Iâve got a career in diplomacy planted in my head. Letâs see where it takes me.
Diary, 11 April 1811
âµ
1 Early Endeavours
There were limited career opportunities available for an aristocrat in the nineteenth century, as few professions were considered appropriate for a member of the upper classes. In the late 1880s, Count Adolf Friedrich von Schack (who was himself a writer) listed the following possibilities: âestate management, military service, or a legal, court, or diplomatic career.â1 Athanasius RaczyÅski had still fewer opportunities available to him for two reasons directly related to his grandfather and legal guardian, Kazimierz RaczyÅski. The first was his grandfatherâs plans for his grandson. Kazimierz wanted Athanasius to become a politician and thus planned an education for his grandson that would allow him to âbecome useful to his country in the future, and qualified to hold public office.â It was for this reason that Athanasius was sent to study in Frankfurt, Berlin, and Dresden respectively and why Kazimierz advised his grandson to establish contacts âwith prominent people who were close to our good Emperor or to the Warsaw Government.â The second reason was Kazimierzâs indirect influence, particularly the negative impression he had left people with after being forced to flee Warsaw in 1807. Athanasius quickly noticed that an aversion to his grandfather influenced the attitude of important public figures towards him as well, limiting his career opportunities. Educated for a political career but unwelcome in Warsaw, RaczyÅski was forced to look elsewhere for a chance to realise his professional ambitions. In the future, a growing and, to his mind, irreconcilable conflict with his fellow Poles in terms of worldview would also play a role in this process, preventing him from participating in Polish public life and causing him to assess the political situation in the Kingdom of Poland very critically. Athanasius explained his reasons for actively pursuing a career in Prussian diplomacy in 1819 in the following manner:
I donât advise ambitious people to pave their way forward amidst the crowd. There are always better places for those seeking to satisfy their interests. Warsaw and St. Petersburg are crowded for a Pole because this is where Poland is considered to be a valid [political] project. Itâs different in Prussia. Itâs better in Prussia, especially when it comes to the diplomatic service. This is my sphere of activity, and I will be making every possible effort to avoid having any contact with Russian Poland.2
This does not mean that RaczyÅski made the decision to work in diplomacy against his wishes or that he was guided solely by negative considerations. On the contrary, he considered the prospect of being sent to a foreign court a very attractive and prestigious career opportunity. The point is rather that his career in diplomacy had to âfitâ into a narrow space strictly delimited by a number of external factors.
In this section of the present book, RaczyÅskiâs political career will be outlined, placing particular emphasis on the factors that shaped it: its dynamics, turning points, and climaxes, and, finally, its consequences, which can be seen in other areas of his life, especially in his engagement with art and his social life.3
It is impossible to indicate precisely when RaczyÅski first envisioned pursuing a career in diplomacy. Nevertheless, by mid-1810, he had made up his mind and was actively seeking to turn his vision into reality. In the spring of 1811, Athanasius wrote in his diary: âIâve got a career in diplomacy planted in my head. Letâs see where it takes me. In any case, I solemnly swear to stand by this [decision] no matter what.â4 Later entries of similar nature are found quite often in RaczyÅskiâs diary and writings. Athanasius initially wished for a career in the Saxon diplomatic service. Several years later, in the spring of 1813, he finally managed to obtain the position of Saxon attaché in Paris. Yet Athanasius spent only a few months in Paris. Historical events: the defeat of Napoleon and the occupation of Warsaw by the Prussians resulted in RaczyÅski being dismissed de facto from the Saxon diplomatic service in 1814, without, as he observed, âhaving received any definitive decision on this matter despite his numerous inquiries and requests.â5 The prospect of an uncertain future combined with historical circumstances â the formation of a new balance of power in Europe after the Congress of Vienna â is probably what caused RaczyÅski to wait several years before taking steps to resume his diplomatic career. He made his first effort to do so in 1819 when he applied for a position in the foreign service of the Kingdom of Prussia, of which he was then a citizen and subject. Ten years passed from Athanasiusâ initial application to join the Prussian diplomatic service to the assumption of his first post as a Prussian diplomat. This was a decade of démarches and petitions, as well as of hopes and disappointments. Because this was an important period in RaczyÅskiâs life, it is worth examining more closely. First, however, to better understand his situation, it is necessary to outline briefly the legal and organisational framework within which Athanasius functioned as a diplomat.
