1 Introduction
Historical and anthropological studies on mediaeval Christian pilgrimages have revealed certain characteristics in pilgrimage customs that believers of various confessions and nations practised in anticipation of spiritual purification and salvation.1 One of these was to carry along various gifts while undergoing the long journey. Before returning home, pilgrims would acquire in situ a new object in commemoration of the pilgrimage they experienced physically and spiritually along the routes to holy sites. Exceptional protective, healing, and miraculous powers were also ascribed to these emblematic objects, for they had been in contact with the holy.
In recent decades, archaeologists and art historians have also dedicated several studies to exploring items associated with the practice of mediaeval pilgrimage, closely investigating transportable, often minor objects found in many museums and collections or, where possible, at archaeological sites, which has allowed for a more contextualised approach to the subject.2 The fact that many pilgrim tokens and mementos have been found in burial places demonstrates that their owners treasured these objects so much that they preferred to have them along with them even while departing from earthly life.3 Pilgrims of high social standing could afford to have items such as icons, manuscripts or decorated crosses. The Armenian queen Mariun, for example, when she went to Jerusalem in the last quarter of the 14th century, had a âholy signâ and two Gospel manuscripts with her.4 The material remnants of Armenian pilgrimage tradition and the possible relevance of certain objects to pilgrimage practices are still largely understudied. This paper is an attempt to fill that gap and, because of the lack of previous approaches to Armenian pilgrimage art, it also faces a methodological challenge. Therefore, the reader should not be surprised that the terminology and comparanda used in this article will make use of Western examples and traditions, which have received more scholarly attention so far. This essay is a search for context, and I would like to dedicate it to Theo van Lint, whose work has enriched our understanding of Armenian culture and spirituality.
The late mediaeval object I will deal with is a scallop shell with a coin attached inside and with silver decorations fixed on the shellâs upper part and around its edges (Figures 3.1aâb). The upper silver decoration has a holder from the back side, which allowed the item to be hung on, but also to be used as a ladle. The shell object is preserved in the Hermitage Museum in Saint Petersburg under the inventory number ЧÐ-1317 and is also included in the museumâs permanent exhibition, displayed at the Winter Palace, in hall 66.
Figures 3.1aâb
Å ahukâs shell, Cilician Armenia, 13thâ14th cc. Inv. no. ЧÐ-1317
© The State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg. Photo by Vladimir Terebenin
I will first discuss the objectâs discovery and acquisition history, as well as early scholarship on it, and then analyse its epigraphic and iconographic features. The next part of the article analyses the use and function of Jacobean shells within the context of mediaeval pilgrimage practices, followed by a general reconstruction of Armenian pilgrimage accounts to Santiago de Compostela.
2 Discovery and Early Scholarship of the Berdyansk Treasure
In the early 1890s, a treasure containing various silver objects was found in the Ukrainian port city of Berdyansk, which at that time was a part of the Taurida Governorate (ТавÑиÑеÑÐºÐ°Ñ Ð³ÑбеÑниÑ) in the Russian Empire.5 The information on the Berdyansk treasure was first published in the report of the Imperial Archaeological Commission for the year 1894, prepared by the commissionâs chairman Count Aleksey Bobrinsky.6 The report, accompanied with a black-and-white photograph of the shell, as well as with four photographs of various silver objects from the same treasure,7 recorded the following:
A wonderful collection of silver gilt objects of Armenian origin was found in the Berdyansk city. Namely this includes a seashell with a holder and with an Armenian inscription âManuk, slave of Godâ, written on the coin attached [to the shell]; two cups; two big badges in form of rosettes; four big round badges; two badges in form of a pointed triangular; 31 oval shape and 33 round badges and fragments of an incense burner executed in the filigree method. Judging from the inscriptionâs script, the objects were likely produced during the 11thâ12th centuries.8
As will be seen, the reading of the Armenian inscription contained some errors, and the date of production had later to be reconsidered. In the tabular description of the same report, brief information on the Berdyansk treasure (âOne big silver gilt badge and other objects of Armenian originâ) is followed with an instruction about the acquisition destination: âAssigned to the Imperial Hermitageâ.9 As instructed, the silver objects found in Berdyansk were acquired by the Hermitage Museum in 1895.10
In 1909, another black-and-white photograph of the object in question, as well as three pictures of other silverworks from the Berdyansk treasure, were published by Yakov Smirnov, another member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. Smirnov included them in his atlas entitled VostoÄnoe serebro (Oriental Silverwork), mostly reproducing the information that was reflected in the above-cited report.11
3 Epigraphy, Dating, Iconography, and Attribution
The next scholar to pay attention to this object was Iosif Orbeli, who in 1938 clarified a few erroneous points that had previously been overlooked and proposed some original considerations. Based on stylistic and technical features of the decorated shell, Orbeli suggested a new dateâlate 12th-early 13th centuries.12 He also proposed a new reading of the coin inscription: instead of âManuk, slave of Godâ he suggested âÅ ahuk, slave of Godâ (ШаhÑк, Ñаб Ðога).13 Å ahuk is indeed the name written on the attached coin, as can clearly be seen in modern photographs. I would, however, slightly modify Orbeliâs translation of âslave of Godâ, for the original Armenian inscription reads
Another inscription can be seen on the surface of the partly preserved silver gilt band, overlaid on the edges of the shell. The three-letter inscription written on the upper right side of that band reads
To my knowledge, the provenance from Cilician Armenia suggested by Orbeli has been accepted by all scholars who considered this object.15 My examination of the shell ladle brings forth some more details, which confirm Orbeliâs attribution, although a date around 13thâ14th centuries seems to me more plausible than late 12th-early 13th centuries.16 While the valve object itself can in a way be characterised as unique in Armenian material culture (for no other example is known so far), the epigraphy, style and execution of the attached coin in many points coincide with Cilician coinage, among which the above-mentioned use of the cross in the circular inscription. Another parallel with Cilician coins minted during the 13thâ14th centuries is that the inscription is separated from the central image by a circle of dots. While the animal depicted on Cilician coins is usually a lion or a lion-like beast, the shell coin contains the image of a wild goat which looks back over its shoulder, thus reproducing the pose of the lions that appear on some Cilician coins.
