For the Christian inhabitants of Toledo among the Arabs [â¦] the name âMozarabsâ was established and it has endured until now: they are called Mozarabs, that is, living among Arabs.1
Alonso Ortiz, preface to the Missale mixtum, 1500
The early modern reception of the Mozarabic rite is closely intertwined with the development of ideas about the history of Christianity in Spain and, in particular, with the shifting perceptions of the Toledan Mozarabs. Ortizâs statement in the preface to the Missale mixtum echoes the commonly held conviction that the Mozarabs of early modern Toledo were the descendants of the Christian community under Muslim rule. As this chapter demonstrates, however, Mozarabic identity was a subject of commentary and even of debate throughout the centuries following the publication of the Missal. At a time when heritage and purity of blood were of the utmost importance to Iberian society, historical writings contained competing and sometimes conflicting etymologies of the word âMozarab.â
In the early modern period Mozarabs were identified principally by the lineage of their families, which made them members of the Mozarabic parishes, even if they lived in areas outside the parish boundaries. As seen in chapter 1, Alvar Gómez de Castro noted in his 1569 biography of Cisneros that Mozarabs and their descendants were assigned to the Mozarabic parishes of Toledo regardless of where they lived.2 As Linda Martz and Julio Porres pointed out, the Toledo population census of 1561 included some Mozarabs listed under the parish where they resided (but not the parishes to which they belonged). Conversely, those Mozarabs who lived outside the city walls were not counted in the census (even though the parishes to which they belonged were inside the city).3 Thus, the alignment between the physical locations of the parishes and the residences of the Mozarabic parishioners appears to have been somewhat fluid. Adding further complexity to the social identity of the Mozarabs was their status as a distinct group of non-noble knights (caballeros) granted tax exemptions that were equal to those of the other groups of caballeros in Toledo, with whom they competed for privileges.4
Certainly by the eighteenth century, Mozarabs living outside Toledo sought to claim the exemptions to which the Toledan Mozarabs were entitled, and the nuances of the disjunction between residence and parish affiliation gave rise to legal disputes. Throughout the eighteenth century, lawsuits brought by the clergy of the Capilla de los Reyes Nuevos of Toledo Cathedral and the royal monastery of the Escorial challenged the right of the Mozarabic parishes to receive tithes. The ongoing conflict hinged on two major points of contention: the question of who could claim to be Mozarabic parishioners, and the concomitant need to ascertain which institution should receive their tithes.5 According to a statement by the Mozarabic clergy in 1760, the custom of paying tithes to the Mozarabic parishes had been questioned for the first time only in 1498â99.6 The Mozarabic claimants reaffirmed both the exemption of Mozarabs living anywhere in the archdiocese from paying tercias (the portion of the ecclesiastical tithe that was due to the crown) and their obligation to pay tithes (diezmos) to the Mozarabic parishes. It was the segregation of the Mozarabsâ diezmos, in combination with their exemption from the tercias, that had elicited opposition from the cathedral. A deposition published in 1748, however, affirms that Cisneros had confirmed the right of the Mozarabic parish of Santa Justa to receive tithes.7
The foremost defender of the Mozarabsâ privileges and exemptions in the eighteenth century was the Mozarabic chaplain Pedro Camino y Velasco. In his Noticia historico-chronologica de los privilegios de las nobles familias de los mozarabes de la imperial ciudad de Toledo, an annotated historical compilation of documents, he invoked the recent confirmation of Mozarabic privileges by Philip V and deemed the lawsuits âchildren of discord.â8 Camino y Velasco noted that the tithes paid to the Mozarabic parishes were essential for the continued celebration of what he called the âGothic or Mozarabicâ rite. His summary of its historyâlike all other accountsâpauses to explain the etymology of âMozarab,â favoring âmostarabe,â which he explains as âone who, not being a genuine Arab (that is, a native of Arabia) but from another, different Nation, lives among native Arabs, subject to their rule and laws.â9 Camino y Velasco prefers this definition to the common derivation of âMozarabâ from the Latin mixtus, or âmixedâ (with Arabs), which as we will see was the most widely cited etymology.
1 Mozarabic Origins
Interpretations of the Mozarabs as an ethno-religious group as much as a social one emerged only in the sixteenth century, in the wake of the conquest of Granada and the forced conversions and expulsions of Jews and Muslims. Later in the century, as divisions intensified around the Morisco question and the purity of blood statutes, lengthy explanations of the Mozarabsâ name and history were repeated in detail wherever the rite was mentioned. Although the Mozarabs had long since become nearly indistinguishable from other Castilians, their name alone tainted them with an alterity that was never fully articulated, and in the early modern period the question of their origins elicited an ever-increasing excess of explanation.
The hybrid group identity attributed to the Mozarabs subsumed a thousand years of the peninsulaâs historical vicissitudes. Symbolic and paradoxical, the idea of the Mozarab was fundamentally unclear, and it is a sign of this persistent ambiguity that the early modern historiography of Spain returns to the Gothic (meaning Visigothic) origins of the rite in nearly every passage that refers to the Mozarabs. The very name of the rite illustrates this duality: early modern commentators call it both âMozarabicâ and âGothic.â The widely read chronicle by Juan de Mariana (1535â1624), in a discussion of the sixth-century reign of the Visigothic King Sisenand (631â36), includes an emblematic slippage between the two forms of nomenclature: âthe Mozarabic missal and breviary, that is, according to the ancient custom of the Gothsâ (missale et breviarium mozarabum, hoc est, ex antiquo Gothorum more).10 At the time of King Sisenand there were, of course, no Mozarabs in the strict sense of Christians under Muslim rule. Marianaâs formulation attests to the normalizing of the idea that the printed books produced under Archbishop Cisneros in Toledo were faithful records of the ancient Visigothic liturgy, implying the possibility of continuity in religious practice from the early Iberian kingdoms to the early modern period.
Such fictions of continuity were inherent to the neo-Gothic ideology (Castilian neogoticismo), the historiographic premise that medieval and early modern Iberian rulers were descended from the Visigothic kings.11 Expressed in influential works such as the chronicle of Spain (subtitled History of the Goths) by the archbishop of Toledo (1209â47), Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, neo-Gothicism came to the fore during the reign of the Catholic Monarchs, Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile.12
Juan de Mariana continued to call the Old Hispanic rite âGothicâ in recounting the introduction of the Roman rite in Toledo after the conquest of 1085. Here, Mariana mentions the âancient churches of the city which were commonly called of the Mozarabsâ (in antiquis urbis templis que Mozarabum vulgo dicebantur). Despite traditions that assert their origins in the Visigothic period and continuity under Muslim rule, the six Mozarabic parishes of Toledo are not attested by historical sources before the mid-twelfth century, and they may have been founded by Mozarabs arriving from the South.13 In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the clergy of the parishes were of diverse origins, contradicting later historical constructions of a unitary Mozarabic community.14
This chapter focuses particularly on the formation of ideas about the Mozarabs in the centuries after 1492, when the symbolism of their association with the rite intensified. In the early modern period, the Mozarabic rite became the means by which the historical identity of the Mozarabs was constructed, and that construction was selective. As Howard Delgin Miller noted, the Mozarabic rite âis the marker of the Mozarab, the single characteristic that distinguishes Mozarabism from Arabism. As a minority, Mozarabs are different not because they adopted Arabic culture, but because they remained Christian after the cultural shift to Arabism.â15 As a larger field, the medieval history of the Mozarabs has been illuminated by the lasting contributions of Cyrille Aillet (primarily on the early Middle Ages, and throughout the peninsula) and Jean-Pierre Molénat (focusing on Toledo).16 My frame of inquiry in this book does not encompass the Mozarabs in general, but rather focuses on those of Toledo in relation to their rite. Over the course of the early modern period, the Toledan community and their liturgy gradually came to stand in for an aspect of the history of peninsular Christianity. By the eighteenth century, the Mozarabs and their rite were deployed as symbols of national identity.
Christians lived under Muslim rule in the Iberian peninsula for over three centuries before the first known occurrence of the term âMozarabâ in León in 1024. As Aillet points out, the historical phenomenon of the Mozarabs is a creation of the period often termed the reconquista (âreconquestâ).17 Early modern historiography portrayed the medieval Mozarabs of Toledo as key players in the cityâs shifting power dynamics after the Christian conquest in 1085, stressing the contest between the Castilians representing the Roman rite and the Mozarabs representing the Hispanic rite in the duel and trial by fire (see chapter 1, Appendix A).
Both the Latin mozarabes and the Castilian muzárabe are now thought to derive from the Arabic mustaârab (one who has become Arabicized) or mustaârib (one who seeks to become Arabicized), but neither Muslims nor Arabic-speaking Christians used the word consistently. Hispano-Arabic writers employed other names (related to religion or law) to designate Christians in the Iberian peninsula.18 (See the Timeline of Mozarabic Definitions at the end of this chapter.) A common category for non-Muslims was that of dhimmi (âprotected personsâ), meaning non-Muslims living under Islamic rule according to the dhimma (âpact of protectionâ), recognizing the tenet in Islam according to which there should be âno compulsion in religion.â19
Apparently unaware of the Arabic etymon, medieval and early modern writers asserted that the name of the Mozarabs was derived from mixtiarabes.20 The earliest and most influential instance of this etymology occurs in the early thirteenth-century chronicle by Jiménez de Rada: âAnd they are called Mixti Arabes, because they were living mixed with Arabs [mixti Arabibus]; their name persists among us today, and their descent.â21 This definition, widely known in the early modern period, cast as the ancestors of thirteenth-century Toledan Mozarabs the Iberian Christians of the early Middle Ages who had âsurrendered their towns and citiesâ (reddiderunt oppida et presidia ciuitatum) to the Muslim conquerors. The archbishopâs parsing of mixti arabes as describing people who were âliving mixed with Arabsâ (arabibus) rather than as simply being in some sense âArabsâ (arabes) seems to press the limits of grammatical interpretation. The adjective mixti, which modifies the substantive arabes (âArabsâ), is the nominative plural form of the past participle from the verb miscere, âto mix.â On the face of it, then, the phrase can be taken to describe the Mozarabs themselves, not the historical fact of their coexistence with Arabs. Unsurprisingly, Jiménez de Rada is thought to have invented the etymology himself.22
Even more consequential than this apparent grammatical sleight of hand was the fact that Jiménez de Rada introduced and then left unresolved the ambiguity implicit in the phrase; indeed, the precise signification of âmixedâ in this context remained unexplained, a loose thread for others to pick up. Subsequent commentators evidently perceived a need to refine the meaning of mixti arabes. In the middle of the sixteenth century, the biography of Cisneros by Alvar Gómez de Castro (1515â80) echoes the wording of Jiménez de Rada: âTherefore, people of this kind are called Mistarabes because they lived mixed with Arabs, and their ecclesiastical rite is called the Mistarabic office.â23 By construing the nominative arabes as implying that the Mozarabs lived with Arabs (arabibus), Gómez de Castro upheld the authority of Jiménez de Radaâs interpretation and, perhaps more consequentially, incorporated it into his account of the life and deeds of the man who had done more than anyone else in history to promote the Mozarabic rite. The etymological choice made by Gómez de Castro reaffirmed the understanding of the Mozarabs that placed their rite at the center of religious observance in Toledo, in its own chapel and with its own endowed clergy.
While the association between the Mozarabs and their liturgy might appear to be a simple matter of nomenclature, confusion and controversy have long characterized discussions of the common terms for the Mozarabs.24 The designation âMozarabâ is a term whose connotations have for centuries generated far more discussion than consensus. Continued debates regarding its meaning and connotations shed light on larger questions of historiography that persist to this day.25 Early modern writersâincluding Ortiz in his preface to the Mozarabic Missalâapparently felt a need to define the name, citing or inventing unfounded etymologies.
In the sixteenth century, the meaning of the word âMozarabâ became increasingly unstable. Other Christian groups in the Iberian peninsula after 1492 were designated according to what they were or had been prior to conversion and what they had become afterward; conversos had previously been Jews, and Moriscos had previously been Muslims. The name given to the Muslims who did not convert, the mudejares, derives from âthose left behindââthose who remained what they had been.26 The Mozarabs, by contrast, were defined in terms of what they were not. Their distinctive name was understood to refer to their coexistence with a different group, one to which they did not belong either by ethnicity or by religion. The most durable âdefinitionâ of the word âMozarabââand the one most often cited as authoritativeâwas the pseudo-etymology mixti arabes, âmixed with Arabs,â which as just seen was often somewhat paradoxically interpreted to mean âliving among Arabsâ rather than literally mixing or intermarrying with them. The definition given by Ortiz in the preface to the Missale mixtum, âliving among Arabsâ (inter arabes degentes), sidestepped any morphological interpretation of the beginning of the word (the particle moz).