The Prussian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Das Ministerium der auswärtigen Angelegenheiten), which was responsible for the organisation of the diplomatic service, was established as an independent political entity in the autumn of 1810 and elevated to a ministry in 1814.6 Its first Minster was Karl August von Hardenberg (1814â1818), followed by Count Carl Friedrich Heinrich von Wylich und Lottum, who served for just a few months (JulyâDecember 1818). Next, Christian Günther von Bernstorff (1819â1832), to whom RaczyÅski wrote when he applied for a job in the Prussian diplomatic service, was appointed to head the ministry. The ministerâs remit, however, was severely limited. Throughout the entire period in question, it was the Prussian monarch, first Frederick William III, and afterwards (from 1840) Frederick William IV, who both formally and practically made all decisions concerning Prussian foreign policy, not only regarding major developments and key issues but often also about the people who were to hold diplomatic posts. Even when the existing vague criteria and procedures for selecting candidates for service were redefined and made more transparent in 1827 (primarily by conducting a multi-stage state examination), it was still the King who made the final decision whether to accept a given candidate. Naturally, the King often acted on the advice of his minister and ministerial officials (above all Johann Carl Heinrich Philipsborn, who from 1820 until his death in 1848, was responsible for the organisation and staffing of diplomatic missions), as well as the members of his Cabinet and other prominent people in his court (especially Jean Pierre Frédéric [Friedrich] Ancillon), but the King was nevertheless autonomous in his decisions. This meant that candidates had to win the monarchâs favour. However, they rarely addressed him directly, as it was customary to ask the foreign minister to act as an intermediary. Future diplomats were required to âfulfil their representative duties with dignity, carry out loyally and accurately the instructions of their superiors, report to the ministry on all significant matters with clarity, demonstrating sensitivity and powers of judgment, and to show initiative, tact, and intelligence in various negotiations.â7
In an entry dated 10 February 1819, RaczyÅski wrote in his diary:
Ten days ago, I wrote to Count Bernstorff to offer the King my services in diplomacy. Today, I visited Mr. Ancillon, one of the closest advisors to the Ministry, who told me several things that led me to believe that my proposal had been well received and that I would not have to wait long for my appointment. It seems that there will soon be a vacancy at the court in Madrid, and I have reason to believe that I will be sent there. Prince Antoni RadziwiÅÅ treats me with unimaginable effusiveness. I asked him to pass my letter on to Mr. Bernstorff. He led me to believe that he carried out my request very assiduously.8
This marks the point when RaczyÅski began to work actively to obtain a position in the Prussian diplomatic service. The short entry from his diary above demonstrates that he operated through various channels and that he acted in accordance with his understanding and appreciation of court custom in Berlin. RaczyÅskiâs official application to work in diplomacy was not submitted directly to the minister. To ensure success, Athanasius acted through Antoni RadziwiÅÅ, with whom he had close relations. His choice of intermediary seems to have been a wise one. Athanasiusâ wife Anna was related to Prince RadziwiÅÅ, who, in turn, had a direct connection to the royal family through his marriage to Princess Frederica Dorothea Louise Philippine of Prussia, the niece of King Frederick the Great.9 Although Antoni RadziwiÅÅâs political position at the court was not particularly strong and his influence relatively limited â since as Governor of the Grand Duchy of Posen he resided primarily in PoznaÅ rather than in Berlin â he was still a prominent figure in the social circles of the Berlin elite and a close associate of Minister Bernstorff.10 RaczyÅskiâs intention was, of course, to secure the help of people who could assist him in his efforts. The members of his âlobby groupâ included his brother Edward and later Theodor Bauman, who since 1825 had served as President (Oberpräsident) of the Posen province. Athanasius visited Friedrich Ancillon for the same reason. Ancillon, a theologian, scholar, and educator of the Crown Prince, held a special position in the court of Frederick William III. Although in 1819, he was neither an employee of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (he would later run this department from 1832 to 1837) nor a member of the Royal Cabinet, he was nevertheless a member of the monarchâs inner circle, and because the King trusted him, he had a significant influence on Prussian foreign policy.
This first letter to Minister Bernstorff, quoted above from RaczyÅskiâs diary, as well as many later documents relating to Athanasiusâ diplomatic career have been archived in his personal file, held in the Political Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Politisches Archiv des Auswärtigen Amtes) in Berlin. It is worth citing here an extensive excerpt from this letter, as RaczyÅskiâs subsequent letters concerning the course of his career were written using similar poetics and lines of argument:
Your Excellency, as an inhabitant of the Grand Duchy of Posen, I wish to express through the intermediary of the royal lieutenant, His Highness Prince RadziwiÅÅ, my desire to work in the diplomatic service of His Majesty the King.
I served as an attaché to the Saxon mission in Paris when the events of 1814 severed the ties between the Duchy of Warsaw and Saxony. Being now 31 years of age and married, I do not wish to return to service as an attaché, but I would be pleased to put my enthusiasm and resources to good use under the auspices of a chief who has upheld the reputation of a name that has become so prominent in diplomacy.
It would be my greatest wish to be entrusted with a mission in the south. I do not have a title to justify such a request, but I would be happy to make myself available for a probationary period set by His Excellency. I would be extremely happy to see that my new homeland allowed me to hold such an honourable position and act on behalf of the public good.
I have an income of 45,000 écus, most of which is used to cover expenses related to family matters. At present, I cannot guarantee I would be able to allocate more than 24,000 to public service, though in three yearsâ time, all my income will be allocated to tasks His Majesty will graciously entrust to me.11
After a year had passed with no response to his letter, RaczyÅski decided, in January 1820, to write another, very similar in content, this time addressed to Prince Antoni RadziwiÅÅ. A reply came from Prince RadziwiÅÅ in early March that included a passage that RaczyÅski would later use as a bargaining counter in his negotiations with the Prussian administration:
I have the honour to inform you [â¦] that His Majesty has positively received your request to serve His Majesty and enter into the diplomatic service. [â¦] I regret to inform you, however, that due to the absence of vacant posts, I am unable to be of service to you in this matter. In the meantime, since all the posts that might suit you are now occupied, and I hope to bring you soon into the service of the Kingdom of Prussia, I have instructed His Excellency Count Bernstorff [â¦], head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to add your name to the list of approved candidates.12
For RaczyÅski, this letter attested to his being in His Majestyâs favour and assured him that he would be deployed to a diplomatic mission once an appropriate post became available. Thus, whenever he learned of a vacant post, he made every effort to secure it. When the Madrid post became vacant in late September 1824, RaczyÅski wrote directly to Frederick William to express âwith renewed zeal my wishes and hopesâ for a diplomatic post. A month later, he sent a similar letter to Bernstorff, enclosing a copy of the letter he had received from RadziwiÅÅ four years earlier. RaczyÅski wrote to the Minister of Foreign Affairs again in the autumn of 1825, 1827, and 1828. In the last of these letters, which he sent in connection with an opening in Lisbon, RaczyÅski refers for the first time to his difficult situation in the Grand Duchy of Posen, a point he would raise again in future correspondence. RaczyÅski explained the high price he had paid for his staunch loyalty to the Prussian monarch and government â incurring the hatred of his fellow countrymen â and how this motivated his strong desire to go abroad. In this letter, RaczyÅski also expressed for the first time in his official correspondence signs of doubt: âIn any case, I will never regret that I have declared myself a loyal subject of the King, and the blessings I receive from him will not be outweighed by the sadness I feel when I see that my applications for diplomatic service are being rejected, although they are always graciously reviewed. Even if my seeking the honour of sacrificing my fortune in the service of His Majesty for the past ten years and the actions I have taken, and the zeal I have expressed for Him have been in vain, then perhaps one day my son will have the satisfaction of enjoying the fruits of my devotion and my perseverance.â13 Such disappointment and dissatisfaction are absent from another letter sent in the spring of 1829, in which RaczyÅski assures that he is âfar from giving up my professional projectsâ and that âten years of waiting have only strengthened in me the desire to serve the King.â14 Athanasius was optimistic because the monarch had promised he would be granted the first vacant diplomatic post; he, in fact, did receive such a nomination early the following year, in January 1830. The post, however, was not in Madrid, Rome, Lisbon, or Constantinople, the southern cities he had described as the most desirable in his correspondence over the last decade, but in the north â in Copenhagen.