Both the depiction of the goat on an Armenian coin and the uniqueness of that coin bearing the name of a certain Å ahuk raise a series of questions, whose answers, because of the paucity of sources, will probably always remain hypothetical. One of the central questions is the identity of Å ahuk. Orbeli had suggested that he could be âa master, a citizen, a merchant, but never a lord or a baronâ, apparently considering the diminutive form of the name.17
Indeed, no ruler named Å ahuk, at least a ruler who would have the legitimacy to mint a coin, is known so far. Another possible guess is that he was a well-to-do individual from high social rank, who ordered the royal master to issue an individual souvenir coin. While the available evidence seems to be silent about such practices in mediaeval Armenia, the use of royal artistsâ services by non-royal individuals does not appear unusual if we look at the production of other kind of objects.18 The quantity of silver used for this object and the fact that Å ahuk could afford the issue of an individual coin in a royal style speak for someone who had access to the services of the royal mint. In this regard, Orbeliâs suggestion that Å ahuk could be a master silversmith is not unrealistic. The diminutive form of his name may further strengthen this suggestion. It appears that a certain number of mediaeval Armenian masters and architects used the diminutive form when signing their names. This was the case of architect, sculptor, and miniaturist Momik, architects Gazan, Å ahik, and Grigorik (Grgorik), architect and sculptor Vecʽik, etc. It seems unlikely that they were all given diminutive names at birth. The diminutive suffix of their names could be added later in accordance with the contemporary ethics of their professional activities and religious affinities. In this sense, the double signature of Å ah/Å ahuk is particularly evocative: his name appears as Å ahuk in one place and as Å ah in another (in a less prominent place).
At any rate, the coin, probably along with other silver additions visible on the shell, was manufactured at the private initiative of Å ahuk, who attached it to the scallop valve, turning it into a personalised object. His desire of being remembered through this object is reflected in the two inscriptions cited above, one of which clearly underlines his Christian piety. While on Cilician coins the circular legend naming the king is usually accompanied with a central image of the respective king, the coin in question depicts a wild goat, with which Å ahuk associated himself. Even though executed in imitation of Cilician coins, the visible iconography and epigraphy of this coin suggest a non-secular context and most likely a non-commercial use. On royal coins, if there is a reference to God, then it is always associated with the sovereignâs aim to highlight the idea that the acting king exercises earthly power bestowed upon him by God. Thus, the standard legend
The overall pious connotation of the object in question might be helpful to understand the choice of the wild goat and of another animal carved on the shellâs upper part. But before discussing what these beasts could have symbolised for the shellâs owner, a few words should be said about the stylistic attributions that were proposed about the silver decorations.
The metallic addition on the upper part represents a carefully executed relief-like decoration with a central image of a beast which looks back over his shoulder as does the wild goat on the attached coin. The beast looks like a lion but has the pointed skin of a leopard. In his brief mention of this object, Darkevich observed âwestern European influenceâ in the stylistic execution of the beast.21 More recently, Kramarovski, who attributed the shell object to Cilicia, nevertheless associated its silver decorations (especially two small almond-shaped rivets) with artistic traditions of the northern Black Sea region of the 14th century, contextualising it within the art of the Golden Horde.22 Probably taking into account this very hypothesis, on the museumâs explanatory plaque the provenance of Å ahukâs shell is given as âCilicia, Golden Hordeâ.23 The same provenance appeared also in the entries to recent exhibition catalogues, in which the shell was included.24 While it is not impossible to imagine that silver decorations could have been added in a region that was part of the Golden Horde, it can equally not be excluded that this was done in Cilician Armenia (which, incidentally, during the period considered had stronger political ties with another Mongol state, the Ilkhanate of Iran, from where certain artistic and cultural interactions were stimulated). The developed tradition of silversmithing in Cilicia and the similarities of Å ahukâs coin with Cilician coinage make this region a more probable candidate than the region where it was found in the 19th century.25 As for widespread stylistic references, these can well be associated with objects originating not only from the Golden Horde but also with many other contemporary artefacts classified within the general phenomenon known as the Pax Mongolica, which was also strongly present in the Cilician kingdom and in Greater Armenia.26 Å ahukâs shell however, as will further be shown, offered a new reading for both the silver engravings and the coin, thus setting these additions into a new contextânow as part of an object that was to express its ownerâs religious piety and, likely, social ranking.