Over the centuries, explanations proliferated for the juxtaposition or mixing of peoples represented by the Mozarabsâ existence in Muslim Iberia, and the notion of mixture, with all that it implied, was variously dismissed, embraced, or omitted. In this chapter I demonstrate the gradual shift in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries from definitions of the Mozarabs that allowed for the possibility of mixture to others that seemed intentionally to exclude it. More recent accounts take the hybrid identity and multiple cultural affiliations of the Mozarabs as a matter of historical record.27 Some medievalists, such as the influential historian of literature MarÃa Rosa Menocal, celebrate the hybridity of Andalusian society as something of a precursor to modern multiculturalism, interpreting the coexistence of the three religions (convivencia) as an atmosphere of religious tolerance.28 Convivencia was, however, contingent on a collective balancing act in which, in the words of Lucy Pick, âpotential cooperation and interdependence in economic, social, cultural, and intellectual spheres coexist with the continual threat of conflict and violence.â29 Brian Catlos has reframed the coexistence of the three Abrahamic religions in medieval Iberia as illustrating the principle of âconvenienceâ (conveniencia), a more transactional set of relationships founded on pragmatism and enabled by the mutual intelligibility of cultures.30 Although hybridity has become an accepted, even commonplace category of analysis for describing social groups and individuals, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries it was deployed in a pejorative manner for the representation of ethno-religious minorities.31 The hybrid identity of the Mozarabs was shaped in medieval Toledo, a particular setting that changed dramatically after the turn of the sixteenth century
In early modern historiography, the space between the name of the group and its historical identityâits distinctive place in Iberian societyâretrospectively became filled with unanswered questions. In what ways were the Mozarabs âArabâ? Did they intermarry with Muslims? What aspects of Christianity did they maintain besides their liturgy? The definition of a Mozarab as one who lives among Arabs, or as an Arabizing or Arabized Christian, created lingering ambiguities that remained unresolved. With a growing temporal distance between the medieval Mozarabs and the modern Castilian population, explanations of the name were repeated, explained, elaborated, and debated, as if to address persistent uncertainties generated by the elusiveness of the groupâs historical identity.
From the later Middle Ages to the seventeenth century, the existence of multiple, at times conflicting etymologies of âMozarab,â conjoined with fanciful accounts of the history of the Mozarabs, suggests that uncertainty gradually gave way to suspicion. Purity of blood (limpieza de sangre)âthe ability to prove that oneâs ancestors were born Christian (as opposed to being converts) for multiple generationsâbecame all-important in early modern Spain.32 Statutes requiring candidates for ecclesiastical and civil office to prove their purity of blood were introduced in Toledo in the fifteenth century, generating debates that continued for the next two hundred years.33 The specific context for the establishment of the statutes in Toledo was contestation of royal taxation. Conversos who were tax collectors were targets of popular violence, and in the belief that the royal officials favored the conversos, the town council approved a decree that barred all those who were of converso lineage from holding public office. King Juan II approved the statute as well, although it was opposed by Pope Nicholas V.34
In the context of heightened concern about limpieza de sangre, the mixti arabes etymology cast the Mozarabs as a group of questionable descent.35 Still, in the early modern period the principal distinguishing feature of the Mozarabs was the cultural marker of the Mozarabic rite. Besides their liturgy, their most notable difference from other Castilians lay in their past use of Arabic, which had ended by the fourteenth century. Although this association of the Mozarabs with the Arabic language may have been long forgotten by 1500, I address it here before turning to the definitions of the Mozarabs after 1492.
2 The Mozarabs and Arabic
The Toledan Mozarabs celebrated the Old Hispanic rite in Latin, but used Arabic for their administrative documents. However, there are Christian liturgical texts in Arabic from the ninth and tenth centuries, mostly from places further south such as Cordoba.36 While Latin was retained as a liturgical language and functioned as a marker of Christian identity, some Christian texts in Arabic (such as a calendar, the Gospels, and a versified translation of the Psalter) were intended for liturgical use.37 In addition to liturgical texts, Christian apologetics and polemics written in Arabic provide a window onto the intellectual and theological currents of Andalusian Christian communities, including that in Toledo.38
The Arabic language is a central component of the primary historical evidence for the Mozarabs of Toledo in the period after the Christian conquest of 1085, which is a substantial corpus of Arabic notarial documents dating from the twelfth to the mid-fourteenth century, including both royal privileges and grants as well as private transactions such as sales, lawsuits, and last wills and testaments. In this period, the Mozarabic communities rubbed shoulders with Christians from Castile, Galicia, and what is now France, as well as with their neighbors, the Jews and Muslims of Toledo. Administrative and legal documents reveal the interactions of Mozarabs with these other groups, particularly in the twelfth century.39
The Arabic documents associated with the Mozarabic community of Toledo have been studied by several generations of historians and philologists, beginning with the Spanish Arabist Angel González Palencia, who transcribed the majority of the notarial documents and published an inventory that has been invaluable to subsequent scholars.40 Howard Miller, Diego Olstein, and Aaron Moreno made signal contributions to research on the documentary corpus. Miller demonstrated that Mozarabic documents produced in Toledo after the Christian conquest followed the norms of Muslim-style documents, showing the predominant influence of Islamic notarial traditions for more than two centuries after the conquest.41 Miller created a list and onomastic index of the names of those who subscribed the Mozarabic documents, along with an onomastic index of those who subscribed in Arabic.42 Olsteinâs statistical analysis also brought out metalinguistic data in the documents, reexamining historiographical debates surrounding the geographical origins of the Toledan Mozarabs.43 Moreno expanded the evidence to include both Latin and Romance documents as well as the Arabic corpus.44 His theoretical framework favors terms conveying agency, thus privileging âArabicizingâ as an expression of intent (as opposed to âArabicized,â which implies a given condition) and âidentificationâ (an active process) over âidentityâ (understood as a static state). One of Morenoâs most original assertions is that the redaction of subscription of a document in Arabic amounted to âperforming Mozarabicity.â
The question of when the Mozarabs of Toledo stopped using Arabic has long been an area of study among historians and philologists. The use of dual names (both an Arabic and a Romance or Latinate name) persisted among Mozarabic Christians in Toledo until at least the beginning of the thirteenth century.45 According to Moreno, the notarial evidence from Toledo suggests that most Christians there âhad little knowledge of Arabic by the mid-thirteenth centuryâ and that Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada considered âChristian Arabicity as a historical phenomenon by approximately 1240.â46 Further evidence for this linguistic shift has been uncovered by Ruth Miguel-Franco through comparing the translations and summaries of Arabic documents in cartularies from Toledo Cathedral; while some Arabic signatures were copied in a Latin cartulary of 1190, no Arabic appears in a Castilian one from the second half of the thirteenth century.47 By the fourteenth century, Arabic had been replaced by Castilian in the notarial documents of the Toledan Mozarabs.48
Given that the Mozarabic rite, not the Arabic language, is the characteristic of Mozarabs most emphasized by early modern writers, one might expect the medieval liturgical manuscripts to constitute another significant body of written evidence for the Mozarabs of Toledo. For a variety of reasons, however, scholarship on the liturgical manuscripts of the Old Hispanic rite that survive from medieval Toledo rarely situates them within the history of that community. The liturgical manuscripts that are identifiably Toledan in origin are few in number and have not been conclusively localized or dated.49 A certain amount of mystery surrounds the composition of the Toledan Mozarabic population itself in this period as well. It is not clear whether they were mostly migrants from farther south, for instance, or how many Mozarabs lived in Toledo before 1085.50
The association of Mozarabs with the Mozarabic rite emerged in the chronicles of the thirteenth and fourteenth century, particularly in Jiménez de Radaâs account of the duel and the trial by fire opposing the Mozarabic rite and the Roman rite.51 The idea that the liturgy was the foremost cultural characteristic of the Mozarabs as a group seems to have developed around 1500, in tandem with the turning point of Cisnerosâs revitalization of the rite. In effect, it was Cisneros who created or fostered the conditions for a historically inflected Mozarabic identity in the sixteenth century. Even before his decisive actions in support of the rite in Toledo, however, the Mozarabs and their distinctive liturgy were described at some length at the conclusion of a text known throughout Europe. Penned in the fifteenth century, the anonymous Ten Divisions of the Nations of All Christendom (Divisiones decem nationum totius Christianitatis) is a short treatise that circulated in manuscript form and was printed in numerous editions, mostly in Rome, from 1490 through 1510.52 Its account of the Mozarabs, which has attracted little scholarly attention until now, sheds light on the perception of this group in early modern Europe.
3 The Mozarabs as the Tenth Nation
As Arabizing Christians who observed a Latin liturgy, the Mozarabs are grouped in the Ten Divisions with the non-Latin Christiansânot only the Greek church, but also the Christian religious minorities in Syria and Palestine, including the Jacobite Syrians, Nestorians, Maronites, and Armenians.53 The opening sentence of the treatise lists the nations in order, making it clear that the Mozarabs are not to be included among the âLatinsâ: âNote that the Christian peoples are divided into ten nations: namely, the Latins, Greeks, Indians, Jacobites, Nestorians, Maronites, Armenians, Georgians, Syrians, and Mozarabs.â54 This ordering places the Mozarabs at the opposite end of the series from the Christians of the Western Latin Church. The first section, which lists the rulers in the Latin Church, mentions the âHispanic nationâ:
The first nation: the Latins have a pope and emperor of the Romans as their superiors, and many kings, namely the king of France in the Gallican nation, and many dukes and counts. In the Hispanic nation there are the kings of Castile, León, the king of Aragon, the King of Portugal, the King of Navarre, and many dukes and counts. In the Italian nation the king of Sicily, the king of Naples [â¦] all the abovementioned obey the Roman church.55
This passage exists in more than one version and seems to vary by context. The text of the Divisiones in a fifteenth-century manuscript (now in Vienna) states that âthe Latins have an emperor of Germanyâ rather than âa pope and emperor of the Romans.â56
As Arabic-speaking Christians whose liturgical language was Latin, the Iberian Mozarabs fit uneasily into the framework of the Ten Divisions. Presumably the listing of Mozarabs at the end of the Christian nations was intended to include other Arabic-speaking Eastern Christians such as Copts (who are not otherwise mentioned). The presence of Mozarabs in Africa as well as in the Iberian peninsula, signaled at the end of the treatise, appears to distance them from the âHispanic nation,â making them more a people of the past than of the present:
The Mozarabs were once numerous in parts of Africa and Hispania, but now they are few in number. They are called Mozarabs because they observed the habits of Christians in Arab lands in many respects. They use the Latin language in the liturgy and obey the Roman Church and Latin prelates, and they make unleavened hosts like the Latins, but in many things they differ from the Latins, for they have very lengthy hours in the liturgy. While the natural day is divided into twenty-four hours of day and night, they have very many offices or hours, and psalms and hymns, and certain very lengthy prayers that are not said according to the customs of the Latins, for that which the Latins say at the beginning, they say at the end or in the middle. Some divide the sacrament of the Eucharist into seven parts, and others into ten. They are a people very devoted in matrimony, and only marry their own people, and among them a woman who has lost her first husband never marries another, but remains in perpetual chastity. The cause of so much division among Christians was that from ancient times, Christians were constrained and impeded from celebrating general councils, and thus, when heretics arose in various places, there was no one to provide a remedy.57
The reference in the concluding sentence of the treatise to general councils evokes conciliarism, the idea that a general council of the Church has greater authority than the pope. This conviction informed challenges to papal authority during the councils of Constance (1414â18), which ended the Great Western Schism of the Church, and Basel (1437â49), which sought unity between Latin and Greek Christians.58 In the absence of information on the authorship and history of the Ten Divisions, however, direct evidence for a connection with conciliarist writings is lacking. A few anti-papal additions appear in the version of the text published in Northern Europe beginning in 1490 under the title Tractatus de decem nationibus Christianorum.59 One example is the sentence added to the end of the chapter on the Mozarabs, which concludes the entire treatise: âThe second cause was the negligence of the popes, who did not care to send nuncios to Christians who had fallen into error, because if they had done so, many if not all would have returned to the single faith and obedience of the Roman Church.â60 Both versions of the Ten Divisions allude to councils only at the very end of the text, suggesting that the passages were later additions.