Yet in mid-January, RaczyÅskiâs nomination had yet to be confirmed, and the list of possible candidates was long. The well-informed Danish envoy in Berlin, Count Eugen von Reventlow, wrote in a secret report (dated 19 January 1830) addressed to his superior, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Denmark, Baron Ernst Heinrich von Schimmelmann:
It is not yet in my power to report to Your Excellency anything certain about a possible successor to Count Meuron [the deceased Prussian envoy to Copenhagen]. Needless to say, there are many applicants for this post. I have reason to believe that the main candidates with the best chances to succeed are: Count RaczyÅski, a Pole from an old family from the Grand Duchy of Posen, who has long been promised a ministerial position abroad; Baron [Otto Friedrich Helmuth von] Maltzahn, the current chargé dâaffairs in Turin, who has several times served as the acting first secretary of Legation and chargé dâaffairs in Copenhagen; Baron Lottum, son of the minister of the same name, who also worked in the Prussian mission in Copenhagen a few years ago; Mr. [Carl Gustav Ernst von] Küster, first secretary of Legation in St. Petersburg, who currently resides here and previously worked under General Müffling in Constantinople; Count [Mortimer von] Maltzahn, chargé dâaffairs in Darmstadt and son-in-law of Graf von Goltz, etc., etc., etc. I allow myself to inform Your Excellency that Baron Bernstorff seems to favour Count RaczyÅski, who, as I mentioned above, has long been promised a position of this kind and who has both the necessary means and abilities and is blessed with the advantages of elegant looks, a good name, and a great fortune. Nevertheless, although Baron Bernstorff possesses independence in the ministry entrusted to his care, it is the King himself who nominates candidates for such posts, so one should not be surprised if His Majesty chooses someone else. It is very likely, for instance, that he will be influenced by persistent petitions to show favour to the son of the old Count Lottum.15
The relevant cabinet order to appoint RaczyÅski envoy to Copenhagen was issued three days later. Three more days passed before Minister Bernstorff sent an official letter to Athanasius.16
Why had RaczyÅski failed in his efforts for so many years? To a certain extent, the reasons were objective ones. The pool of applicants for diplomatic posts had quickly doubled after 1815 in part due to a rapid increase in the number of law students, for whom state service, including jobs in diplomacy, was the only viable career path. Yet, the number of diplomatic posts was subject to only minor, generally insignificant changes. In 1818, Prussia maintained 24 missions with the status of diplomatic agency and three additional stations. Thus, only a tiny percentage of the population could serve in diplomacy. In the case of the nobility, by far the most strongly represented group, only 0.8 percent held such posts. Moreover, the structure of the diplomatic service was quite static. Ambassadors and envoys were dismissed from their posts only in exceptional cases. Vacancies were created when they resigned, either because of their advanced age or for health reasons; however, many of them remained in office until their deaths (during the reign of Frederick William III, 15 out of 28 high-ranking diplomats died in the course of diplomatic service in a foreign court17).
Nevertheless, RaczyÅski had reason to believe that his efforts would ensure him success. He possessed significant financial resources, which he emphasised in his letters. He also had advantages that Reventlow listed in his report: education, wealth, determination, training, suitable character traits, and contacts with people in circles close to the minister and the King. Moreover, RaczyÅski was assured early on that he was in the Kingâs favour.
Faced with the prospect of failure, RaczyÅski tried to explain the situation to himself. In his official correspondence, apart from the letter quoted above, he carefully concealed his annoyance, disappointment, and discouragement. However, he did allow himself to express his feelings in his diary and letters to his brother. In addition to Prussiaâs excessive bureaucracy, RaczyÅski also blamed his failure on the current political situation, above all, on the attitude of Prussia towards Poland and Russia. It was during this period that RaczyÅski allowed himself for the first time to think that his nationality might be the reason behind his failures. Perhaps this was the point at which he first came face-to-face with a problem that would later become the great drama of his life: how to be a good Pole in the face of historical circumstances and his own personal ambitions. Athanasiusâ situation was further complicated by the fact that the failure of his efforts coincided with other painful events in his life: family problems; a stormy, dramatic, and painful romance that lasted several years, one that he described differently to his youthful infatuations, but which he experienced intensely nevertheless; and finally, the dilemmas he faced in terms of whether or not he should actually leave Poland. In April 1829, he described his situation thus:
I suppose at no point in my life have I ever felt so intensely how life can become a burden, how it can be so filled with bitterness. The scandal with RadzimiÅski, who challenged me to a duel because I sued him. The delays in my employment prospects. A lack of favour from the court and society. Family problems. The fact that Iâm getting older. Boredom. I feel terrible. I havenât accomplished anything. Iâm distracted, and I donât know what Iâm doing. I canât find any way to make use of myself. Oh, what a pathetic life.18
The news of his appointment as envoy to Copenhagen reached RaczyÅski while he was staying with his brother in Rogalin. The nomination, as he wrote, âfulfilled all my wishes.â