What motivated Å ahuk to choose a wild goat for his individual coin and a leopard/lion for the scallop shell? In many mediaeval Armenian churches, especially near the entrances or windows, one can observe depictions of wild beasts, many of which were interpreted as having protective and salvific powers. These functions are easier to discern especially in those depictions which are accompanied with inscriptions, for they often ask for divine protection for those named in the text. In the 13th-century XoranaÅ¡at monastery, for example, two inscriptions are written on two beast sculptures, which also serve as capitals for the western entrance of the gavitʽ27 (Figure 3.2). These texts are accompanied with small crosses placed below, in that way filling in the free space remaining on the beastsâ bodies. The inscriptions on the two sculpted capitals depicting a lion and a horned animal read as follows, respectively:
Õ (ÕÔ»ÕÕÕ )Õ Ô± (ÕÕÕÕÔ± )Ô¾ ÕÕÕÕÕÔ» ÕÔ±ÕÔ±Ô¿Ô±ÕÔ»Õ .Ô½Ô±ÕÕ ÕÕÔ±Õ Ô·Ö
May Christ God have mercy on Vanakan.28 This cross is for him. (Fig. 3.2a)
Õ (ÕÔ»ÕÕÕ )Õ Ô± (ÕÕÕÕÔ± )Ô¾ ÕÕÕÕÕ /Ô» Ô³ÕÔ»Ô³ÕÕÕÕ /Ô½Ô±ÕÕ ÕÕÔ±Õ Ô·Ö
May Christ God have mercy on Grigor. This cross is for him. (Fig. 3.2c)29
Figures 3.2aâc
Western entrance of the gavitʽ of the Xoranašat Monastery, 13th century
Photo by author, September 2019
A different approach, but likely with similar protective connotation, can be seen in some animal reliefs of the 14th-century church of Surb Astuacacin (Holy Mother of God, known also as Belfry Church or Small Church) in EÅvard. The churchâs east façade, for example, shows a scene with a leopard seizing a goat, which is carved above the richly framed window (Figure 3.3).
Figure 3.3
Surb Astuacacin (Holy Mother of God) Church in EÅvard, 1311â1321, east façade, architect Å ahik.
Photo by Hrair Hawk Khatcherian, June 2015
Whether the goat and the leopard/lion depicted on Å ahukâs shell had a similar protective role is a speculative yet not improbable hypothesis.30 If we recall the non-secular details of Å ahukâs coin that were discussed above, and especially the inscription representing him as âservant of Godâ, the pious connotation of this object becomes more discernible. No less remarkably, all these features appear on a scallop valveâa natural object which from the 12th century on was given an emblematic status, being largely associated with pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela, which I will discuss next.
4 A Jacobean Shell for Å ahuk
Figure 3.4
Adam (Gen 2:20), Surb XaÄʽ (Holy Cross) Church in AÅtʽamar, 915â921, east façade, architect ManuÄl
Photo by Hrair Hawk Khatcherian, February 2015
Whether Å ahuk was the initial or a later owner of the scallop shell is hard to know. The circumstances of its acquisition will probably always remain unknown, as is often the case with many mediaeval objects of this kind. What is more certain is that the use of scallop shells has a clear connotation to mediaeval pilgrimage practices and more specifically to pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela in Galicia. The tradition of visiting the tomb of Saint James the Apostle was formed in the 9th century after a local hermit called Pelayo had a vision about the whereabouts of the sarcophagus, which would later become the site of the chapel, the church, and then the splendid cathedral of Santiago de Compostela.31 In the 12th century, when the Liber Sancti Jacobi32 was produced, the veneration of Saint James gained more popularity, being enriched now with rituals and miracles related to this apostle. Many Jacobean pilgrims were well aware of the miracles described in the Liber Sancti Jacobi, some even claimed to have experienced them on their road to Santiago and back. The creation of this influential book was accompanied by the appearance of pilgrim hospices on the routes to Santiago and, more importantly, by the construction of the famous cathedral upon the supposed sarcophagus of the apostle. These undertakings further reinforced the tradition and organisation of the pilgrimage to Santiago, making it one of the most desired pilgrimage destinations until today.