A more immediate context for the Tractatus de decem nationibus Christianorum is the late-medieval literature of pilgrimage and travel. Most Northern European prints of the Tractatus incorporate it into an edition of a first-person travel narrative about the Holy Land, the Itinerarius of the Dutch priest Johannes Witte de Hese. Both the narrative and the author of the Itinerarius are fictional, according to the editor of the text, Scott Westrem.61 In addition to the many printed copies preserved in miscellany volumes, the Itinerarius and the Ten Divisions treatise survive in manuscripts of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century, apparently all copied from printed versions.62 The Ten Divisions thus forms part of the extended corpus of descriptions of the Holy Land and represents the late-medieval reception of earlier texts about travels in the East during the Crusades, as well as about pilgrimage.63 Several lines in the description of the Mozarabs at the end of the Ten Divisions quote directly from the corresponding passage in Jacques de Vitryâs Historia orientalis (written between 1216 and 1224), the first part of his Historia Hierosolymitana:
Those Christians who remained in Africa and Hispania among the western Saracens are called Mozarabs; they have Latin letters and use the Latin language in their scriptures, and they obey the holy Roman Church with humility and devotion like other Latins, in no way diverging from the articles of faith or the sacraments. They carry out the sacrament of the altar with unleavened bread like other Latins [Christians]. However, some of them divide the shape of the Eucharist into seven parts, and others into nine parts, while the Roman Church and others subject to it divide the Eucharist into only three portions. But since a division of this kind does not concern the substance of the sacrament, it does not alter or impede the effect of the sacrament.64
The close correspondence between this passage in the Historia orientalis and a manuscript version of the Ten Divisions has been interpreted as evidence for the reading of Jacques de Vitry through the end of the fifteenth century.65 What stands out from the comparison is that the remainder of the paragraph on the Mozarabs in the Divisiones decem nationum is more descriptive than the rather terse corresponding passage in the Historia orientalis. In general, except for the section on the Mozarabs, the Historia orientalis abounds in detail on the religious practices of Eastern Christians, many deemed heterodox because they did not conform to the expectation of Latin Catholics.66 Vitry portrays the Mozarabs as more Western and Latin as well as orthodox.
Stressing both the Mozarabsâ Latinity and their proper place in the Latin church, Jacques de Vitry nevertheless calls attention to their division of the host into seven or nine portions.67 He evidently perceived the need to explain in detail that the Mozarabs resembled other Latin Christians despite living among Saracens. Vitry situates the Mozarabs at a significant juncture in the text between the description of Eastern Christian groups (the Maronites, Armenians, and Georgians) and the immediately following chapter on Jewish sects (such as the Essenes, Sadducees, and Samaritans). With its brief description of the Mozarabs, Jacques de Vitryâs Historia orientalis devotes much more space to the Christian East than does the Divisiones decem nationum. While following Vitry in locating the Mozarabs in Africa as well as in Hispania, and placing them last among all Christian groups, the Ten Divisions still differs from Vitryâs account in the greater emphasis it places on the Mozarabs. Why?
One possible answer might be found in the crusading movement of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, characterized by the violent anti-Muslim sentiment that motivated the Catholic Monarchsâ conquest of Granada in 1492 and the subsequent campaigns in North Africa, including Oran.68 The idea that African Mozarabs were connected to those in Spain would appeal to those who viewed the conquest of North Africa as a victory comparable not only to the capitulation of Granada but also to the Christian conquest of Toledo in 1085. As Jessalyn Bird has pointed out, the Historia orientalis was useful to later readers seeking potential allies against Islam as âthe arena for potential crusades to recover the Holy Land shifted to Armenia, Cyprus, the former Byzantine Empire, Spain, and Africa.â69 Vitryâs text is transmitted in several manuscripts copied in the Iberian peninsula, some of them an abbreviated version of the text in Castilian.70 The Divisiones decem nationum likewise was available in Castile; it was copied in a manuscript compilation from the early sixteenth century that includes various documents related to Ferdinand and Isabellaâs policies after the conquest of Granada, including regulations concerning religious minorities.71
Even more revealing of the reception of the Ten Divisions in the Iberian peninsula is a reference to the paragraph on the Mozarabs in a poem celebrating the 1509 conquest of Oran, the Historias de la Divinal Victoria de Orán by MartÃn de Herrera (1510).72 As in the Ten Divisions, so also in this rhymed chronicle the Mozarabs are identified as the tenth nation among Christians: âThe ten nations of Christians are written here: Latins, Greeks, Georgians, Indians, Syrians, Armenians and Jacobites, Nestorians, Maronites, and Mozarabs are the last nation.â73 Pedro Cátedra, the editor of the text, construes this as a reference to the Castilian translation of the Historia orientalis, but the Ten Divisions treatise was also a likely source.74 The allusion to the ten nations of Christendom implies that a crusade resulting in conquest across the Mediterranean would return the heterodox among the Eastern Christians to the fold of the Roman Church and change the fortunes of Christian minorities in the East. Such an implication would reaffirm the underlying point of the corresponding chapters in Vitryâs Historia orientalis.75
Ferdinand of Aragon and his circle espoused the idea of an anti-Ottoman Crusade resulting in a Mediterranean empire ruled by the king of Spain.76 As we will see in chapter 3, the conquest of Oran was intended as a step towards consolidating that empire. The Historias de la Divinal Victoria de Orán relates the Mozarabs to the Catholic Monarchsâ aspirations after 1492, when the religious landscape of the Iberian peninsula had been fundamentally transformed.
4 Definitions of the Mozarabs after 1492
After the conquest of Nasrid Granada in 1492, the expulsion of Jews, and the forced conversion of Muslims, the term ânew Christiansâ was coined to designate those who had recently converted to Christianity from Judaism (conversos) and Islam (Moriscos).77 Although by definition the Mozarabs were âold Christians,â many writers of the period noted the difference between them and other Castilians. The etymology devised by Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada (mixti arabes), while fanciful, did reflect a historical reality: the Mozarabs had indeed lived among Arabs. The term âMozarabâ was understandably puzzling to early modern commentators ignorant of Arabic, and the language of mixture in Jiménez de Radaâs Latin etymology fed into anxieties that only grew with the emergence of debates about the purity of blood statutes. As Kevin Ingram points out, Toledan humanists had converso backgrounds, as did many of the historians of the periodâincluding most of those whose definitions of the Mozarabs are discussed in this chapter.78 Requiring proof of âpureâ lineage, in some cases going back centuries, was impractical, and many writers contested the statutes for various reasons.79
Debates over limpieza and the Morisco question occurred in parallel with an unprecedented profusion of historical discourse on the Mozarabs.80 The Toledan author of the âfalse chronicles,â Jerónimo Roman de la Higuera (1538â1611), who was probably from a converso background, constructed a Toledan Mozarab ancestry for himself through the writing of history. In the context of Roman de la Higueraâs role in a dispute about the cult of Saint Thyrsus (San Tirso) in Toledo, Katrina Olds has pointed out an âambivalence among early modern Toledans about the long coexistence of the cityâs Christians with predominantly Muslim and Arabic-speaking rulers and neighbors.â81 Olds continues: âSince the Mozarabs no longer seemed to exist as a distinct population, but more as a genealogical construction, retroactively claimed as illustrious ancestors, their identity was a matter of inconclusive discussion.â82
It was against this background of anxiety about bloodlines and awareness of Mozarabic difference that a new etymology of the word âMozarabâ emerged in direct competition with the troubling expression mixti arabes. A series of historical writings published from the 1550s to the early seventeenth century proposed in place of the Latin etymon (or alongside it) a derivation from âMuza Arabe,â the name of a Muslim general. This âArab Muzaâ was MÅ«sa ibn Nusayr, governor of the Maghrib for the Umayyad Caliphate (661â750). Muslim governor of Ifriqiya (Roman Africa), by 709 he had conquered North Africa. His deputy, Tariq, began a successful invasion of the Iberian peninsula in 710, and MÅ«sa ibn Nusayr followed him there in 712. An unknown writer concocted a fanciful narrative in support of this etymology, claiming that MÅ«sa, envious of Tariqâs glory and renown, bargained with the Christian inhabitants of Toledo to call themselves âMozarabsâ in his memory, in exchange for privileges and concessions that surpassed those offered by Tariq. MÅ«saâs envy of Tariq is mentioned in other accounts of the conquest, such as Juan de Marianaâs, but the idea that he inveigled the Toledan Christians to take on his name is particular to the invented etymology.83 The pseudohistorical scenario in which the vanquished Visigoths took the name of a Muslim general in exchange for favors with him maintained a notional separation between Christians and Arabs, sidestepping the worrisome implications of mixture and asserting a purely transactional origin for the Mozarabsâ historical designation. Remarkably, the early modern elaborations of the legend claimed that the Mozarabsâ continuing claims to privilege were based on their negotiation of conditions with a Muslim conqueror.
While some early modern historians upheld the mixti arabes etymology (particularly Juan de Mariana, whose chronicle was widely read in Latin and Castilian), several chroniclers of the early modern period espoused the âMuza Arabeâ etymology. The earliest reference to these two as competing etymologies dates to the 1540s. In his description of the Cathedral of Toledo, published in 1549, Blas Ortiz (1485â1552), a canon of Toledo from the same family as Alfonso Ortiz (who edited the Mozarabic Missal and Breviary), alludes to MÅ«za as âsome leader of the Arabsâ or âI know not what leader of the Arabsâ (nescio quo Arabum duce):
Other Spaniards [Hispani] call them Mixtarabes because they lived thoroughly mixed with Arabs, whence their ecclesiastical rite is called the office of the Mixtarabs. Partly due to the passage of time, and partly corrupted by that hissing of the barbarians, the word degenerated into the one which now is commonly used, Mozarab. A fable arose concerning Muza (I know not what leader of the Arabs), who invented the appellation Mozarab, that rite having been preserved among the enemies due to his favor.84
Tracing the Castilian word mozárabe to an etymon mixtarabes that had been distorted phonetically by the âhissing of the barbarians,â Ortiz seems to describe Muslim speakers of Arabic as deforming the Latinate language of Christians. He contrasts a Latin term purportedly used by the Mozarabs in reference to themselves with one that had changed phonetically when speakers of Arabic referred to Mozarabs. Ortiz dismissed as fiction the story tracing the word âMozarabâ to an Arabic name.
The first reference to the âMuza Arabeâ etymology after Ortizâs dismissive allusion in passing is in the history of Toledo by Pedro de Alcocer, which was first published in 1551 and printed for the second time in Toledo in 1554.85 Alcocer was the first to explain the new etymology in detail in the context of the arrival in Toledo of the âcapitán general de los Morosâ:
Some say that Muça, to undo the memory of Tarif, negotiated with the Christians who remained in Toledo that henceforth they would call themselves Muçarabs, in memory of his name, which was Muça Arabe or Alarabe. And they say that because they did so, he conceded and confirmed all the things that Tarif had granted them, and gave them other special favors and privileges, and then, for this reason, they say that those Christians who were left in the city are called Muçarabs, and not only did they call themselves by this name, but also gave this name to the divine office they observed at that time, and also today. But our chroniclers record the derivation of the name Muçarab otherwise, from mixti arabes, which means mixed with Arabs, which is not as right as the abovementioned one.86
The pointed assertion of one etymology over another, which is diametrically opposed to Blas Ortizâs dismissal of the Muza Arabe etymology in his Toledan publication (printed only a few years before Alcocerâs) suggests a context of debate over the origins of the Mozarabs. But Alcocer does not allude to the mixing of the Toledan Christians with Arabs at all. In Chapter 61 he mentions a different kind of mixing that occurred later in history, namely, the assimilation of the Mozarabs into the general population of Castilians. Here, Alcocer emphasizes the difference between the privileges and exemptions that King Alfonso gave to Christian settlers arriving to populate the newly conquered city and the even greater ones he accorded to the Mozarabs:
He gave great privileges and exemptions to the Christians who came to populate it, as can be seen today in this city, and to those he placed there to guard it, and much greater ones to the Christians called Mozarabs who were there, because they and their predecessors in our holy Catholic faith had always persevered without being corrupted by the sect and the indecent living of the Moors, and their descent has lasted until today in this city, although because of the changes that occurred, some mixed with others, so that this name of Mozarabs is almost entirely gone. [â¦] Those who came to reside in this city after it was conquered were called Castilians, and Mozarabs those who had resided there previously [â¦] And the king, having conquered [the city], elevated himself [â¦] calling himself the Emperor of the Spains [â¦] and he called himself King of the Empire of Toledo, giving it an imperial title, and not only this magnificent king but other kings who succeeded him.87
Alcocerâs account of the Mozarabsâ presence in Toledo simply juxtaposes them with the origin of the cityâs imperial title rather than presenting a causal link between the two. Crucially, however, the narrative connects the ancestral privileges of the Mozarabs with the Castilian crownâs claim to empire.