2 The Power of Circumstances or âa Place Apartâ?
After taking an oath of allegiance and obedience to the King, RaczyÅski left Berlin for Copenhagen on 12 March 1830 to assume the diplomatic post he had been granted; his wife joined him a few weeks later. His arrival was preceded by an official letter from Frederick William III to King Frederick IV, informing him of RaczyÅskiâs appointment as the envoy of the Kingdom of Prussia to the Danish court at the highest possible rank of âenvoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary ministerâ (auÃerordentlicher Gesandter und bevollmächtiger Minister).19 RaczyÅski was to receive a salary of 10,000 thalers per year; the first payment was to be increased by 2,000 thalers. This was no small sum, but it was far from sufficient to cover all the costs of the missionâs representative functions. However, as mentioned earlier, RaczyÅski had expressed from the outset his willingness to spend a significant portion of his income from his landed property on expenses related to his service. In fact, diplomats were generally expected to spend part of their income on official costs because the Prussian state required its officials to support the state and its politics. Especially in diplomacy, it was unthinkable to have a career without spending oneâs own money. What one paid in cash, one gained in symbolic capital.
Danish diplomats saw RaczyÅskiâs appointment as a good choice. The envoy of the Kingdom of Denmark to Berlin, Reventlow, reported to the Foreign Minister in Copenhagen:
I think I can assure Your Excellency that this nomination is highly desirable. In addition to the essential merits that were decisive in his selection by the noble ruler, Count RaczyÅski comes from a noble family, is blessed with a vast fortune and most distinguished demeanor. Therefore, the eminent court should be nothing but satisfied with the choice and the zeal with which it was made and the lack of undue delay.20
Contrary to these expectations, however, RaczyÅski ultimately proved to be a demanding and difficult political partner, especially when Hans Krabbe- Carisius took over as Danish Foreign Minister in May 1831. Apart from political tensions caused by such things as RaczyÅskiâs claims that the Danish government favoured Austria over Prussia or his attitude towards events on the Iberian Peninsula, personal factors also played a role in this process. RaczyÅski accused Krabbe-Carisius openly and not without grounds of indecisiveness, vacillation, irresolution, and excessive caution.21 Georg NørregÃ¥rd, an eminent expert in the history of Denmark, claims that the growing conflict between RaczyÅski and Krabbe-Carisius was one of the main reasons behind RaczyÅskiâs decision to resign as envoy in Copenhagen.22
RaczyÅski headed the Danish mission for four years, officially until the middle of 1834, but de facto until the beginning of that year. Theodor von Seckendroff was assigned to act as his secretary. However, for most of this time, the Count, as he later complained, had to manage without him and carried out von Seckendroffâs duties himself.23 On three occasions, Athanasius took a three-month leave of absence, during which he left Denmark and travelled to Berlin and his estates in Wielkopolska and Galicia.
When RaczyÅski arrived in Copenhagen, a city with a population of 150,000, the damage remaining from the British bombardment and occupation of 1807 was relatively minor, while the city itself was still enclosed by the city walls erected by Christian IV in the seventeenth century (Fig. 46 and 47). Steen Bo Frandsen thus described Copenhagen in the first half ot the nineteenth century: âAt first glance, the capital city presented itself as the centre of the entire country. The Kingâs residence, the administrative centre, the most important fortress, and the only military port were all located within the city. The oldest university [â¦] and all other educational institutions, such as the university of technology, the veterinary and forestry academy, trade schools, and the military academy, were all located in the city as well. All state art collections and museums were located there, too. It was also the most important industrial and trade centre in all the monarchy. [â¦] The overwhelming accumulation of institutions and personalities made Copenhagen the undisputd centre of the kingdom. [â¦] With its enormous concentration of elites and state facilities, the capital generally made a good impression on foreigners. They were not so impressed with the cultural life, however.â24 It was a time when Copenhagen underwent âsignificant reconfiguration as an architectural and topographical structure,â âa period of transition between traditional and modern cultureâ â Copenhagen as a modern city was emerging.25
Athanasius RaczyÅski, View of the Port in Copenhagen, watercolour, July 1830
RaczyÅski Library in PoznaÅ, ms 2719
Athanasius RaczyÅski, Christiansborg Palace in Copenhagen, watercolour, 26 July 1832
RaczyÅski Library in PoznaÅ, ms 2719
The RaczyÅskis rented a luxurious two-storey apartment in a large house at Holmens Kanal 259 (Fig. 48), in the centre of the city, close to the royal castle (Christiansborg Palace), which had just been restored after a fire of 1794 (Fig. 49). A press advertisement published at the beginning of 1834, just after the RaczyÅskisâ departure, noted that the house had ten grand rooms with amenities on every floor. The home also had a barberâs room, a laundry room, and a mangle room. In the courtyard were two stables, for five and three horses respectively, equipped with small rooms for the rider and the servant, and two carriage houses for a total of five carriages. âEverything is kept up in excellent condition.â26
View of Holmens Kanal, the house in which RaczyÅski lived on the right (No. 259, later No. 12), with Christiansborg Palace in the distance, illustration c.1850
Det Kgl. Bibliotek, Billedsamlingen. Topografisk samling, København, 8°, Holmens Kanal, 11
Nicolai Severin Sterm, Plan of the Eastern Quarter of Copenhagen, 1840
Det Kgl. Bibliotek, KBK K enk. lok., Ãster kvarter-0-1840/1 Arrow indicates the location of the house in which RaczyÅski lived
During Athanasiusâ time in Copenhagen, the Danish political elite was primarily occupied with domestic affairs, especially the situation in the troubled region of Holstein.27 Since 1767 Holstein (as well as Schleswig) had been an integral part of the Danish kingdom. The events of the Napoleonic era and the actions taken at the Congress of Vienna did not eliminate Denmarkâs suzerainty over the region (Holstein was linked to Denmark by a personal union), but they did affect its status: Holstein was included as a member of the German Confederation established by the Congress in 1815. Pursuant to article 13 of the Deutsche Bundesakte (German Federal Act), all of the Confederationâs member states were to adopt a constitution. Since the Kingdom of Denmark, as an absolute monarchy, failed to meet this condition, a strong pro-constitutional and liberal movement took root in Holstein. The revolutionary events of 1830 in France, Belgium, and later Poland provided this movement with new impetus. The claim made by Uwe Jens Lornsen, one of the leading representatives of Danish liberal thought at the time and the author of a famous brochure titled Writings Concerning Constitutional Matters in Schleswig-Holstein (Ueber das Verfassungswerk in Schleswigholstein), that the country was on the verge of revolution was somewhat premature, but the situation was nevertheless quite tense. In response to these pressures, the Danish authorities announced on 28 May 1831 the creation of state assemblies in four of the kingdomâs provinces: the Danish islands, Jutland, Schleswig, and Holstein; a constitution was adopted on 15 May 1834. Emerging national ideologies among both the Danish and German subjects of the kingdom had made the atmosphere much more heated. These tensions intensified in the 1840s, culminating in the bloody civil war of 1848â1851 (the First Schleswig War), but they had already had a strong impact on Danish politics since the early 1830s. These political developments were also of great interest to Prussia, not only because the states were neighbours but also for reasons of their political interests. In addition to the political situation and balance of power in the Baltic Sea region, matters connected with Holstein and the adoption of a constitution in absolutist Denmark were the main issues to which RaczyÅski devoted his attention.