Figure 3.5
A Jacobean pilgrim, mural painting, ca. 1150, Nativity Church, Bethlehem
Photo by Michele Bacci, June 2019
From the 12th century on, the scallop valve became the symbol of a successfully fulfilled pilgrimage to the Apostle Jamesâ tomb in Santiago.33 Recent archaeological excavations confirm the 12th century as the terminus post quem for the diffusion of scallop or oyster shells as symbols of Jacobean travellers.34 In the Liber Sancti Jacobi, there are indications of how the oyster shells would be used by the pilgrims, and what it signified as a symbol of spiritual salvation, obtained after the completion of pilgrimage.35 Over time, the local authorities of Santiago started to control the shell sale along the Jacobean routes in order to prevent their unlicensed production and forgeries.36 The exact place where the pilgrims could obtain their shells was also determined: in the square situated in front of the northern portal of the cathedral.37 The tradition of pilgrimsâ shells inspired the circulation of many stories, legends and customs that were related to the symbolic correlation of Saint James and scallops (or oysters).38 The scallop shells, often considered by pilgrims as objects with miracle-working power, could however also have practical use. For travellers, they could secure safe passages to hospices or to the holy sites situated on the respective routes. It has also been suggested that they could be used as ladles to drink or eat from. The holder attached to pilgrimsâ shells was used to hang them from the travellersâ clothes, huts, belts, bags, or at home as signs of accomplished pilgrimage.39 In the Nativity church of Bethlehem, for instance, the mid-12th-century mural icon of Saint James the Great depicts in supplicating pose an aristocratic couple, whose bags prominently exhibit their shells (Figure 3.5).40
In the shell of Å ahuk, too, there is a holder, apparently meant to be used for one of the above-mentioned purposes, perhaps for hanging it on house walls, because it is heavier (with the presence of additional silver decorations) and larger (length 16.6â¯cm, width 13.3cm, height 5.5â¯cm)41 than many pilgrimsâ shells: this makes the shell less practical for long journeys. In any event, the epigraphic material, which represents Å ahuk as a âservant of Godâ, reveals this objectâs connection with its ownerâs religious piety. If this is not a mediaeval forgery, the shell might have been acquired by Å ahuk after the completion of a pilgrimage to Santiago: the owner then had it adorned with silver decorations, and added a visual sign of his identity, thus making it a personalised object.42 Even if not acquired in Santiago itself, it can still be associated with someoneâs desire to go on pilgrimage to Santiago.
A comparative regard to archaeological finds of Jacobean shells might be helpful to better understand the functional peculiarities of Å ahukâs shell. In this respect, a recent study dedicated to the Jacobean badges found in the Holy Land reveals some interesting parallels. First, some of these shells were found as an accumulation, i.e. accompanied with other small objects, such as coins, crosses, or pottery.43 It is not excluded that the silver objects of the Berdyansk treasure, among them the shell in question, might also have belonged to one individual. Secondly, the physical state, namely the artificial holes (usually two or three) of many pilgrimsâ valves found in the Holy Land and in Europe, can be comparable to the holes present on Å ahukâs shell if one were to remove the silver additions. Thus, the upper two holes of Å ahukâs shell, which are covered with two small rivets on each side, and the central holes, through which the back holder and coin are attached, correspond to the positions of the holes that are usually found on the badges of Jacobean pilgrims, who used the holes for attaching or hanging the shell.44
5 Armenian Pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela
From these object-centred considerations let us now turn to the historical background of mediaeval Armenian pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela. The evidence narrated below is not intended as a reply to the unanswered questions concerning the history of Å ahukâs shell. What I hope to do, instead, is to provide a context for the object, reconstructed through some episodes pertaining to the tradition of Armenian pilgrimage to Santiago, during which the religious travellers could have acquired objects such as the shell in question.
In the 10th century, that is only a century after Pelayo had his vision about the whereabouts of the apostleâs sarcophagus, an Armenian monk called SimÄon came to venerate the saintâs tomb in Santiago.45 Another pilgrim, Dawitʽ (later Saint Davinus of Lucca, who died in the mid-11th century and was buried in the church San Michele in Foro in Lucca, Tuscany), went to Jerusalem, Rome, then intended to visit Santiago.46 At the end of the 11th century, an Armenian princess went on pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela together with her companions.47
Despite some obscure details of the above-mentioned accounts, they nevertheless provide an interesting context for reconstructing the origins of the Armenian tradition of Santiago pilgrimage. At the time when these pilgrims went to worship the apostleâs tomb, the cathedral of Santiago and the Liber Sancti Jacobi were not yet created, and the cult of Saint James was still in its formative period.
After the creation of the Liber Sancti Jacobi in the 12th century, the cult of Saint James started to develop quickly, attracting to Santiago numerous religious travellers from all over the Christian world, including the Armenians. In the long sermon on the translation of the apostleâs relics from Jerusalem to Santiago, the Armenians are listed among those nations who came to visit the apostleâs tomb in Galicia.48 This sermon composed by Pope Callixtus represents Chapter XVII of Book I of the Liber Sancti Jacobi. The latter also contains a so-called Pilgrimâs Guide (Book V), which is a collection of various kinds of advice for those who undertook a pilgrimage to Santiago. Later some visitors mentioned that there existed a hospice for the Armenians in the city, for they had been coming to pilgrimage since ancient times.49 A guesthouse called âHospice of Jerusalemâ and situated in Santiagoâs ancient quarter of Jewish merchants was possessed by the Armenians.50 Some scholars of architectural history have even claimed that there are traces of Armenian influence on the early Romanesque structure of the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela.51 Due to the presence of an Armenian alphabet composed of 36 letters and engraved on a niche of the Church of Saint Martha in Tarascon (France), it was suggested that in the 12th century an Armenian pilgrim paused at this sanctuary on his way to Santiago.52
