiérrez, âLos cantorales mozárabes de Cisnerosâ; Vito Imbasciani, âCisneros and the Restoration of the Mozarabic Riteâ (PhD diss., Cornell University, 1979), 139.
Juan Carlos Asensio, âMelodÃa âtoledanaâ y melodÃa âcisnerianaâ: A proposito del origen de las melodÃas de los cantorales mozárabes,â in Knighton and MarÃa Dominguez, El cardenal Cisneros, 273â288. In support of the argument that the melodies in the cantorales are elaborated versions of Old Hispanic ones see Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, âA la búsqueda de las melodÃas del canto viejo-hispánico: Los libros corales mozárabes de 1500,â in Fernández de la Cuesta, Ãlvarez MartÃnez, and Llorens MartÃn, El canto mozárabe y su entorno, 593â646; MarÃa Concepción Peñas GarcÃa, âDe los cantorales de Cisneros y las melodÃas de tradición mozárabe,â Nassarre: Revista aragonesa de musicologÃa 12 (1996): 413â34.
Gutiérrez, âLos cantorales mozárabesâ; Miguel Ãngel López Fernández, âProcedimientos de composición melódica en los officia y sacrificia neomozárabes,â Revista de musicologÃa 43 (2020): 501â28; MarÃa Concepción Peñas GarcÃa with MarÃa Carmen Casas Gras, âLos cantorales de Cisneros: Estudio y presentación del Cantoral I,â Nassarre: Revista aragonesa de musicologÃa 20 (2004): 261â402.
López Fernández, âOfficium y Sacrificium neomozárabes,â 303.
Imbasciani, âCisneros,â 17, uses the term âneo-Mozarabicâ to refer only to the cantorales or their music. López Fernández, âLos cantorales de Cisnerosâ and idem, âOfficium y Sacrificium neomozárabes,â uses âneo-Mozarabicâ similarly. I apply the term to the Ortiz editions and the Cisneros ârestorationâ of the rite.
Imbasciani, âCisneros,â 138â42; Gutiérrez, âLos cantorales mozárabes.â
Tess Knighton, âIntroducción: El proyecto cultural y musical del cardenal Cisneros,â in Knighton and MarÃa Dominguez, El cardenal Cisneros, 7â20, at 8â10.
Nathan P. Chase, âCrisis, Liturgy, and Communal Identity: The Celebration of the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite in Toledo, Spain as a Case Studyâ Religions 13, no. 3 (2022): 18,
Juan de Vallejo, Memorial de la vida de fray Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros, ed. Antonio de la Torre y del Cerro (Madrid: Impr. Bailly-Baillière, 1913), 57.
Gómez de Castro, De rebus gestis, fol. 41râv: sed sui cuique Mozarabes, illorumque posteri, vbi vbi illos intra extraue vrbem in agro Toletano morari contingeret, immunitatibus, & priuilegijs non vulgaribus concessis pro parrochianis & tribulibus assignati fuerunt.
Gómez de Castro, De rebus gestis, fol. 41v: Quandiu ergo illi Mozarabes eorumque posteri floruerunt, suam quisque ecclesiam, sacraque gentilitia frequentarunt (As long as those Mozarabs and their descendants flourished, they observed the sacred rites of their people, each in his own church).
A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, ed. William Smith (London: John Murray, 1890), 568â69.
See below, 44â45. Multiple accounts of these events exist. For a historiographical overview see Thomas Deswarte, âJustifier lâinjustifiable? La suppression du rite hispanique dans la littérature (XIIeâmilieu XIIIe siècles),â in Convaincre et persuader: Communication et propagande aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles, ed. Martin Aurell, Civilisation Médiévale 18 (Poitiers: Université de Poitiers, Centre dâétudes supérieures de civilisation médiévale, 2007), 533â44; and Juan Pablo Rubio Sadia, âEl cambio de rito en Castilla: Su iter historiográfico en los siglos XII y XIII,â Hispania sacra 58, no. 117 (2006): 9â35. Placing the duel in a wider context is Luis Rojas Donat, âThe Duel in Medieval Western Mentality,â in Ideology in the Middle Ages: Approaches from Southwestern Europe, ed. Flocel Sabaté (Amsterdam: ARC/Amsterdam University Press, 2019), 175â202, at 194.
For a biography organized around his itinerary see José GarcÃa Oro, Cisneros: Un cardenal reformista en el trono de España (1436â1517) (Madrid: La Esfera de los Libros, 2005).
Emily Michelson, The Pulpit and the Press in Reformation Italy, I Tatti Studies in Italian Renaissance History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013), 20.
For a recent study of his letters to the cathedral chapter see Juan Carlos Vizuete Mendoza, ââ¯âReverendos venerables nuestros amados hermanosâ: Cartas de Cisneros al cabildo de Toledo (1495â1514),â in El mundo de las catedrales (España e Hispanoamérica), ed. Francisco Javier Campos y Fernández de Sevilla (San Lorenzo del Escorial: Instituto Escurialense de Investigaciones Históricas y ArtÃsticas, 2019), 221â52.
I am grateful to an anonymous reader for pointing out the importance of this point.
GarcÃa Oro, Cisneros, 70â71.
GarcÃa Oro, Cisneros, 72â74.
See the chronology in Amy G. Remensnyder, La Conquistadora: The Virgin Mary at War and Peace in the Old and the New Worlds (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 119â20.
On the office for the Taking of Granada see most recently Jesús R. Folgado GarcÃa, âNominatissima urbs Granate: The Cultural Clash between Islam and Christianity after the Capitulation of the Nasrid Kingdom and Its Repercussions on the Arts,â Religions 14, no. 7 (2023): 873,
Juan Meseguer Fernández, âFernando de Talavera, Cisneros y la Inquisición en Granada,â in La Inquisición española: Nueva visión, nuevos horizontes, Symposium internacional sobre la Inquisición española celebrado en Cuenca en septiembre de 1978, ed. J. Pérez Villanueva (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1980), 371â400, citing the letter edited in Juan Meseguer Fernández, âCartas inéditas del cardenal Cisneros al cabildo de la catedral primada,â Anales toledanos 8 (1973): 3â47, at 25â28.
On the historiography of the book burning and the role of Cisneros see particularly Nicasio Salvador Miguel, âCisneros en Granada y la quema de libros islámicos,â in Ezquerra, La Biblia polÃglota complutense, 153â84.
Eric Hobsbawm, âIntroduction: Inventing Traditions,â in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 1â14.
Svetlana Boym, The Future of Nostalgia (New York: Basic Books, 2001), 41.
Carmen Julia Gutiérrez, âFrancisco Franco y los reyes godos: La legitimación del poder usurpado por medio de la ceremonia y la música,â Cuadernos de música iberoamericana 33 (2020): 161â95.
Robles, Compendio, 235â36.