RaczyÅskiâs main tasks in Denmark â and he would be required to perform similar ones during his two later diplomatic missions â can be divided into four groups. First, RaczyÅski had to prepare weekly reports, several pages in length. In them, he described current events, commented on Denmarkâs domestic and foreign policy and the state of the countryâs finances, and analysed the local press and public opinion.28 Second, RaczyÅski was required to prepare detailed reports on specific topics, including the strength of the Danish fleet, shipping safety and security in the Baltic Sea, and Denmarkâs trade balance. Third, RaczyÅski acted on behalf of his monarch, presenting Prussiaâs position to Danish policymakers, either in person or more often through official letters. In this capacity, he negotiated matters of varying importance (commercial, military, personal, etc.) and intervened when the interests of Prussia seemed threatened. Fourth, RaczyÅski coordinated the work of lower-ranking officials (consuls) and other individuals connected with Prussia who lived in various parts of Denmark. Diplomatic work was a very time-consuming and demanding job, and RaczyÅski was required to spend long hours in his office collecting information (reading the international press), preparing reports, and writing and reading numerous letters. RaczyÅskiâs diplomatic work in Copenhagen is archived in thousands of pages of documents. However, Athanasiusâ work as a diplomat did not prevent him from having an active social life. His salon soon became a popular meeting place for diplomats residing in Copenhagen (it was in Denmark that RaczyÅski met Henry Wheaton, who would remain his close friend for many years) and representatives of the local elite (the poet Adam Gottlob Oehlenschläger, among others, wrote about sitting at RaczyÅskiâs âwelcoming tableâ and praised his host as âa connoisseur of art, a lover of poetryâ29). Perhaps the author of the press report of the Countâs departure from Copenhagen was not exaggerating in stating that ârefined circles in the capital will truly miss this witty and sophisticated diplomat.â30
As we can recall, when RaczyÅski first tried to secure a diplomatic post, he expressed his wish to work in the South, claiming that âposts in the North disagree with the state of my wifeâs health.â31 RaczyÅski made the same point in his letters from Copenhagen, including a letter from 1832 to Bernstorff in which he asked about the possibility of moving to The Hague due to Copenhagenâs harsh and unhealthy climate. In the spring of the following year, he asked to be transferred from Copenhagen to Vienna or Munich. Health problems, in this case not his wifeâs but his own, were the deciding factor in RaczyÅskiâs decision to resign as the head of Prussian diplomacy at the Danish court. In early 1834, he requested a three-month leave for reasons of health. Shortly afterwards, on 27 March, he boarded the steamboat Frederik VI âtogether with his wife, a butler and seven servantsâ and travelled via Kiel and Hamburg to Berlin, and then, on 23 April, on to Aachen (Fig. 50 and 51) for health treatments. RaczyÅski left Copenhagen convinced that he would not return. He vacated the house he was renting, and the things he left behind began to be auctioned off in April. These included âvery beautiful tea and coffee pots, candelabra, candlesticks, plat-de-menage, varnished and bronze items, such as floor and table lamps, mahogany and other types of furniture, such as bureaus, wardrobes, bookshelves, sofas, chairs, dining tables, tea and gaming tables, a beautiful sideboard, mirrors, commodes, wash-stands, cupboards, standing and table clocks, a piano,â âa gorgeous mahogany bookcase with silk curtains and two smaller bookcases with glass doors,â âelegant pieces made of porcelain and faience,â and finally âa beautiful Berlin carriage and two wagons, harnesses, saddles, one saddle horse and two bay carriage horses.â32 This list gives us at least a general idea about the conditions in which RaczyÅski lived in the Danish capital.
Theodor Kloss, Port in Copenhagen, drawing given to A. RaczyÅski on 27 March 1834, on the day of RaczyÅskiâs departure from the Danish capital
RaczyÅski Library in PoznaÅ, ms 2719
Athanasius RaczyÅski, View from the Window of Athanasiusâ Lodgings in Aachen, watercolour, June 1834, during RaczyÅskiâs recovery in the city
private collection
In Aachen, RaczyÅski wrote letters to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and then to the King, requesting to be excused from returning to Copenhagen due to his poor health. RaczyÅski also asked to be granted an indefinite leave until he was assigned another diplomatic post. The monarch granted the Count the leave in mid-June 1834; however, the Count would have to wait for a new post for almost a decade. RaczyÅski, who was not prepared for such a wait and found it very frustrating, was forced to rethink his place in the structures of the Prussian state and society.