In his mid-13th-century report addressed to king Louis IX, the Franciscan friar William of Rubruck writes in detail about an Armenian monk called Sergius, whom he met at the court of the great khan Möngke and who once asked the friar whether the Pope would âfurnish him with horses as far as Santiagoâ.53
In the 14th century, the relationship between Cilician Armenia and the Iberian Peninsula was marked by a special diplomatic and religious event, when during the reigns of the Armenian king Lewon IV (r. 1321â1341) and of the king of Aragon, James II (r. 1291â1327), the relics of Saint Thecla were transferred from Cilicia to Catalonia.54 A few decades later, in the north-western part of the peninsula another noteworthy episode took place, this time with the participation of the last Cilician king Lewon V Lusignan (r. 1374â1375). While in Lyon, the king undertook a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela, a wish which, according to his confessor-biographer Jean Dardel, he had cherished since his Mamluk captivity in Cairo.55 In the last quarter of the 14th century, a knight called ManuÄl, who was active in the Armenian court until the fall of Sis and who later falsely represented himself as the messenger of king Lewon, asked for financial support from the royal treasury of the Aragonese court on the pretext of undertaking a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela.56
More detailed accounts are available from the post-mediaeval period.57 Leaving Erznkay/Erzincan in October 1489, during the years that followed bishop Martiros Erznkacʽi visited some of the most important European sanctuaries, including Santiago de Compostela, where he remained for 84 days.58 Between 1587 and 1592, a very similar itinerary through European holy sites was taken by a monk Sargis, who might have been familiar with the travel account of Martiros Erznkacʽi.59 Arriving at Santiago, Sargis could not see the headless body of Saint James, because the door leading to the apostleâs tomb was opened only once every seven years. Nevertheless, the Armenian pilgrim was filled with joy after he learned that the desirable day would arrive in eight months, so he decided to wander through sanctuaries of other cities and villages returning to Santiago eight months later. According to Sargisâ account, on the day when the apostleâs body was taken out, there were 4,000 priests and so many people that one could not count. They venerated the body of the saint for three days.60 Two decades later, when Awgustinos BaÇ°ecʽi, an Armenian catholic priest from the village Aparaner in ErnÇ°ak (Siwnikʽ), visited Santiago de Compostela, he confirmed the information that the cathedralâs âDoor of Mercyâ was opened once every seven years.61 We know of another catholic priest from the same village, called YovhannÄs, who in the 16th century left NaxiÇ°ewan and visited Santiago twice.62
In the late 16th and early 17th centuries, two pilgrimages to Spain were made by a hermit called Paron who led an ascetic life in the convent of Gregory the Illuminator on Mount Sepuh (near Erznkay). Paron was the teacher and caretaker of the later famous chronicler Grigor DaranaÅcʽi. During one of his pilgrimages to Jerusalem, Paron copied a Varkʽ harancʽ (Lives of the Fathers), which is currently manuscript No. [J] 175 of the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem.63 In 1610, DaranaÅcʽi added a large colophon to that manuscript, describing the pious life of his beloved teacher. It is in this colophon that we find two mentions about Paronâs travels to Spain, most likely to the tomb of Saint James in Santiago, but also to the other two important sites of Christian pilgrimage, Jerusalem and Rome:
And from time to time he would go out travelling to all the pilgrimage sites: many times he went to Holy Jerusalem and twice to the great Rome to the holy apostles Peter and Paul; he also travelled to Spain and to the holy sites of our Armeniaâs eastern parts. After these pilgrimages he would always return to his convent.64
Some time later, Paron repeated his long-haul journey to these places:
And he went from country to country in order to go to the great Rome and Spain and then came once more to Constantinople.65
6 Conclusion
In this paper, I took a close look at a late mediaeval object, consisting of a scallop valve, adorned with silver gilt additions. Aware of the methodological difficulties of studying and explaining minor objects of this kind, I have tried to make use of the available information by describing in the first part how the shell object was discovered, acquired, studied, and exhibited, and then by proposing in the second part a reconstruction of functional and historical contexts.
The emblematic use of scallop shells from the 12th century on, as well as the epigraphic and iconographic evidence visible on this shell, allowed us to associate it with the mediaeval tradition of pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela. Whether Å ahuk was its initial owner or acquired the shell only subsequently, is not clear. It is also uncertain whether he was the person who carried the shell ladle to the Azov Sea. The sophisticated combination with his individual coin, that resembles those minted in Cilician Armenia, confirms the previous attributions to that mediaeval kingdom. Furthermore, the historical evidence gathered in this paper shows a continued interest in Santiago pilgrimage by mediaeval Armenian travellers, who could have acquired Jacobean shells during their visits to this renowned Galician site. For Armenians, as for many other pilgrims, Santiago de Compostela was an important place connected with the Apostle James, right after the Armenian cathedral of Saints James in Jerusalem, which is also associated with him. Like many Jacobean pilgrims who desired to visit both cathedrals in Santiago and in Jerusalem, Armenian believers would also have been eager to perform a double pilgrimage to the two important destinations associated with the Apostle James.
Acknowledgments
This article was written when I was a postdoc researcher in the SNSF-funded project âRoyal Epiphanies: The Kingâs Body as Image and Its Mise-en-scène in the Medieval Mediterranean (12thâ14th cc)â (University of Fribourg, Switzerland). I am thankful to Jesse S. Arlen, Zaroui Pogossian, Federico Alpi, SofÃa Fernández Pozzo and Alison Vacca for their assistance and conversations (also for a Jacobean shell that I was happy to receive from Alison!). Hrair Hawk Khatcherian and Michele Bacci were kind enough, as always, to share their photographs with me.