A generation later, Esteban de Garibay y Zamalloa (1533â1600), librarian and chronicler of Philip II, cited the âMuza Arabeâ etymology in his Los XL libros del compendio historial de las chronicas y uniuersal historia de todos los reynos de España, first published in Antwerp in 1571. Garibayâs account is based on Alcocerâs version, but expresses skepticism that MÅ«sa could have granted such ample privileges to the Mozarabs:
All over the rest of Spain there generally remained Christians who came to be called Mozarabs, which according to the interpretation of some means a people mixed with the Arabs. The interpretation of others is that they were called Mozarabs in memory of Captain Muça, who was Arab, because Muça, as some authors assert, envious of the glory and honor of the conquests of Tarif, agreed with the Christians that, taking his name and homeland, they would be called Muçarabes in his memory, confirming for them all that Tarif had granted, and adding to it so that he granted them greater exemptions than it seems possible for him to have done, greater than Tarif, and thus [they] report that the Mozarabes were named after Muça Arabe, which seems more likely than the first interpretation. The rite which was celebrated among the Mozarabic Christians was the one which at that time was celebrated in all of Spain [â¦] It remains until today in the city of Toledo in the Mozarabic Chapel [â¦] The same office is celebrated today on some particular days of the year in the Toledan parishes mentioned above.88
It is telling that Garibay follows his account of the etymology with the statement that the Mozarabic rite, still celebrated in the Mozarabic Chapel, was observed only âon some particular days of the yearâ in Mozarabic parish churches. Placing the Mozarabic Chapel before the parish churches associated the rite more with the former than with the latter, eliding the four-century exclusion of the Old Hispanic liturgy from the cathedral.
The Muza Arabe etymology was also reported by Eugenio de Robles, Mozarabic chaplain and curate of the Mozarabic Church of San Marcos, who in 1603 published a brief treatise on the Mozarabic rite that formed part of his biography of Cisneros. (For full discussion of the Breve suma, see chapter 5.) Before turning to the main topic, the liturgy of the rite, Robles reviews its historical context, starting with a lengthy passage that elaborates on the name of the Mozarabs and justifies their privileges. The first sentence of the treatise states the mixtiarabe etymology: âThis word Mozarab is corrupted from Mixtiarab, which is the same as saying Christian mixed with Arabsâ (Este vocablo Mozarabe, es corrompido de Mixtiarabe, que es lo mesmo que dezir, Christiano mezclado con Alarabes).89 Robles then somewhat incoherently explains âMixtiarabeâ as reflecting the fact that the Christians were allowed to maintain their characteristic rite. Robles cites Alcocer and Garibay as preferring the Muza Arabe etymology to the mixtiarabe one. He concludes with a reference to the privileges that the Mozarabs received for preserving the Hispanic rite:
And of the Christians who did this heroic deed, there are today descendants in some parts of the Archdiocese of Toledo, who boast of being [descendants], and with ample justification: and they have very great privileges from popes and kings of Spain, which they were granted for their great devotion and particular affection towards this rite, for having been its conservators.90
While Alcocer and Garibay mentioned the privileges and exemptions granted to the Mozarabs, Robles goes even further by describing the Mozarabs as showing off their special status. The allusion to papal privileges presumably means papal approval for Cisnerosâs endowment of the Mozarabic liturgy celebrated in the cathedralâs chapel rather than privileges granted to the medieval Mozarabs.
The emphasis of Toledan writers on the Mozarabsâ special privileges and nobility is also evident with a contemporary of Eugenio de Robles, the Toledan historian Francisco de Pisa (1534â1616), whose monumental Descripción de la Imperial ciudad de Toledo (1605) relates the Muza Arabe etymology, preferring it to the mixti arabes one put forward by Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada. Pisa remarks:
And some lineages of those same Christians of that time, continuing from generation to generation, have remained up to our times, and residents of Toledo [â¦] who consider themselves to descend in nobility from those ancient Christians who had such constancy of faith. The Kings of Spain have granted those descendants of the Mozarabs many privileges and exemptions of which there are copies in the archives of this city, which are still preserved today and have been put to use; conflicting judgments have been resolved and enforced in their favor many times.91
Pisa obliquely mentions the legal challenges to the exemptions of the Mozarabs, and the documents of their privileges. As seen earlier, such lawsuits continued in the eighteenth century.
Court cases challenging exemptions based on asserted nobility were ubiquitous in early modern Castile.92 Francisco de Pisa wrote his Descripción in a period when many commoners purchased patents of nobilityâhidalguÃasâthat offered higher status and the possibility of holding desirable government positions.93 A major advantage of hidalguÃa was exemption from taxation, but this privilege met with resistance. If a town council seeking to collect taxes challenged a manâs claim to noble status, the professed hidalgo had to prove that at least his father and grandfather were also hidalgos.94 A noble title was not enough; noble lineage was also required. In the sixteenth century, the concept of nobility in Spain bifurcated into nobility of blood (nobleza de sangre), which was inherent, and nobility of privilege (nobleza de privilegio), which could be acquired by favor or purchase. According to José MartÃnez Millán, while the notion of inherited nobility transmitted through purity of blood came to the fore in the early sixteenth century, it was during the reign of Philip II (1556â98) that the quality of limpieza definitively converged with that of nobleza.95
At a time when the noble status of the modern Mozarabs was under legal scrutiny because of their privileges and tax exemptions, the definition of âMozarabsâ as âmixed with Arabsâ suggested irregular lineage and impure blood. The Muza Arabe legend, clearly fictional, nevertheless found favor because it conjured up a past in which the Mozarabs remained a group apart, obtaining their privileges through negotiation with the enemy. According to this etymology, the ancestral privileges of the Mozarabs went back to the beginning of Muslim rule, thus dating to centuries before the privileges that were granted by Alfonso VI after 1085.
Although the Muza Arabe etymology was cited by writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and even later, several historians held out for the mixti arabes etymon. The chronicler Juan de Mariana stated that âthose who were subject to the Moors, and mixed with them, then began to be called Mixti Arabes, meaning mixed Arabs. Later, the word changed somewhat and they were called Mozarabs.â96 Like Pedro de Alcocer nearly half a century earlier, Mariana follows his description of the Mozarabs with an evocation of the Spanish Empire, which was consolidating its global reach. Mariana describes the rebirth of Spain as a phoenix from the ashes of the Gothic kingdom:
From the ashes and burial of that nation was born and arose a new and holy Spain, with greater force and dominion than before, a refuge in this time, shelter and pillar of the Catholic religion. Spain, composed of all its parts [regions] like limbs, able to extend its vast empire, and extend it, as we see it today, to the furthest confines of the East and West.97
Portraying the fortunes of Christians in the peninsula as a sacred narrative in which the triumph of the Spanish Empire was a sign of redemption for the sins committed by the last Visigothic ruler, Mariana considered the Muslim conquest fitting punishment.98 The medieval Mozarabs, whom he characterized as âmixed Arabs,â were part of this divine plan.
The logical extension of Marianaâs interpretation was an image of the Mozarabs as both morally and ethnically compromised by their blending with their Muslim rulers. Such a conviction is expressed in a treatise that has been attributed, variously, to Juan de Mariana and to the renowned Dominican preacher AgustÃn Salucio y Adorno (1523â1601).99 The title of the treatiseâThe Origin of Those Peasants Who Call Themselves Old Christiansâsituates it squarely in the context of debates over the purity of blood statutes. Stating that the Mozarabs self-indulgently elected to collaborate with the Muslim rulers, the author calls them
metrarabes or Mozarabs, which means metis, titles of renown remembering them perpetually in infamy for exhibiting the voluntary subjection they offered to the Arabs [â¦] the Moors who held them in low esteem and considered them base and evil, like men who had subjected themselves to infidels, valuing more greatly their possessions than the defense of their religion.100
This passage portrays the Mozarabs as betraying their faith and debasing themselves by willfully remaining subjects of Muslim rule. In this Christian reading, the compromise inherent in the principle of âconvenienceââthe arrangement underlying the dhimmaâwas construed as a failure to make war. While the word metis is not attested before this text (and thus its meaning here is not certain), it clearly has negative connotations, evoking the word mestizo that described persons of mixed ethnicity in the Atlantic colonies. Like Francisco de Pisaâs Descripción, the treatise Del origen de los villanos emphasizes nobility, but attributes hidalguÃa to the Christian conquerors of the peninsula rather than to the Mozarabs. The author construes the contemporary Mozarabsâ claims of nobility as a cover for the hazy origins of those who do not know whether their ancestry is Christian or whether they are the descendants of converts. These âvillanosâ are likened to foundlings left in front of a church door who could not prove their purity of blood because they did not know their parentage.101 The author concludes that
those peasants who today in Spain boastfully call themselves Old Christians descend either from the Moors and Jews who were tributaries of Christians, or from the Mozarabs and Marranos [â¦] and there being only these two origins, when they donât know which one is their lineage, the fog of their former peasant status hidden, the infinity of those who come from the other origin, from Moors and Jews, who remain among us [â¦] is a much greater number than of the Mozarabs who remained in the end; no one can doubt that those who remain from the former group are more numerous than those from the latter.102
The author forcefully questions the presupposition that commoners who claimed âOld Christianâ lineage were actually descended from the Mozarabs, casting doubt on the Toledan Mozarabsâ claims of Visigothic ancestry. âMarranos,â paired here with the Mozarabs, refers to converts from Judaism and typically describes crypto-Jews who maintained Jewish religious customs in secret.103 Judaizing Christians were at a disadvantage because of their position in the gray area between two religious communities; they were not accepted by Jews (who considered them apostates), nor were they Christian enough to escape inquisitorial persecution.104 By associating the Mozarabs with the Marranos, the author appears to suggest that they are alike, neither of them truly Christian, taking to its logical extreme the idea that the name of the Mozarabs meant they were âmixed with Arabs.â
The Arabicity of the medieval Mozarabs, although a historical fact, was not acknowledged in definitions of their name until quite late in the long trajectory outlined by this chapter. The belatedness of the Arabic etymology of âMozarabâ can be seen as a direct result of the historical circumstances in which Arabic philology established itself as a discipline in the early modern Iberian peninsula.105 Expertise in Arabic developed pragmatically in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in response to the exigencies of dominion and trade in Spainâs growing Mediterranean empire, as well as to the Inquisitionâs need for translators.106 A scholarly understanding of the language was required to decipher the theological writings that were discovered over several years beginning in 1588 in a cave in the hills of Sacromonte outside Granada, many of them on lead tablets.107 Claimed by their Morisco translators as the writings of early Arabophone Christians, these texts constituted the turning point in the transformation of Granada into a Christian city, even though they were later revealed to be forgeries that were probably composed by their translators.108 Notwithstanding the debunking of the Sacromonte forgeries, the controversial theory that Christians in Granada in the early centuries of the common era wrote in Arabic had the ultimate effect of âde-Islamizingâ the language.109
It is not happenstance, therefore, that etymologies deriving the word âMozarabâ from the Arabic finally appeared in the same period as the discoveries at Sacromonte. The first dictionary of the Castilian language, published by Sebastián de Covarrubias in 1611, tells the story of the Mozarabs and their liturgy, and explains their names as indicating that they lived mixed âamong the Moorsâ and that the word gradually mutated from Mixtiarabes to Mozarabs. Covarrubias dismisses the Muza Arabe etymology as âfoolish.â110 He reports the derivation of âMozarabicâ from mustarabi, proposed by the sixteenth-century Arabist Francisco López Tamarid, who had claimed that the Mozarabic mass was celebrated âmixed, in Arabicâ in Toledo.111 Following Covarrubias, Bernardo de Aldrete asserts the Arabic etymology, translating âMozarabicâ as âArabic by accident.â112 These interpretations renewed the association of the Mozarabs with the Arabic language.
5 The âMozarabic Questionâ
Besides mudejars and Mozarabs, the other peninsular group closely associated with Arabic were the Moriscos.113 Whereas the comparison of Mozarabs to Moriscos may seem counterintuitive, the suspicions of apostasy that hovered over Moriscos in the sixteenth century contributed to a climate in which knowledge of Arabic was suspect.114 Even once the linguistic differentiation of Mozarabs from other Christians and their historical association with Muslims had become distant memories, the Castilian Mozarabs were perceived as inextricably associated with Arabs, whether by juxtaposition or by âmixture.â The tenacity with which early modern writers insisted on the Arabism of the Mozarabs may form part of the cultural tendency known as maurophilia, a taste for all things âMoorish.â Spaniards were fascinated by the non-Christian Other, creating an objectification of âMoorsâ that colored popular culture and made Spain what Barbara Fuchs calls an âexotic nation.â115 Acute interest in socioreligious difference (and, albeit only secondarily, of ethnic diversity) was a constitutive element of early modern culture. The concomitant emphasis on the identity and descent of the Toledan Mozarabs, who were apparently not culturally different from other Castilians, suggests a degree of curiosity along the lines of the maurophilia that pervaded early modern Spain.