Before describing RaczyÅskiâs efforts to return to active service, I would like to first comment on the financial aspect of his leave, which provides us with insights into the Countâs personality. Since he was not released from service but only granted a leave of absence, RaczyÅski received a salary (a so-called Wartegeld) of 3,000 thalers per year. RaczyÅski accepted the money because, as he later explained in a letter to the minister, he thought it represented the âvaluable bondâ that linked him to the ministry and the government.33 The Count used the money to create a fund âfor widows and orphans of lower-ranking officials of the ministry [of foreign affairs].â A salary of 3,000 thalers was a significant sum of money given that the annual salary of the secretary in the ministry at that time was 400 to 500 thalers, so the fund was able to provide support for the families of many lower-ranking officials. Documentation of payments from the so-called âRaczyÅski Fund,â archived in three large folders in the Politisches Archiv des Auswärtigen Amtes in Berlin, is evidence of the scale of the fundâs operations.
RaczyÅskiâs status in the 1830s differed from what it had been in the 1820s when he first applied for a position in Prussian diplomacy. In the 1830s, he was an employee of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He thus had access to many influential people in Prussian political circles, and, as he believed and wrote several times in his letters, he was well liked by Minister Ancillon. For this reason, he was all the more disappointed that, despite these circumstances, he found himself now in almost the same position as ten years before: that of an applicant waiting for a positive decision from his superiors.
When RaczyÅski asked the King in spring 1834 to be excused from his obligation to return to the Danish mission, he also requested âto be assigned a different post that Your Majesty, in his infinite wisdom, would consider suitable in view of my modest abilities.â The Count indicated he wished to take up a post in the Hague or Constantinople.34 In the same year (1834), he was assured that he would receive the post of ambassador to the Spanish court as soon as the political situation would allow Prussia to renew its diplomatic relations with Spain.35 This promise was a source of satisfaction for RaczyÅski and a bargaining counter in his correspondence with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. However, it also became an obstacle in his diplomatic career. The political situation in Spain was tense, and there was no quick solution in sight. RaczyÅskiâs return to active service was therefore dependent on uncertain future outcomes.
For this reason, RaczyÅski began taking more decisive steps in early 1837 to obtain a post in a different country. In letters to the directors of the second and third branch of the ministry, Johann Ludwig von Jordan and Johann Albrecht Eichhorn, and shortly afterwards in a letter to the Minister of Foreign Affairs Heinrich August Baron von Werther, he asked to be assigned a post in one of the German countries or âany other post that would put a stop to the unpleasant and forced idleness to which I have been sentenced for three yearsâ or âeven some, even extraordinary, employment in a ministryâ that would âserve as proof to me and others that I have not been sentenced to futile, endless waiting, that I have not been dismissed because of my mistakes, suspicious views or blatant incompetence. I wish to be seen as an active subject of the state.â36 In February 1840, after two years of silence, he decided to write official letters to Werther and the monarch himself. RaczyÅski documented his efforts in recent months in an extensive and detailed report entitled Steps I took at the beginning of 1840 to end the humiliating idleness that I have been experiencing for six years.37 This document is particularly interesting because RaczyÅski not only describes his situation but also explains the causes behind his âidleness.â He suspects that Minister Werther is not fond of him and is trying to discreetly end his career in diplomacy âso that he could assign my post to one of his protégés, even though this would make everyone see me as incapable and unworthy of serving in the ministry of which I am a part.â In RaczyÅskiâs opinion, the fact that he had received an unofficial proposition to become a Geheimrat and member of the State Council, which would de facto mean the end of his active diplomatic service, proved this. In the end, Athanasius accepted the nomination to the Geheimer Legationsrat. RaczyÅski continued to see himself as the victim of a political game involving slander, gossip, powerplays, personal interests, and a âhunt for offices,â which he euphemistically referred to as the âpower of circumstancesâ (die Macht der Verhältnisse). RaczyÅski was convinced that he was the victim of a foul powerplay motivated by the âplace apartâ he occupied in Prussian society: âHe wants to let me know that âthe power of circumstancesâ creates obstacles for me, but I think that it is my lonely position which creates obstacles for me.â This somewhat enigmatic observation becomes clearer when it is read in the context of his diary entries, especially those from the year 1837, which he perceived as a year of crisis:
I am the only one in my family and the only one in my province who has been asking to be assigned to a position of public service for eighteen years. For eighteen years, I have been trying to break through this barrier, which, on the one hand, is posed by national sentiments, fuelled and distorted by liberal views, and, on the other, is reinforced by an instinctive animosity. I am the only one, believe me, and all those who hold positions in public service oppose my aspirations as if I was going to soak up all their jobs and salaries. I am the only one in my family and the only one in my province who has been asking to serve the King for eighteen years. I mean something in my province. I demand neither a high position nor a high salary. I would be happier working in a ministry than as a diplomat at a post where there is nothing to do, like in Naples or Copenhagen. These are my wishes, these are my requests, and for eighteen years I have been unable to obtain a position in public service.38
It is very difficult to tell whether the image painted by RaczyÅski in his report and diary is truthful: whether his âlonely positionâ as a Pole and a declared conservative was indeed the main reason for his failures. He was undoubtedly involved in a political powerplay, the extent of which was probably unknown to him. This is evidenced in an extensive letter from Werther to the King dated 28 April 1840 and an anonymous pro memoria letter from around that time.39 In his letter, Werther openly states that he does not see a place for Athanasius in Prussian diplomacy, âbecause when Count RaczyÅski was out of active service, the demands of those who were expecting promotions for their uninterrupted service increased.â Instead, as a symbolic confirmation of RaczyÅskiâs relationship with the Ministry, Werther proposed to grant RaczyÅski the title of Geheimer Legationsrat and offered to assign minor tasks in the Ministry to the Count, especially âthose that are not directly related to current politics.â In the second document, the possibility of granting RaczyÅski the high title of Wirklicher Geheimrat and the title of âExcellencyâ is discussed. RaczyÅski could also be named an extraordinary member of the State Council but not assigned to any of its departments. âIf this were to happen, could the Count demand a better confirmation of trust from the government? One condition would then be, of course, that he give up his diplomatic career for good.â
RaczyÅski knew about many of these behind-the-scenes games or at least suspected that they were taking place. He was convinced that he was right and found it difficult to accept that his efforts were in vain:
For ten days Iâve been torturing myself miserably. I felt like ending everything. I wished to leave, sell my house and paintings, and not beg any longer for employment, or for grace, or for trust. However, my character does not allow me ever to give up on anything or to change my mind. Indeed, my desire to make myself useful and my love for my paintings has triumphed over my fits of anger. Iâve decided to stay, to not give up on anything, not to change anything, to wait and continue to suffer until I die.40
A letter written by RaczyÅski to his friend Count Karl Friedrich von Klinkowström in 1840 demonstrates that not only character traits played a role in RaczyÅskiâs efforts to return to public service. RaczyÅski describes his diplomatic career in connection with the question of social status, something the Count considered important. A career in diplomacy is a means to âwinning the Kingâs good graces and thus of gaining respect.â âPersonal respectâ was at stake, and in Prussia, it was impossible to gain respect without holding a prominent government position, âbecause in Prussia, as in Russia, personality without office means nothing.â41
RaczyÅski paid a high price for his determination. This was documented mainly in his diary. RaczyÅski was subjected to humiliation and also a (yet another) crisis of confidence in his strength and abilities. He also experienced a final and painful conflict with Poland, Poles, and his understanding of being Polish.