For general studies on (Christian) pilgrimage, see Sumption 1975; Brown 1981; TurnerâTurner 1978; Van Gennep 1960; Ousterhout 1990 etc.
For archaeological approaches to Christian pilgrimage, see Droogan 2013; RajaâRüpke 2015; KristensenâFriese 2017. For case studies on the material remnants of Christian pilgrimages, see n. 3.
Given that the main focus of the present paper will be on shells acquired during pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela, here I give only the examples of those pilgrimsâ graves, which contained shells buried together with their owners: Vallet 2008; Nagel 2008, 80â82, figs. 7ab; Ktalav 2016; Simonsen 2018.
Grigoryan Savary 2021, 225â230, 245â246.
Bobrinsky 1896, 42â43 (ÐÑиобÑеÑение оÑделÑнÑÑ Ð¿ÑедмеÑов дÑевноÑÑи и коллекÑий [Acquisition of Antiquities and Collections]), see also 1 (ÐÑоизводÑÑво аÑÑ ÐµÐ¾Ð»Ð¾Ð³Ð¸ÑеÑÐºÐ¸Ñ Ñ ÑаÑÐºÐ¾Ð¿Ð¾ÐºÑ [Archaeological Excavations]). In this official report, the Berdyansk treasure is mentioned to have been found in 1894. Decades later, however, Iosif Orbeli mentioned 1892 as the year when it was accidentally discovered during field work. See Orbeli 1938, 276â277.
Bobrinsky 1896, 34â46, esp. 42â43, fig. 62, see also 168â169.
The same photographs showing five of the described silver objects were reprinted by Vasilij Latyshev in 1906. See Latyshev 1906, 52, figs. 293â297.
âÐамѣÑаÑелÑÐ½Ð°Ñ ÐºÐ¾Ð»Ð»ÐµÐºÑiÑ ÑеÑебÑÑнÑÑ Ñ Ð¿Ð¾Ð·Ð¾Ð»Ð¾ÑеннÑÑ Ñ Ð²ÐµÑей аÑмÑнÑкаго пÑоиÑÑ Ð¾Ð¶Ð´ÐµÐ½iÑ, найденнÑÑ Ñ Ð²Ñ Ð³. ÐеÑдÑнÑкѣ, именно: моÑÑÐºÐ°Ñ Ñаковина Ð²Ñ Ð¾Ð¿Ñавѣ, ÑÑ Ð°ÑмÑнÑÐºÐ¾Ñ Ð½Ð°Ð´Ð¿Ð¸ÑÑÑ Ð²Ð½ÑÑÑи на жеÑонѣ, âÐанÑÐºÑ ÑÐ°Ð±Ñ Ðожiйâ, 2 ÑаÑеÑки, 2 кÑÑпнÑÑ Ð±Ð»ÑÑ Ð¸ Ð²Ñ Ð²Ð¸Ð´Ñ£ ÑозеÑокÑ, 4 болÑÑiÑ ÐºÑÑглÑÑ Ð±Ð»ÑÑ Ð¸, 2 блÑÑ Ð¸ Ð²Ñ Ð²Ð¸Ð´Ñ£ наÑголÑниковÑ, 31 овалÑÐ½Ð°Ñ Ð¸ 33 кÑÑглÑÑ Ð±Ð»ÑÑки и ÑÑагменÑÑ ÐºÑÑилÑниÑÑ ÑилигÑанной ÑабоÑÑ. Ðо наÑеÑÑанiÑ Ð±ÑÐºÐ²Ñ Ð½Ð°Ð´Ð¿Ð¸Ñи, веÑи оÑноÑÑÑÑÑ Ð¿ÑиблизиÑелÑно ÐºÑ XIâXII вâ. See Bobrinsky 1896, 42â43.
Bobrinsky 1896, 168â169.
Kramarovski 2019, 330.
Smirnov 1909, Pl. LXXVII (No. 139). For three other objects from the Berdyansk treasure, see Smirnov 1909, Pl. LXXVII (No. 140), Pl. CI (Nos. 246, 247). The last two objects are silver plates dating from the 13thâ14th centuries (Hermitage Museum, Inv. ЧÐ-1190 and ЧÐ-1191). For their colour reproductions, see Kramarovski 2005, 235 (cat. 266); Kramarovski 2019, 423. I suppose these are the same objects described in the 1894 report as âtwo cupsâ (Bobrinsky 1896, 43). The images of other objects of the Berdyansk treasure are reproduced in Darkevich 1976, fig. 123 (1â6).
Orbeli 1938, 278â279.
Orbeli 1938, 279.
The name Å ahuk is absent in HraÄʽeay AÄaá¹eanâs monumental Dictionary of Armenian Personal Names. Nevertheless, there are other diminutive versions of the name Å ah, such as Å ahak, which is testified in early mediaeval sources and later, or Å ahik, recorded for the first time in 1041 in an inscription carved on the Holy Saviour church in Ani. See AÄaá¹ean 1948, 103â104 (for Å ahak), 119â120 (for Å ahik). For the inscription of 1041 mentioning Å ahik, see also Orbeli 1966, 43.