The idea of âmixing,â expressed by the asserted etymon mixti arabes for the word âMozarab,â endowed the Toledan Mozarabic community with a historically ambiguous otherness that was not recognizable as hybridity or as an early modern form of métissage, but was something still more difficult to classify. Neither Arab nor Muslim, they were clearly perceived as different from other Christian Castilians in a way that went beyond language and tradition. The very existence of the Mozarabs was a stimulus to the recounting of their history, because in the early modern period their former Arabizing was increasingly perceived as going against the grain of Christian identity. While characterized by historians as a continuously Christian population descending from the Visigoths, they were also classified as a separate group; they were not exactly a religious minority, nor a separate church, but somehow, at least in ecclesiastical terms, a nation (natio) of their ownâhence Jacques de Vitryâs emphasis on the orthodoxy of the Mozarabs despite contrasts between their customs and those of other Christians.
The early modern desire to define the Mozarabs may also shed light on the alignment of religion in the early modern Iberian peninsula with an emerging category of race. The tendency of Christian writers to dwell on the definition of the name âMozarabâ and to recount their history before 1085 suggests anxiety about the connotations of mixture and hybridity embedded in the designation. In Geraldine Hengâs formulation, race functions primarily as a category for describing difference, âa structural relationship for the articulation and management of human differences, rather than a substantive content.â116 Iberian notions of raza emerging in the early modern period might illuminate the manipulation and avoidance of ideas about mixture seen in the definitions of Mozarabs.
Definitions of the Mozarabs reflect a generalized awareness that the Christians of the peninsula were, in effect, a population of the kind that today would be described as an âethno-religious group.â The medieval communities of Mozarabs were disparate, and the challenges of defining them have yielded reductive interpretations. In the nineteenth century, the Romantic nationalist approach of Francisco Javier Simonet (1829â1897), who described Mozarabs as a heroic, oppressed minority, asserted the fantasy of a timeless Spanish national identity maintained unchangeably throughout the centuries of Muslim rule.117 Simonetâs nostalgic vision established for subsequent generations a variant on the early modern notion that the Mozarabs embodied the continuity of Iberian Christianity from the Visigoths.
The Mozarabs stand at the intersection of major junctures in the historiography of the Iberian peninsula. As Cyrille Aillet points out, the âMozarabic questionâ is crucial to any consideration of Muslim-Christian relations in the peninsula before the twelfth century; the history of the Mozarabs illustrates the genesis of an Islamic society and the spread of Umayyad-Arab culture to Christian populations in Al-Andalus.118 The history of the Iberian peninsula contradicts reductive constructions of medieval âSpainâ as a European entity (a category understood as largely Christian) or as a juxtaposition of the Andalusian South with a Christian North.119 Taking the vicissitudes of the Mozarabs into account also confounds perceptions of Christian Spain as a monolithic culture and society that was related to North Africa only through violent conquest (as in the ongoing crusading movement of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries). The Mozarabs in Africa were mentioned by Jacques de Vitry as those in âthe Westâ along with the Hispanic ones; and those in the Near East invoked by the Ten Divisions treatise were linked by their Arabic language and culture to those denizens of medieval Toledo also known as Mozarabs. After 1500 the identity of the Mozarabs as a group became increasingly hazy, perhaps as a consequence of sharpened confessional boundaries that generated ever greater scrutiny of those who claimed the Christian faith as their birthright. In retrospect, changes after 1500 in the perception of Mozarabs appear to be direct consequences of the actions undertaken by Cisneros to promote the legacy of the Mozarabs.
The construction of Mozarabic identity through definition, in the discursive space of language, fostered the remembrance of the Mozarabsâ long-past Arabizing. In the early modern period, the idea of the Mozarab took on its own idiosyncratic reality and generative power as an intellectual construct underlying ways of writing Iberian history. Mozarabic definitions invented history through etymology. False etymologies gave rise to questionable histories. Along the same lines, as Seth Kimmel has demonstrated, early modern discourse on the Morisco question effectively staged disputes about the âreinvention of scholarly practices.â If the âfigure of the Morisco remained a tool of imperial self-examination,â120 then did the figure of the Mozarab become a tool of imperial reification? As Arabic-speaking Christians, the medieval Mozarabs of Toledo are sometimes grouped (by modern as well as by medieval writers) with the Arabophone Christians of the Middle East. In the sixteenth century, the ongoing campaign to convert the Muslims in North Africa and the Ottoman Empire conceptually linked the Mozarabs of Toledo to their counterparts overseas. When Cisneros chose the conquest of Oran as a subject for the decoration of the Mozarabic Chapel, he may have perceived a connection between the Mozarabic community of Toledo living under Muslim rule before 1085 and the Arabized Christians of Syria, Palestine, and North Africa.121 In chapter 3, I turn to the process by which the Mozarabic rite became entangled in the memorializing of the conquest of Oran, one of the North African campaigns that advanced the aspiration of Ferdinand of Aragon for universal empire.122
Appendix B: Timeline and Summary of Mozarabic Definitions
(For translations, see above.)
Mixtiarabes
1209â47: Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, Historia de rebus Hispanie siue Historia Gothica, 107
mixti arabibus conuiuebant > mixtiarabes
Et isti dicti sunt Mixti Arabes, eo quod mixti Arabibus conuiuebant, quorum hodie apud nos nomen perseuerat et genus.
1500: Alfonso Ortiz, Preface to the Missale mixtum
inter Arabes degentes > Mozarabes
Quo fit ut habitantibus Christianis Toleti inter Arabes eius urbis imperio potitos nomen Mozarabes inductum hucusque permanserit, ut opinor dicti sunt Mozarabes, hoc est inter Arabes degentes.
1549: Blas Ortiz, Summi templi Toletani, fol. 96v
cum Arabibus permixtim viuerent > Mixtarabes
[â¦] a reliquis Hispanis Mixtarabes, quod cum Arabibus permixtim viuerent, dicti sunt. Unde illorum ritus ecclesiasticus officium Mixtarabum nuncupatus. Quae vox tum temporis diuturnitate, tum stridula ipsa Barbarorum pronunciatione corrupta in eam degenerauit, qua nunc vulgus utitur Mozarabe. Unde nimirum fabula orta de Muza nescio quo Arabum duce, cuius videlicet beneficio, is ritus inter hostes seruatus, Muzarabis appellationem inuenerit. Verum hoc sane commentum, cum nullo quidem testimonio dumtaxat idoneo nititur, tumquam attulimus opinio receptÄ fidei historicorum autoritate fulcitur, et vetustissimorum etiam monumentorum documento.
1569: Gómez de Castro, De rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio Cisnerio Archiepiscopo Toletano, fol. 41
arabibus permisti viuerent > Mistarabes
Ergo eiusmodi homines quod arabibus permisti viuerent, Mistarabes appellati sunt, & illorum ecclesiasticus ritus, officium Mistarabum.
1601: Juan de Mariana, Historia general de España, 414
mezclados con ellos > Mixti Arabes
Los que estauan sugetos a los Moros, y mezclados con ellos, entonces se començaron a llamar Mixti Arabes, es a saber, mezclados Arabes: despues mudada algun tanto la palabra, los mismos se llamaron Mozarabes.
1603: Eugenio de Robles, Breve suma, 1
Christiano mezclado con Alarabes > Mixtiarabe > Mozarabe
Este vocablo Mozarabe, es corrompido de Mixtiarabe, que es lo mesmo que dezir, Christiano mezclado con Alarabes.
1611: Sebastián de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o Española, fol. 557v
mezclados entre los moros > Mixtiarabes > Mozarabes
[â¦] como estos tales Christianos estuviessen mezclados entre los moros, llamaronlos Mixtiarabes, eo quod cum Arabibus viverent. Despues de recobrada la ciudad de Toledo de los moros se continuò, y conservò la memoria destos Mixtiarabes, corrompido el vocablo en Mozarabes [â¦]
Muza (or Musa) Arabe
1549: Blas Ortiz, Summi templi Toletani, fol. 96v
Unde nimirum fabula orta de Muza nescio quo Arabum duce, cuius videlicet beneficio, is ritus inter hostes seruatus, Muzarabis appellationem inuenerit.
1551/1554: Pedro de Alcocer, Hystoria o Descripción de la imperial cibdad de Toledo, adonde se tocan y refieren muchas antigüedades y cosas notables de la Historia general de España, cap. 43, fol. 39r
Segun dizen algunos Muça, por deshazer la memoria de Tarif, tratò con los Christianos que quedaron en Toledo, que dende en adelante se llamassen Muçaraues, en memoria de su nombre, que era Muça Arabe o Alarabe.
1571: Esteban de Garibay y Zamalloa, Los XL libros dâel compendio historial de las chronicas y vniuersal historia de todos los reynos de España, lib. 8, cap. 49, 381
Segun otros lo interpretan, fueron dichos Muçarabes, en memoria dâel capitan Muça, que era Arabe, por que Muça, segun quieron algunos auctores, con embidia de la gloria y honra de las conquistas de Tarif, dizen, que concertò con los Christianos, que tomando su nombre y patria, se llamassen Muçaraues, para futura memoria suya.
1605: Francisco de Pisa, Descripción de la Imperial ciudad de Toledo, y historia de sus antigüedades y grandeza, y cosas memorables que en ella han acontecido, de los Reyes que la han señoreado [â¦] primera parte, lib. 2, cap. 36, 125
El mismo Muza, por deshacer la memoria de Tarif, hizo concierto con los Christianos que avian quedado en Toledo, que desde en adelante tomassen por apellido llamarse Muzarabes, en memoria de su nombre, que era Muza Arabe, o Alarabe.
1611: Sebastián de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o Española, fol. 557v
Que se aya dicho de Muza Arabe Capitan de Alif tienese por disparate.
Mustâarab or Mustâarib (While Acknowledging Other Etymologies)
1611: Sebastián de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o Española, fol. 557v
Tamarid dize assi: Mozarabe Missa en Toledo dicta a mixtis Arabibus, vel a Mustarabi, quod Latine sonat Arabice, eo quod mixta Arabice Missa Toleti celebrabatur.
1614: Bernardo de Aldrete, Varias antigüedades de España, Ãfrica y otras provincias, 433
El nombre de Mozarabe no vino del origen que algunos le dan, quasi Misti Arabes, sino de Musta arabi [â¦] arábigo por accidente.
1862: Antonio MartÃn Gamero, Historia de la ciudad de Toledo, sus claros varones y monumentos, 661
Salga la voz mozárabe del participio MOSTARAB, que dicen significa arabizado, como determinando la manera de vasallaje que los cristianos rendian bajo la dominacion mahometana, o provenga de MUCTAARAB, vocablo con que se indica al que sin ser originariamente arabe, habla bien y usa de ordinario la lengua arábiga.
[H]abitantibus Christianis Toleti inter Arabes [â¦] nomen Mozarabes inductus hucusque permanserit: ut opinor, dicti sunt Mozarabes, hoc est, inter Arabes degentes.
Alvar Gómez de Castro, De rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio Cisnerio archiepiscopo Toletano (Complutum: Andream de Angulo, 1569), fol. 41râv: sui cuique Mozarabes, illorumque posteri, vbi vbi illos intra extraue vrbem in agro Toletano morari contingeret, immunitatibus, & priuilegijs non vulgaribus concessis pro parrochianis & tribulibus assignati fuerunt.
Linda Martz and Julio Porres, Toledo y los toledanos en 1561 (Toledo: Diputación Provincial, 1974), 49â50. The census identifies as Mozarabs some residents of the parish of San Pedro, which was not Mozarabic; see Richard Hitchcock, Mozarabs in Medieval and Early Modern Spain: Identities and Influences (Farnham: Ashgate, 2008), 113.
Moreno, âArabicizing, Privileges, and Liturgy in Medieval Castilian Toledo: The Problems and Mutations of Mozarab Identification (1085â1436)â (PhD diss., UCLA, 2012), 81â82.