Another year and a half passed following the events described above before RaczyÅski finally received a nomination to head a diplomatic post from the hands of Frederick William IV. However, it was not Spain, as he had been promised, but Portugal, with which Berlin had renewed diplomatic relations following a 14-year hiatus. On 9 December 1841, the monarch informed the newly appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, Joachim Karl Ludwig Mortimer Graf von Maltzan, that he wished to appoint RaczyÅski as envoy to Lisbon.42 Athanasius eventually went to Madrid six years later.
3 Iberia
RaczyÅski embarked on his, as he called it, âgrand tourâ in mid-March 1842. He left Berlin and arrived in Lisbon almost two months later, in the early morning of 13 May 1842, having travelled through Brussels, Paris, and London.43 The journey took a long time because of Athanasiusâ almost four-week stay in London. As RaczyÅski explained in a letter to Minister Maltzan, âI think it would be in the interest of my service to examine Portugal and the [Iberian] Peninsula from London first and prepare myself for my diplomatic service in the British capitalâ44 (Fig. 52). RaczyÅski did indeed prepare himself to be the envoy to Lisbon by reading English texts, of which there were many in view of the very strong political contacts that existed between the two countries. The diplomatic task that RaczyÅski had to fulfil in Lisbon was clearly defined in an extensive explanatory letter written by the Minister of Foreign Affairs on 14 March 1842:
In resuming diplomatic relations between Prussia and Portugal, the King, our Excellent Monarch, gracious appointed you as the first extraordinary envoy and plenipotentiary minister at the side of Her Majesty. The task that you are to fulfil in connection with that function is clear. Your first concern is to convince the Portuguese Court that the intentions of our excellent monarch toward Queen Dona Maria are by all means kind and friendly. [â¦] I am certain that you understand, Count, that you should do everything in your power to gain the favour and personal trust of Her Majesty.
Athanasius RaczyÅski, Seascape in Falmouth, watercolour, 8 May 1842, on the day he left for Portugal
private collection
Maltzan also instructed RaczyÅski to maintain good relations with King Ferdinand and Princess Mariá Amélia, as well as with the foreign diplomats and ambassadors in Lisbon, especially those from Austria, Russia, England, and France. Maltzan also expected reliable reports on Portugalâs domestic and foreign policy. The Minister also forbade RaczyÅski to intervene in Portugalâs internal affairs, asking him to act with âcareful and considerable distanceâ45 (Fig. 53).
August Roquemont, Portrait of Athanasius RaczyÅski as a Prussian Envoy in Lisbon, 1843
Museu Nacional de Soares dos Reis, Porto, inv. no. 1552 Pin MNSR, Direção-Geral do Património Cultural / Arquivo de Documentação Fotográfica, Photo by José Pessoa
Although Maltzanâs guidelines sounded ambitious, RaczyÅski considered the post in Portugal, especially in comparison to his previous diplomatic mission in Copenhagen, where he had immediately become involved in a high-stakes political game surrounding Holstein, to be rather unexciting. After more than six months in Portugal, he wrote to his sister-in-law: âPolitics offers few subjects to consider. For the first time since I arrived in Portugal, I have sent a short report to the King. It was two-pages long.â46 The first months of RaczyÅskiâs stay in Portugal are best summarised in a watercolour self-portrait made by the Count in late August 1842. In it Athanasius can be seen sitting in a slumped position in an armchair; it looks as if his flaccid, seemingly lifeless body is about to slide out of the armchair. With his right hand, he has placed a book on his knees, as if in a sign of resignation. His face expresses fatigue and discouragement. âItâs hot,â the Count is saying, and you can almost hear the heavy sigh with which he speaks these words. If the image together with the âcomic word balloonâ were not enough, RaczyÅski also added an inscription: âThe Prussian Ambassador to Lisbon is resting after three and a half months of doing nothing (22 August 1842)â (Fig. 54).