Kakovkin 1975, 195â197; Darkevich 1976, 132; Marshak 1985, 141, 143; Kramarovski 2005, 235; Kramarovski 2019, 330. For Kramarovskiâs attribution see also below.
My dating is thus closer to that suggested by Kakovkin and Kramarovski. Kakovkin dated the shell to the mid-13th century, while Kramarovski to the mid-13thâ14th centuries. See Kakovkin 1974, n. 23; Kramarovski 2005, 235; Kramarovski 2019, 330.
Orbeli 1938, 280, also 281â282. It is however to be noted that, although not frequently, the diminutive names or epithets are nevertheless testified among Armenian aristocrats.
Thus, in 1323 a certain deacon YovanÄs acquired a parchment manuscript (Hymnal, ms 367/65 of Zmmaá¹ [= BZ 367/65]), which was copied and illustrated by the royal artist Sargis Picak in the Church of the Holy Sign, in the capital of Sis (for the manuscript and its colophons, see KÄÅ¡iÅ¡ean 1964, 104â106; interestinglyâthough this might be a pure coincidenceâYovanÄs asks to remember, among others, his deceased father, whose name was Å ah). Picak offered his artistic services also to other non-royal individuals originating from Cilicia and Greater Armenia. If the services of the celebrated royal miniaturist were available for people who were not necessarily from the courtly milieu, the clients of royal silversmiths were probably also not strictly limited to the court members only.
Dram or tram is an Armenian term used for silver or gold coins. In the Cilician state these were mainly minted in silver and had a weight of about 2.9 grams. Armenian dram is equivalent to dirham in Persian and Arabic and to drachma in Greek and Latin. On the term dram / tram, see Bedoukian 1979, 47â48.
It would be highly interesting to know how the reverse of Å ahukâs coin looks like, if it were possible to temporarily separate it from the scallop shell.
Darkevich 1976, 132.
Kramarovski 2005, 236; Kramarovski 2019, 330.
The State Hermitage Museum (see Bibliography at the end).
Å ahukâs shell, apart from being included into the permanent exhibition of the Hermitage Museum, was also displayed in several temporary exhibitions, a list of which is given below:
2001. SokroviÅ¡Äa Zolotoj Ordy (The Treasures of the Golden Horde), 14.02â28.12.2001, State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg. The catalogue of this exhibition was not available to me at the time of writing.
2005â2006. Dschingis Khan und seine Erben: das Weltreich der Mongolen, 16.06â25.09.2005, Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Bonn, 26.10â29.01.2006, Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde Münich. For the exhibition catalogue, see Kramarovski 2005, cat. 267.
2019. Zolotaja Orda i PriÄernomorâ²e: Uroki Äingisidskoj imperii (The Golden Horde and Black Sea Coast: Lessons of the Genghisid Empire), 03.04â06.10.2019, HermitageâKazan Exhibition Centre. For the exhibition catalogue, see Kramarovski 2019, 330.
It is not known how the treasure made its way to Berdyansk, but it is perhaps not unimportant to mention that many Cilician manuscripts and objects that were later found in various parts of the Russian Empire, including especially in Armenia, have had an itinerary similar to this: Ciliciaâ(Jerusalem)âCrimeaâNor NaxiÇ°ewan / Rostov-on-DonâEÇ°miacinâYerevan. It is not excluded that the Berdyansk treasure too was brought along by the Cilician Armenians to Crimea, from where it could later be moved further along the coasts of the Azov Sea.
The renewed interest in the Mongol Empire, sparked by the modern phenomenon of globalisation, resulted not only in profound research into Mongol culture and history but also in many splendid exhibitions dedicated to material culture produced during this period. Many objects, hitherto neglected, less studied or even unknown, were brought into the open, widening our knowledge and perception of the visual and material world of the past. However, for some artefacts the attribution to the Mongol Empire (in case of Å ahukâs shell to the Golden Horde) has been made with a general understanding that their production chronologically corresponded to what is known as the Pax Mongolica, sometimes overlooking the specific cultural-historical contexts of their production.
On the protective connotation ascribed to these beasts, see Mnacʽakanyan 1970, 200, also 185â202 (for more examples testified in mediaeval Armenian architecture).
This is the well-known theologian Vanakan vardapet, the founder of the Xoranašat monastery and of its renowned school.
While this second inscription is easily discernible, the first one mentioning Vanakan is now damaged (Figure 3.2a). During my visit to XoranaÅ¡at in September 2019, I could read it only partially. The rest of the inscription is completed according to Vahan Vanyanâs article published in 1976, when the overall state of the monastery was still in a better condition. See Vanyan 1976, 43.
Many references to the symbolic presence of wild beasts can be found in mediaeval Armenian historiography. Stepʽanos TarÅnecʽi AsoÅik (at the turn of the 11th c.) and Stepʽanos Orbelean (13thâ14th cc.) write about ascetic monks who lived with wild animals, making these beasts to serve them. The theological explanation of these legendary accounts is that by their miraculous submission the beasts testify that the hermits bear in themselves the Christ, the New Adam, under whose submission God had subjected all creatures (Mahé 1993, 514, also n. 535). An association between Adam and his domination over the animals is perfectly visualised on the east façade of the 10th-century AÅtʽamar church, where the bust of Adam is surrounded by sculpted beasts and accompanied with an inscription referring to Gen 2:20:
On the formation of Saint Jamesâ cult in Galicia and on the tradition of the Jacobean pilgrimage in the Middle Ages, see Starkie 1965; Herbers 1984; WilliamsâStones 1992, etc.