A review of most of the cases concerning such disputes up to the middle of the eighteenth century was published in the Memorial ajustado, de el pleyto, que pende en el Real Consejo de la Camara, entre el capellan mayor, y capellanes de la Real Capilla de los Señores Reyes Nuevos de la Ciudad de Toledo y el Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo de el Escorial con la capilla de Corpus-Christi [â¦] sobre observancia de privilegios concedidos à los muzarabes, su impression, y otras cosas (Toledo: [s.n., 1753]).
Justicia evidente de las Parroquias Muzarabes de Toledo, en el pleyto pendiente en la Camara en grado de Revista, con la Capilla de Señores Reyes Nuevos de la misma Ciudad, sobre la immemorial costumbre de no pagar Tercias, de los Diezmos de sus Feligreses habitantes en qualquier Lugar del Arzobispado (Toledo: [s.n., 1760]), 2: continuaron, sin que haya cosa en contrario, assi en el uso de sus Ritos diversos, como en la percepcion integra de sus Diezmos. Hasta que en los años de 1498 y 499 se excitaron algunas controversias sobre la pertenencia de los Diezmos Muzarabes (they continued unopposed to observe their various rites, and to receive their full tithes, until in 1498â99 controversies arose concerning the proper recipients of the Mozarabic tithes).
Alegato presentado en el Real Supremo Consejo de la Cámara, en defensa de la Congregación de curas y Beneficiados de las Parroquiales Muzaraves de la Ciudad de Toledo en el pleyto que contra ellas siguen la Real Capilla de los Señores Reyes nuevos de dicha Ciudad y el Real Monasterio del Escorial [â¦] sobre si a la dicha Real Capilla tocan y pertenecen los dos Novenos que pretende de los Diezmos que causan los Parroquianos Muzaraves (Toledo: [s.n., 1748]), 7.
Pedro Camino y Velasco, Noticia historico-chronologica de los privilegios de las nobles familias de los mozarabes de la imperial ciudad de Toledo (Toledo: s.n., 1740), unpaginated. Another text Camino wrote in defense of the Mozarabsâ privileges remains unpublished: Pedro Camino y Velasco, âDefensa de los privilegios de los nobles mozárabes de Toledo contra el escrito de D. Juan de Huarte, abogado de los reales consejos,â Madrid, BNE, MS 13059, fols 208râ223v.
Camino y Velasco, Noticia, unpaginated: el que no siendo Arabe genuino, esto es natural de la Arabia, sino de otre diferente Nacion, vive entre los Arabes nativos, sugeto a su dominio, y leyes.
Juan de Mariana, Historiae de rebus Hispaniae Libri XX (Toledo: Typis Petri Roderici, 1592), 247.
For a recent survey of neo-Gothicism in medieval texts see Iván Pérez Marinas, âRegnum Gothorum and Regnum Hispaniae in Medieval Spanish Christian Chronicles: Continuation, End, or Translation in Their Accounts of the Arab Conquest,â in Ideology in the Middle Ages: Approaches from Southwestern Europe, ed. Flocel Sabaté (Amsterdam: ARC/Amsterdam University Press, 2019), 127â74.
Michael Agnew, âCrafting Past and Present: The Figure of the Historian in Fifteenth-Century Castileâ (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2000), 12â13, 204, 275; Barbara F. Weissberger, Isabel Rules: Constructing Queenship, Wielding Power (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), 97â100.
Miquel S. Gros I Pujol, âLes six paroisses mozarabes de Tolède,â Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 232 (2015): 387â94.
On this subject see most recently Christian SaÃenscheidt, âDas âMozarabischeâ an den mozarabischen Pfarrgemeinden Toledos. Ein prosopographischer Zugriff auf den Toledaner Klerus (12.â13. Jahrhundert),â in Von Mozarabern zu Mozarabismen: Zur Vielfalt kultureller Ordnungen auf der mittelalterlichen Iberischen Halbinsel, ed. Matthias Maser, Klaus Herbers, Michele C. Ferrari, and Hartmut Bobzin, Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft 41 (Münster: Aschendorff, 2014), 105â122.
Howard Delgin Miller, âThe Mozarabs,â in The Literature of al-Andalus, ed. MarÃa Rosa Menocal, Raymond P. Scheindlin, and Michael Sells, The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 417â34, at 418.
Cyrille Aillet, Les mozarabes: Christianisme, islamisation et arabisation en péninsule ibérique (IXeâXIIe siècle), Bibliothèque de la Casa de Velázquez 45 (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2010); Jean-Pierre Molénat, Campagnes et monts de Tolède du XII au XV siècle, Collection de la Casa de Velázquez 63 (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 1997), 25â53.
Cyrille Aillet, âLa question âmozarabeâ: Bilan historiographique et nouvelles approches,â in Al-Andalus/España. HistoriografÃas en contraste: Siglos XVIIâXXI, ed. Manuela MarÃn (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2009), 295â323, at 298. The term reconquista comes from the nineteenth century; see MartÃn F. RÃos Saloma, La Reconquista: Una construcción historiográfica (siglos XVIâXIX) (Madrid: Marcial Pons / Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 2011), 30.
Aaron Moreno, âArabicizing,â 3; Yasmine Beale-Rivaya, âThe History and Evolution of the Term âMozarab,ââ¯â Imago Temporis. Medium Aevum 4 (2010): 55â56.
Janina M. Safran, Defining Boundaries in Al-Andalus: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Islamic Iberia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012), 10; Cyrille Aillet, âLa construction des frontières interconfessionnelles: Le cas des chrétiens dâal-Andalus dans les sources juridiques (iie/viiieâvie/xiie s.),â in The Legal Status of DimmÄ«s in the Islamic West: Second/Eighth-Ninth/Fifteenth Centuries, ed. Maribel Fierro and John Tolan, Religion and Law in Medieval Christian and Muslim Societies 1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013), 167â98.
Dominique Urvoy notes that the etymon mixtiarabes, which has several Romance derivatives, was not used by Hispano-Arabic writers in Al-Andalus; see Dominique Urvoy, âLes aspects symboliques du vocable âmozarabeâ: Essai de réinterprétation,â Studia islamica 78 (1993): 117â53, at 120â21.
Roderici Ximenii de Rada Historia de rebus Hispanie siue Historia Gothica, ed. Juan Fernández Valverde, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaeualis 72 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1987), 107: Et isti dicti sunt Mixti Arabes, eo quod mixti Arabibus conuiuebant, quorum hodie apud nos nomen perseuerat et genus.
Aillet, Les mozarabes, 2.
Alvar Gómez de Castro, De rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio Cisnerio archiepiscopo Toletano (Complutum: Alcalá, 1569), fol. 41: Ergo eiusmodi homines quod arabibus permisti viuerent, Mistarabes appellati sunt, & illorum ecclesiasticus ritus, officium Mistarabum. On this biography, see chapters 1 and 3.
For an overview see Beale-Rivaya, âThe History and Evolution,â 51â71.
See, for example, Cecily Hilsdale, âTowards a Social History of Art: Defining âMozarabic,ââ¯â Medieval Encounters: Jewish, Christian and Muslim Culture in Confluence and Dialogue 5, no. 3 (1999): 272â89.
Mònica Colominas Aparicio, The Religious Polemics of the Muslims of Late Medieval Christian Iberia: Identity and Religious Authority in Mudejar Islam, The Medieval and Early Modern Iberian World 64 (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1â2.
Miller, âThe Mozarabs,â 417 and 419, characterizes the identity of the Mozarabs as hybrid and polymorphous.
MarÃa Rosa Menocal, The Ornament of the World: How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain (Boston: Little, Brown, 2002). For reevaluations of Menocalâs legacy in medieval Iberian studies see the articles in âShards of Memory: Reflections on the Legacy of MarÃa Rosa Menocal (1953â2012),â special issue, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 5 (2013): 105â44.
Lucy K. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence: Archbishop Rodrigo and the Muslims and Jews of Medieval Spain (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2004), 1.
Brian A. Catlos, Muslims of Medieval Latin Christendom, c.1050â1614 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 522â25.
As noted by Barbara Fuchs, âhybridityâa concept developed in postcolonial studies but eminently suited to a wide range of frontier societiesâmay best describe much of Iberian culture in the later medieval and early modern period.â Exotic Nation: Maurophilia and the Construction of Early Modern Spain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 2. On the representation of hybridity see particularly Ana L. Méndez-Oliver, âFrontier Identities and Migrating Souls: Reconceptualizing New Religious and Cultural Imaginaries in the Iberian Worldsâ (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2017).
On limpieza de sangre see MarÃa Elena MartÃnez, Genealogical Fictions: Limpieza de Sangre, Religion, and Gender in Colonial Mexico (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008), 25â87; Albert A. Sicroff, Los estatutos de limpieza de sangre: Controversias entre los siglos XV y XVII (1985; repr. Newark, DE: Juan de la Cuesta, 2010).
For Toledo see Linda Martz, âPure Blood Statutes in Sixteenth Century Toledo: Implementation as Opposed to Adoption,â Sefarad 54 (1994): 83â107.
MartÃnez, Genealogical Fictions, 29â30.
Richard Hitchcock, Mozarabs in Medieval and Early Modern Spain, 118; âMozarabs and Moriscos: Two Marginalized Communities,â 179.
Marie-Thérèse Urvoy, ed., Le psautier de Hafs le Goth (Toulouse: Presses Universitaires du Mirail, 1994); Philippe Roisse, âCélébrait-on les offices liturgiques en arabe dans lâOccident musulman? Ãtude, édition et traduction dâun Capitulare Evangeliorum arabe (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Cod. Aumer 238),â in Existe una identidad mozárabe? Historia, lengua y cultura de los cristianos de al-Andalus (siglos IXâXII), ed. Cyrille Aillet, Mayte Penedas, and Philippe Roisse, Collection de la Casa de Velázquez 101 (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2008), 211â53.
See Cyrille Aillet, âExiste-t-il une liturgie âmozarabeâ?,â Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 232 (2015): 377â86; Jason Busic, âA Clear Book, â®
On the Mozarabs of Toledo in this context see Thomas E. Burman, Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabs, c.1050â1200 (Leiden, New York, and Cologne: E.J. Brill, 1994); Jason Busic, âChristian Theology in Arabic and the Mozarabs of Medieval Toledo: Primary Texts, Main Themes, and Potential Problems,â in A Companion to Medieval Toledo: Reconsidering the Canons, ed. Yasmine Beale-Rivaya and Jason Busic, Brillâs Companions to European History 16 (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 140â63; Daniel Potthast, Christen und Muslime im Andalus: Andalusische Christen und ihre Literatur nach religionspolemischen Texten des zehnten bis zwölften Jahrhunderts, Diskurse der Arabistik 19 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2013), 470â85.
Yasmine Beale-Rivaya, âShared Legal Spaces in the Arabic Language Notarial Documents of Toledo,â in Beale-Rivaya and Busic, A Companion to Medieval Toledo, 221â37; and Patrick Harris, âPrestige to Power: Toledoâs Cathedral Chapter and Assimilated Identity,â in Beale-Rivaya and Busic, A Companion to Medieval Toledo, 33â58.
Angel González Palencia, Los mozárabes de Toledo en los siglos XII y XIII, 4 vols (Madrid: Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan, 1926â30).
Howard Delgin Miller, âAccording to Christian Sunna: Mozarabic Notarial Culture in Toledo, 1085â1300â (PhD diss., Yale University, 2003).
Miller, âAccording to Christian Sunna,â 118â261.
Diego Adrián Olstein, La era mozárabe: Los mozárabes de Toledo (siglos XII y XIII) en la historiografÃa, las fuentes y la historia (Salamanca: University of Salamanca, 2006).
Moreno, âArabicizing.â For the description of Morenoâs corpus see ibid., 12â14.
Jean-Pierre Molénat, âLâanthroponymie des chrétiens arabisés de la péninsule Ibérique médiévale: Le double nom des âmozarabes,â IXeâXIIIe siècles,â Hamsa: Journal of Judaic and Islamic Studies 3 (2016â17): 78â90, at 87â88; Aaron Michael Moreno, âWhatâs in a Name or Signature? The Anthroponymy, Autography, and Communal Identification of Christian Communities in Early Castilian Toledo and Norman Sicily,â Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 4, no. 2 (2012): 141â65.
Moreno, âArabicizing,â 110.
Ruth Miguel-Franco, âLa recepción de la documentación árabe en los cartularios del Archivo Capitular de Toledo: Traducciones y adaptaciones de cartas árabes entre el latÃn y el romance,â Al-Qaná¹ara 43, no. 1 (2022): e10.