The manuscript of the Book of Saint James is also known as Codex Calixtinus after the name of Pope Calixtus II or simply as Jacobus as it appears on the manuscriptâs incipit page. I have consulted the following edition: Moralejo et al. 1951. For the studies on the Liber Sancti Jacobi, see Herbers 1984; Moisan 1992; WilliamsâStones 1992, etc.
The two types of the scallop shells used for Jacobean pilgrimage, whose scientific names are Pecten maximus and Pecten jacobaeus, are distributed in two sea regions: âP. maximus distribution is limited to the northeast Atlantic, from northern Norway down to north Africa, while P. jacobeus is present within the Mediterranean and the Adriatic Seaâ. See Ktalav 2016, 326, also 333.
Ktalav 2016, 323â338.
Ktalav 2016, 325 (with further references).
Starkie 1965, 71; Plötz 1992, 39; Ktalav 2016, 333.
Plötz 1992, 39. See also Starkie 1965, 70.
For several such legends and miracles associated with Saint James, see Starkie 1965, 70â71; Herbers 1992, 11â34; Moisan 1992, 133â145; Ktalav 2016, 325.
In Nordic countries, also some of Saint Olavâs pilgrimsâ badges and shells were used as amulets for protecting the home. See Simonsen 2018, 192.
Bacci 2017, 130, fig. 35; Bacci (ed.) 2021, 13, fig. 1 (for the images of both the male and female pilgrim).
The measurements according to Kramarovski 2005, 235.
It is not excluded that the shell was acquired by an elder member of Å ahukâs family, from whom then it passed to Å ahuk. In some Western societies, for instance, it is known that the shells acquired by Jacobean pilgrims could become a dear object also for their family members, who passed it from generation to generation. See Starkie 1965, 71.
Ktalav 2016, 327â333.
For photographs showing the artificial holes on Jacobean shells, see Spencer 1998, fig. 248a; Vallet 2008, fig. 6; Ktalav 2016, fig. 17.3; Simonsen 2018, fig. 68. It was suggested that the two-hole shells were hung, while the three-hole shells were to be sewn onto the pilgrimâs clothes or bags. See Vallet 2008, 244.
AliÅ¡an 1884, 5â17; PʽeÄʽikean 1937, 50â52; Dédéyan 1978, 124â125; Dédéyan 1984, 23â25; Matiossian 2005, 197.
PʽeÄʽikean 1937, 52; Dédéyan 1978, 125â126; Dédéyan 1984, 25â26; Bacci 2004, 548â558; Uluhogian 2006, 29â50; Orengo 2018, 88â89.
Gulbenkian 1980, 173â178, 194â195 (Gulbenkian considers the princess to be daughter of the last Bagratid king). For some clarifications regarding the Armenian princess and her sojourn in Spain, see Matiossian 2005, 198â203.
Moralejo et al. 1951, 199.
López Ferreiro 1898, 69â70.
Gulbenkian 1980, 199; Matiossian 2005, 214â215. It was also suggested that the Galician city called Arménia and mentioned in the 16th-century Breviario Compostellano might have been related to the Armenians. See Gulbenkian 1980, 195â196, n. 96.
Conant 1926, 27.
DédéyanâKévorkian 2007, 907.
William of Rubruck (Jackson 1990), 205â206.
Calzolari 2017, 137â159; Serrano CollâLozano López 2020, 285â310.
Jean Dardel (Ch.A. 1906), chapter CXL, 106. The liberation of Lewon V in 1382 was in fact possible thanks to the kings of Castile and Aragon. On Lewonâs pilgrimage to Santiago, see also Sáez Pomes 1946â1947.
Jean Dardel (Ch.A. 1906, 99â100, on ManuÄl representing himself as Lewonâs messenger), see also 46, 85. For further readings on ManuÄlâs European activities during the post-kingdom period, see Grigoryan Savary 2021, 224â225.
Many references to Santiago de Compostela and to the tomb of the Apostle James in Galicia are to be found in Armenian historiography and literature. The presence of âmany saintsâ bodiesâ in Spain, with a particular emphasis on âthe body of TÄr Yakobâ, is mentioned in a series of 17th-century Armenian folk songs, in which the beauty of the poetâs beloved one is metaphorically compared to various cities and countries. See Mnacʽakanyan 1956, 272â288 (songs Nos 91â94). See also Matiossian 2005, 194â226, esp. 208â210 (for more references found in poetic texts).
PʽeÄʽikean 1937, 55â60.
XaÄʽikyan 1970, 125â148, esp. 137â145.
XaÄʽikyan 1970, 142, also 133 and n. 14 (for taking out the apostleâs body once in seven years).
âNear the tomb there is a door called âDoor of Mercyâ, which is opened once every seven years. Blessed are those who will be there on that dayâ. For the original text in Armenian, see XaÄʽikyan 1970, 146, n. 14.
Gulbenkian 1980, 201.
For the manuscriptâs description, see Bogharian 1966, 524â527.
â¦
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