Francisco Hernández, âLanguage and Cultural Identity: The Mozarabs of Toledo,â BoletÃn Burriel 1 (1989): 29â51; Yasmin Beale-Rivaya, âThe Written Record as Witness: Language Shift from Arabic to Romance in the Documents of the Mozarabs of Toledo in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,â La Corónica 40 (2012): 27â50.
Raquel Rojo Carrillo, âOld Hispanic Chant Manuscripts of Toledo: Testimonies of a Local or of a Wider Tradition?,â in Beale-Rivaya and Busic, A Companion to Medieval Toledo, 97â139.
For more discussion of this subject see chapter 1.
Alain Rauwel, âConcurrence des rites et jugement de Dieu: Une origine espagnole?,â Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 232 (2015): 371â76.
The Incunabula Short Title Catalogue lists twenty-six editions, and several more are included in compilations under other titles.
For a brief discussion of these Christian minorities see Brian A. Catlos, âEthno-Religious Minorities,â in A Companion to Mediterranean History, ed. Peregrine Horden and Sharon Kinoshita, Wiley Blackwell Companions to World History (West Sussex: John Wiley and Sons, 2014), 359â77, at 366.
Divisiones decem (Rome, n.d.), [unpaginated] 1: Notandum quod gentes christianorum diuiduntur in decem nationes: videlicet Latinos, Grecos, Indos, Jacobitas, Nestorianos, Moronitas, Armenos, Georgianos, Surianos, et Mozarabes [âMozorabesâ in some editions].
Divisiones decem, 1: Prima natio: Latini habent papam et imperatorem Romanorum pro superioribus et reges multos; videlicet regem francie in natione gallicana et multos duces et comites. In natione hyspanica sunt reges Castelle, Legionis, rex Aragonie, rex portugallie, rex Navarre, ac multi duces et comites. In natione italica rex Sicilie, rex Neapolitanus [â¦] omnes predicti sunt obedientes ecclesie Romane.
Vienna, Ãsterreichische Nationalibibliothek, Cod. 4758, fol. 146v: Latini habent imperatorem alemanie.
Divisiones decem, 6â7: Mozarabes hii olim fuerunt multi numero in partibus Africe et Hyspanie, sed modo sunt pauci. Sunt enim dicti mozarabes quia modos christianorum de Arabica in multis tenebant. Isti utuntur in diuinis officiis lingua latina et obediunt romane ecclesie et prelatis latinorum et conficiunt in azimo ut latini; sed in multis discrepant a latinis, quia in diuinis officiis habent horas valde prolixas, quia cum dies naturalis diuiditur in vigintiquator horas diei et noctis tot officia habent siue horas et psalmos ac hymnos ac certas orationes habent et nimis prolixas quas non dicunt more latinorum, nam illud quod latini dicunt in principio ipsi dicunt in fine vel in medio. Sacramentum eucharistie diuidunt aliqui in septem partes, aliqui in decem. Est natio valde deuota in matrimonio non coniunguntur, nisi personis sue gentis siue nationis inter quas femina amisso primo marito nunquam coniungitur alteri, sed permanet in castitate perpetua. Causa tante diuisionis inter christianos fuit quia ab antiquis temporibus christiani fuerunt astricti ed impediti ne celebrarent concilia generalia ideo insurgentibus hereticis in diuersis partibus non fuit qui remedium imponent.
Gerald Christianson, âConciliarism and the Council,â in A Companion to the Council of Basel, ed. Michiel Decaluwe, Thomas M. Izbicki, and Gerald Christianson, Brillâs Companions to the Christian Tradition 74 (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 73â111, at 73.
This information is based on the entries for the Divisiones decem and Tractatus versions of the Ten Divisions text as well as the Itinerarius, in the Incunabula Short Title Catalogue:
Tractatus de decem nationibus (Cologne, n.d.), [unpaginated] 7: Secunda causa fuit negligentia summorum pontificum quia non curauerunt nuncios mittere ad christianos in erroribus positos, quia si hoc fecissent multos, aut omnes ad unam fidem et obedientiam Romane ecclesiae reduxissent. This passage also appears in Vienna, Ãsterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 4758, fol. 148r.
Scott D. Westrem, Broader Horizons: A Study of Johannes Witte de Heseâs Itinerarius and Medieval Travel Narratives, Medieval Academy Books 105 (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 2001), 3â4.
The manuscripts include Caen, Musée des Beaux-Arts, Collection Mancel, MS 0146; three manuscripts described by Westrem, Broader Horizons, 294â98 (Ghent, University Library, MS 15; Prague, Národnà knihovna Äeské republiky, MS VI.E.21; and Vienna, Ãsterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. lat. 4758); and Salamanca, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS 2696. On the manuscript in Caen see Frédéric Macler, âNotes latines sur les nestoriens, maronites, arméniens, géorgiens, mozarabes,â Revue de lâhistoire des religions 7 (1918): 243â60; Christian Cannuyer, âSur une reprise de lâHistoria orientalis de Jacques de Vitry,â Revue de lâHistoire des Religions 200 (1983): 407â12.
The relationship between Jacques de Vitryâs texts and the manuscript accounts is reviewed briefly in Camille Rouxpetel, LâOccident au miroir de lâOrient chrétien: Cilicie, Syrie, Palestine et Ãgypte (XIIeâXIVe siècle), Bibliothèque des écoles françaises dâAthènes et de Rome 369 (Rome: Ãcole française de Rome, 2015), 64â69, but without specific consideration of the section on the Mozarabs.
Jacques de Vitry, Histoire orientale / Historia orientalis, ed. and trans. Jean Donnadieu (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), 324 (âSous la Règle de saint Augustinâ): Illi vero Christiani, qui in Africa et Hispania inter occidentales Saracenos commorantur, Mozarabes nuncupati; latinam habent litteram et latino sermone in scripturis utuntur, et sancte Romane Ecclesie sicut alii Latini cum omni humilitate et devotione obediunt, ab articulis fidei vel sacramentis in nullo deviantes. Constituunt autem sacramentum altaris de pane azymo quemadmodum alii Latini. Sanctam autem eucharistie formam quidam eorum in septem partes dividunt, alii vero in novem, cum tamen Romana Ecclesia et alii eidem subiecti ipsam eucharistiam in tres tantum proportiones partiantur. Huiusmodi autem partitio cum non sit de substantia sacramenti, non variat vel impedit virtutem sacramenti. On the date of composition see ibid., 10â12.
Macler, âNotes latinesâ; Cannuyer, âSur une reprise.â Macler and Cannuyer, unaware of the extensive history of the text in print, considered it a set of manuscript notes on the Historia orientalis. The connection had been noticed earlier by Faustino Arévalo, in the prolegomena to his edition of the works of Isidore of Seville published at the end of the eighteenth century (see chapter 5).
On Jacques de Vitryâs descriptions of Orthodox Christians in the Historia orientalis see particularly Andrew Jotischky, âEthnographic Attitudes in the Crusader States: The Franks and the Indigenous Orthodox People,â in East and West in the Crusader States: Context, Contacts, Confrontations, ed. Krijnie Ciggaar and Herman Teule, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 125 (Leuven: Peeters, 2003), 1â19, at 6â18. John Tolan has called the Historia orientalis âpart handbook of ethnography and heresiology.â See John Tolan, âHistoria orientalis,â in Christian-Muslim Relations 600â1500, ed. David Thomas (Leiden: Brill, 2010).
The 1500 Missale mixtum of Ortiz illustrates the nine-portion host with a cross diagram.
On conquest of Oran and its commemoration in Toledo Cathedral, see chapter 3.
Jessalyn Lea Bird, âThe Historia orientalis of Jacques de Vitry: Visual and Written Commentaries as Evidence of a Textâs Audience, Reception, and Utilization,â Essays in Medieval Studies 20 (2003): 56â74, at 61â62.
Mianda Cioba, âLa âHistoria orientalisâ de Jacques de Vitry en manuscritos castellanos medievales,â Revista de filologÃa románica 13 (1996): 153â66.
Salamanca, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS 2696, fol. 89râ90v. For the contents of the manuscript see Oscar Lilao Franca and Carmen Castrillo González, Catálogo de manuscritos de la Biblioteca Universitaria de Salamanca, II: MSS 1680â2777. Obras de referencia 13 (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2002), 1093â99.
Historias de la Divinal Victoria de Orán (Logroño: Arnao Guillén de Brocar, 1510). This text is discussed in more detail in chapter 3.
âHistorias de la Divinal Victoria de Oránâ por MartÃn de Herrera, ed. Pédro Cátedra, Monumentos tipográficos riojanos 3 (San Millán de la Cogolla: CiLengua, 2009), 2:49: Las naciones de christianos | diez aquà son subescritas: | latinos, griegos, jorgianos, | indianos, surianos | armenios y jacobitas, | nestorianos, monoritas | y mozárabes la postrera | nación.
Ibid., 2:197. The order of the nations is different, but the Historias shares with the Ten Divisions a reference to the Maronites (called âMonoritesâ), who are named âMoronitesâ in the Ten Divisions.
Mianda Cioba, âSources, autorités et parénèse dans lâHistoria orientalis de Jacques de Vitry,â in Des nains ou des géants? Emprunter et créer au Moyen Ãge, ed. Claude Andrault-Schmitt, Edina Bozoky, and Stephen Morrison (Turnhout: Brepols, 2016), 111â49, at 121â22.
Andrew Devereux, The Other Side of Empire: Just War in the Mediterranean and the Rise of Early Modern Spain (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2020).
See Max Deardorff, âThe Ties that Bind: Intermarriage between Moriscos and Old Christians in Early Modern Spain,â Journal of Family History 42 (2017): 250â70, at 251.
Kevin Ingram, âThe Converso Issue and Early Modern Spanish Historiography,â in Resistance and Reform, ed. Kevin Ingram, vol. 4, The Conversos and Moriscos in Late Medieval Spain and Beyond, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Traditions 225, Converso and Morisco Studies 4 (Leiden: Brill, 2021), 142â66, at 142.
See, for instance, Elvira Pérez Ferreiro, El tratado de Uceda contra los estatutos de limpieza de sangre: Una reacción ante el establecimento del estatuto de limpieza en la orden franciscana (Madrid: Aben Ezra, 2000).
Hitchcock, Mozarabs, 109â17. For a useful overview of the Morisco question see Seth Kimmel, âThe Morisco Question: Methodology and Historiography,â History Compass 17 (2019): 1â10.
The controversy about Saint Thyrsus is discussed at greater length in chapter 5.
Katrina Olds, Forging the Past: Invented Histories in Counter-Reformation Spain (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2015), 56â57.
âMuzam invidia stimulabatâ; Mariana, Historiae de rebus Hispaniae, 297.
Blas Ortiz, Summi Templi Toletani (Toledo: Juan Ayala, 1549), fol. 96vâ97r: A reliquis Hispanis Mixtarabes, quod cum Arabibus permixtim viuerent, dicti sunt. Unde illorum ritus ecclesiasticus officium Mixtarabum nuncupatus. Quae vox tum temporis diuturnitate, tum stridula ipsa Barbarorum pronunciatione corrupta in eam degenerauit, qua nunc vulgus utitur Mozarabe. Unde nimirum fabula orta de Muza nescio quo Arabum duce, cuius videlicet beneficio, is ritus inter hostes seruatus, Muzarabis appellationem inuenerit. Hitchcock, Mozarabs, 114, cites only the ânescio quodâ reference. Gómez de Castro echoed this claim (see chapter 1, p. 44).
Nothing is known about Pedro de Alcocer besides his publications.
Pedro de Alcocer, Hystoria o Descripción de la imperial cibdad de Toledo, adonde se tocan y refieren muchas antigüedades y cosas notables de la Historia general de España. Agora nuevamente impressa en Toledo (Toledo: Juan Ferrer, 1554), fol. 39v: Segun dizen algunos Muça, por deshazer la memoria de Tarif, tratò con los Christianos que quedaron en Toledo, que dende en adelante se llamassen Muçaraues, en memoria de su nombre, que era Muça Arabe o Alarabe. Y dizen que, porque lo hiziessen ansi, les concediò, y confirmò todas la cosas que Tarif les auia otorgado, y les diò otras particulares gracias y preuilegios, y dende entonces, y por esta razon, dizen que se llamaron Muçarabes, los Christianos que en esta cibdad quedaron, y no solamente se llamaron este nombre, mas llamòselo tambien el oficio diuino, de que entonces usauan, como selo llaman tambien oy. Aun que nuestros Cronistas escriuen la deribacion deste nombre Muçarabes, de otra diuersa manera, diziendo que vino de mixti Arabes, que quiere dezir mezclados con Alarabes, lo qual no lleua tan buena razon, como lo sobredicho.
Alcocer, Hystoria, fol. 54râv (misnumbered in the 1554 printing as fol. 55): Dio grandes preuilegios y essenciones a los Christianos, que a ella vinieron a poblar, como se vee oy en esta cibdad, y a los que puso por su guarda, y muy mayores a los Christianos llamados Muçarabes que en ella hallo: porque como buenos auian persuerado siempre, ellos y sus predecessores en nuestra sancta fee catholica, sin auer sido corrompidos de la secta y desonesto biuir de los Moros, cuya descendencia dura aun hasta oy en esta cibdad, aunque por las mudanças que las cosas en ella han hecho, se han mezclado unos con otros: de manera que este nombre de Muçarabes esta ya casi del todo deshecho. [â¦] fueron llamados Castellanos todos los que se vinieron a morar a esta cibdad, despues que se gano, y Muçarabes los que antes morauan en ella. Y entre las otras cosas que ensalçan esta cibdad, no es de callar lo mucho que con auerla ganado el rey, se engrandecio, como consta por el nueuo titulo que tomo, llamandose Emperador de las Españas [â¦] que se llama rey del Imperio de Toledo, dandole titulo Imperial, y no solamente este magnifico rey, mas otros reyes, que le sucedieron.
Esteban de Garibay y Zamalloa, Los XL libros dâel compendio historial de las chronicas y vniuersal historia de todos los reynos de España (Antwerp: Christophe Plantin, 1571), 381: y en todo lo resto dâEspaña en general siempre quedaron Christianos, los quales vinieron a ser llamados Muçarabes, que, segun la exposicion de algunos, tomaron el nombre de mixti Arabibus, que quiere dezir, gentes mezcladas con los Arabes. Segun otros lo interpretan, fueron dichos Muçarabes, en memoria dâel capitan Muça, que era Arabe, por que Muça, segun quieren algunos auctores, con embidia de la gloria y honra de las conquistas de Tarif, dizen, que concertò con los Christianos, que tomando su nombre y patria, se llamassen Muçaraues, para futura memoria suya, confirmando les por ello, todo lo que con Tarif auian concertado. Añaden a esto, que por ello aun les concedió mayores essempciones, que segun es verisimillo pudo hazer, como superior a Tarif, y assi refieren, que de Muça Arabe, fueron llamados Muça rabes, lo qual tiene mas verisimilitud que lo primero. El officio, que entre los Christianos Muçarabes se celebró, fue el que en este tiempo se celebraua en toda España. ⦠Este permanece hasta oy dia en la ciudad de Toledo en la capilla llamada Muçarabe. ⦠El mesmo officio se celebra oy dia en algunos dias señalados dâel año en la parochias de Toledo arriba nombrados.
Eugenio de Robles, Breve suma y relacion del modo del rezo y missa del oficio santo gotico mozarabe: Que en la capilla de Corpus Christi de la santa yglesia de Toledo se conserua y reza oy conforme a la regla del glorioso San Isidoro Arçobispo de Seuilla (Toledo: s.n., 1603), fol. 4r.
Ibid., 4vâ5r: Y de los Christianos que hizieron este heroyco hecho, ay oy dia descendientes de ellos en el Arçobispado de Toledo, en algunos lugares de la diocesi, que se precian de serlo, y con gran razon: y tienen grandissimos priuilegios de summos Pontifices y Reyes de España, que por la gran deuocion y particular aficion que a este oficio tuuieron, se los concedieron, por auer sido los conseruadores del.
Francisco de Pisa, Descripción de la Imperial ciudad de Toledo, y historia de sus antigüedades y grandeza, y cosas memorables que en ella han acontecido, de los Reyes que la han señoreado (Toledo: Pedro RodrÃguez, 1605), 126 (lib. 2, cap. 36): Y aun destos mismos Christianos de entonces, procediendo de una generacion en otra, han quedado hasta nuestros tiempos algunos linages, y vezinos de Toledo [â¦] teniendose por nobleza venir de aquellos Christianos antiguos, que tuvieron tanta firmeza en a Fe. A los quales descendientes de Muzarabes los Reyes de España han concedido muchos privilegios y exempciones, de que ay copia en los archivos desta ciudad, los quales hasta oy se guardan y estan puestos en uso cuyo favor muchas vezes en contraditorio juyzio se ha sentenciado, y executoriado.
See Michael J. Crawford, The Fight for Status and Privilege in Late Medieval and Early Modern Castile, 1465â1598 (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2014), 103â34.
I.A.A. Thompson, âThe Purchase of Nobility in Castile, 1552â1700,â Journal of European Economic History 8, no. 2 (1979): 313â60; see also Martz, âPure Blood Statutes.â
Mauricio Drelichman, âSons of Something: Taxes, Lawsuits, and Local Political Control in Sixteenth-Century Castile,â Journal of Economic History 67 (2007): 608â42.
José MartÃnez Millán, âNobleza hispana, nobleza cristiana: Los estatutos de limpieza de sangre,â in Nobleza hispana, Nobleza cristiana. La Orden de San Juan, ed. Manuel Rivero RodrÃguez (Madrid: Ediciones Polifemo, 2009), 677â757, at 699â701.
Juan de Mariana, Historia general de España (Toledo: Pedro RodrÃguez, 1601), 414: Los que estauan sugetos a los Moros, y mezclados con ellos, entonces se començaron a llamar Mixti Arabes, es a saber, mezclados Arabes: despues mudada algun tanto la palabra, los mismos se llamaron Mozarabes.
Ibid., 414: De las cenizas y la sepultura de aquella gente, naciesse y se leuantasse una nueva y santa España, de mayores fuerças y señorio que antes era, refugio en este tiempo, amparo y columna de la religion Catholica. La qual compuesta de todas sus partes, y como de sus miembros, terminasse su muy ancho imperio, y le estendiesse, como oy lo vemos, hasta los ultimos fines de leyante, y poniente.
Richard L. Kagan, Clio and the Crown: The Politics of History in Medieval and Early Modern Spain (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), 117â20. The trope of the loss and restoration of Spain originates in early medieval historical writing. See most recently Georges Martin, âLa âpérdida y restauración de Españaâ en la historiografÃa latina de los siglos VIII y IX,â e-Spania: Revue interdisciplinaire dâétudes hispaniques médiévales et modernes 36 (2020),
Rica Amrán, ââ¯âEl origen de los villanos que llaman christianos viejosâ: judÃos y conversos en un texto atribuido a Juan de Mariana,â in MinorÃas en la España medieval y moderna (siglos XV al XVII) / Minorities in Medieval and Early Modern Spain (15thâ17th c.), ed. Rica Amrán and Antonio Cortijo Ocaña (Santa Barbara: eHumanista, 2017), 226â46, states (at 239) that the text is unlikely to have been written by Juan de Mariana. The attribution to Salucio is mentioned in Francisco López Estrada, âDos tratados de los siglos XVI y XVII sobre los mozárabes,â Al-Andalus 16 (1951): 331â61, at 333.
Amrán, ââ¯âEl origen,ââ¯â 228â29: Llamados metrarabes o muçarabes que es decir metis tÃtulos renombre dellos dándoles por memoria y perpetua infamia para manifestar la voluntaria sujecion que á los Arabes ofrecieron [â¦] los mismos Moros, que los menospreciaban, y tenian por viles y malos, como hombres que se habian sujetado á gente infiel, por estimar mas la posesion de sus bienes, que la defensa de su religion.
Ibid., 245.
Ibid., 246: Los villanos que oy se llaman y precian de Christianos viejos en españa, tiene uno destos dos origenes o que descienden de los moros y Judios que eran tributarios de los Christianos o de los muçarabes y marranos [â¦] y ansi aviendo estos dos origines solos por no saberse de qual descienden [â¦] quedando con la niebla de su villania antigua oculta la infinidad de los que vienen del otro origen de moros y Judios que entre nosotros se quedaron [â¦] es mucho mayor numero que los muçarabes que al fin quedaron y permanecieron no se quien pueda dudar que mas son los que descienden destos que los que de aquellos.
On the Marranos see Benzion Netanyahu, The Marranos of Spain: From the Late 14th to the Early 16th Century, According to Contemporary Hebrew Sources, 3rd ed. (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999). I am grateful to Ana Méndez Oliver for helping me to understand the connotations of the word in this passage.
Yirmiyahu Yovel, The Other Within: The Marranos: Split Identity and Emerging Modernity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009).
On Arabic philology as an academic discipline in early modern Spain see particularly Mercedes GarcÃa-Arenal and Fernando RodrÃguez Mediano, âSacred History, Sacred Languages: The Question of Arabic in Early Modern Spain,â in The Teaching and Learning of Arabic in Early Modern Europe, ed. Jan Loop, Alastair Hamilton, and Charles Burnett, The History of Oriental Studies 3 (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 133â62.
Claire Gilbert, âEmpire of Translation: Multilingual Administrative Dynasties in Habsburg Spain,â in Iberian Babel: Translation and Multilingualism in the Medieval and the Early Modern Mediterranean, ed. Michelle H. Hamilton and Nuria Silleras-Fernandez, The Medieval and Early Modern Iberian World 82 (Leiden: Brill, 2022), 170â94; Gilbert, In Good Faith: Arabic Translation and Translators in Early Modern Spain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2020).
See Mercedes GarcÃa-Arenal RodrÃguez, Fernando RodrÃguez Mediano, and Consuelo López Menillas, The Orient in Spain: Converted Muslims, the Forged Lead Books of Granada, and the Rise of Orientalism, Numen Book Series, Studies in the History of Religions 142 (Leiden: Brill, 2013).
On the Christianization of Granada see David Coleman, Creating Christian Granada: Society and Religious Culture in an Old-World Frontier City, 1492â1600 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003); and Katie A. Harris, From Muslim to Christian Granada: Inventing a Cityâs Past in Early Modern Spain (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007).
GarcÃa-Arenal and RodrÃguez Mediano, âSacred History, Sacred Languages.â
Tesoro de la lengua castellana o Española (Madrid: LuÃs Sánchez, 1611), fol. 557v: Como estos tales Christianos estuviessen mezlclados entre los moros, llamaronlos Mixtiarabes, eo quod cum Arabibus viverent. Despues de recobrada la ciudad de Toledo de los moros se continuò, y conservò la memoria destos Mixtiarabes, corrompido el vocablo en Mozarabes. [â¦] Que se aya dicho de Muza Arabe Capitan de Alif tienese por disparate.
Ibid.: Tamarid says: âThe Mozarabic Mass in Toledo is named from âmixed Arabs,â or from Mustarabi, which in Latin means âin Arabic,â because in Toledo the celebration of the Mass was mixed, in Arabicâ (Tamarid dize assi: Mozarabe Missa en Toledo dicta a mixtis Arabibus, vel a Mustarabi, quod Latine sonat Arabice eo quod mixta Arabice Missa Toleti celebrabatur). Little is known of Tamarid besides his self-identification as an inquisitorial translator in his Compendio of Castilian Arabisms. See Stefan Ruhstaller, âLos inicios de la investigación sobre el arabismo léxico en español,â Bulletin hispanique 115 (2013): 253â70, at 254.
Bernardo de Aldrete, Varias antigüedades de España, Ãfrica y otras provincias (Antwerp: Juan Hasrey, 1614), 433: El nombre de Mozarabe no vino del origen que algunos le dan, quasi Misti Arabes, sino de Musta arabi [â¦] arábigo por accidente.
Mercedes GarcÃa-Arenal, âThe Religious Identity of the Arabic Language and the Affair of the Lead Books of the Sacromonte of Granada,â Arabica 56, no. 6 (2009): 495â528; MarÃa Angeles Gallego, âThe Languages of Medieval Iberia and Their Religious Dimension,â Medieval Encounters 9 (2003): 107â39.
Olds, Forging the Past, 127.
Fuchs, Exotic Nation.
Geraldine Heng, âThe Invention of Race in the Middle Ages I: Race Studies, Modernity, and the Middle Ages,â Literature Compass 8, no. 5 (2011): 258â74, at 262; Heng, The Invention of Race in the European Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 3.
Aillet, âLa question âmozarabe,ââ¯â 306â7.
Aillet, âLa question âmozarabe.ââ¯â
Michelle M. Hamilton, Representing Others in Medieval Iberian Literature (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007), 3.
Seth Kimmel, Parables of Coercion: Conversion and Knowledge at the End of Islamic Spain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015), 171, 173.
On the representation of Oran in the Mozarabic Chapel see chapter 3.
Devereux, The Other Side of Empire.