Athanasius RaczyÅski, Self-portrait as a Prussian Envoy in Lisbon, watercolour, 22 August 1842
RaczyÅski Foundation at the National Museum in PoznaÅ, inv. no. MNP Gr 798/33
Immediately after he arrived in Lisbon, Athanasius moved into a palace on the Tagus (Fig. 55), and a few days later moved to an apartment on Rua do Moinho de Vento (todayâs Rua Dom Pedro V) in the northern part of the city (Fig. 56 and 57). What did his house look like? âHere it is. The architecture is simple and uncomplicated. It is not âGreekâ or âSchinkel-likeâ at all. The house is yellow, and the entrance is green, with a small green balcony at each window.â This is how RaczyÅski described the house in a letter to a friend, to which he also attached a simple drawing (Fig. 58).47 RaczyÅski spent his entire six years in Lisbon in this house, even though it was neither prestigiously nor conveniently located. âMy house is located in one of the highest points in the city; it is therefore very far away from the water. The façade overlooks a disgusting, smelly street [Rua da Rosa]. From the rear, however, a magnificent view opens up over the largest valley within Lisbonâs city walls; there are large monasteries on all the hills, while a beautiful promenade shaded by trees runs along the middle of the valley.â48 This description was not written by RaczyÅski but by Karl Friedrich von Savigny, who was assigned to the Count as a secretary. The young man described his first Portuguese experiences extensively in letters to his parents.
Athanasius RaczyÅski, View on Tagus from the Window of Madame de Belemâs Palace, watercolour, 13â24 May 1842, on the first day of his stay in Lisbon
private collection
W.B. Clarke and J. Henshall, City Map of Lisbon, c.1840, London: Chapman and Hall, 1844
Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, inv. no. cc-594-v Arrow indicates RaczyÅskiâs place of residence
Athanasius RaczyÅski, View from RaczyÅskiâs Apartment at Rua do Moinho de Vento on the Rua da Rosa, watercolour, 30 June 1842
private collection
Athanasius RaczynÌskiâs Apartment in Lisbon, drawing in a letter from A. RaczynÌski to Henry Wheaton
Wheaton, Henry, 1785-1848. Autograph letters signed: Washington, Providence, New York, Berlin, London, etc., to Catharine Wheaton, 1814-1847, Box 3, Folder 48. The Morgan Library & Museum. MA 995
Unlike in Copenhagen, in Lisbon, RaczyÅski had secretaries who assisted him during his entire stay in Portugal. For the first two years, RaczyÅskiâs secretary was Savigny, son of a well-known Prussian lawyer and politician, Friedrich Karl von Savigny, who had just been appointed Justice Minister. Then, Prince Wilhelm Paul von Löwnstein was RaczyÅskiâs secretary for a short time, and finally, until the end of RaczyÅskiâs diplomatic mission, Count Carl von Pourtalès-Gorgier. The secretaries greatly assisted Athanasius. In the case of Savigny, their initially purely professional relationship evolved into a friendship that lasted for many years, even after Savigny had left Lisbon.49 Savigny, who had travelled to Portugal not without fears (Johann Ludwig von Jordan warned Savigny that âit is impossible to live well with [RaczyÅski], and a conflict in a foreign country would be unbearableâ50) found in the Polish aristocrat not only an understanding boss but also a hospitable host and a considerate protector. Contrary to the opinions of others, RaczyÅski proved to be âa nice and open manâ who was ânothing but friendly.â51 Athanasius, in turn, valued Savigny as a diligent worker but also as a cultured man and a trustworthy confidant. RaczyÅski did not value and respect his subsequent secretaries in the same way. His relations with Pourtalès were tense; RaczyÅski and his secretary differed not only in their political views but also in their ideas about the level of professionalism needed in carrying out their assigned duties, as well as their scope.
In order to understand better RaczyÅskiâs duties when he first arrived in Lisbon, the letters he wrote to his brother should be analysed. Edward wished to know as much as possible about Portugal and demanded detailed reports from Athanasius: âI have always known that the country is beautiful, that it is warm, that it has more water than in Gaj, but you have to tell me more. I want to know what kind of menu you had during your National-Portuguese dinner and how one makes love in Lisbon. Describe the army, uniforms, parades, and parade tunes. What is the fleet like, what is the theatre like? Those are the questions to which you have to give thorough answers.â52 Athanasius answered his brother âthoroughlyâ by means of sketches about Portugal that he attached to his letters (he wrote them in English and treated them as a linguistic exercise). At least, this is what we suspect because these sketches could not be found in the archives. Nevertheless, RaczyÅskiâs letters inform us both about his impressions of Lisbon and his duties and pastimes there. In August 1842, Athanasius described a typical day for him in detail to his brother:
I get up between seven and eight. I write all morning until lunch. Sometimes I eat only in the company of Mr. Savigny, but often at the house of Mr. Ricci, the envoy from Piedmont, or at the home of Count Luckner, the Danish chargé dâaffaires. These gentlemen also often eat with me. After lunch, we talk, smoke, and at half past nine, we go to the Italians for a play, three times a week. [â¦]
On days when there is no play, I used to spend part of the evening with Baron Mareschall, the Austrian envoy, and with Mr. Mollerus, the envoy from the Netherlands. I eat ice cream, walk with Ricci and Luckner, and at 11 oâclock, I lie down comfortably, drink a glass of orangeade and fall asleep without a care in the world ⦠and sometimes ⦠everything depends on digestion and heat.
Every fifteen days or every three weeks, I go to Sintra to bow to the Queen and the King. I stay there for two or three days and go back to Lisbon to live my life. Sometimes His Majesty comes to the city to celebrate some anniversary, for example, those marking the shipping of troops, of adopting the constitution, of the victory over Don Miguel. Then you have to go to court: there is a party for diplomats; the kissing of hands for subjects; in the evening the Queen and the King appear on a big loggia, Don Pedroâs anthem is played, at noon the guns are fired, and the ships are decorated with flags.
Today, I had dinner with Mr. Cappacini, a charming man, and his secretary Mr. Viscardelli. Ricci was also there, but that was all. I rarely see Portuguese people. They are not pleasant to us foreign diplomats, and I do not wish to impose myself on them. Nevertheless, there is one person whose company I am very interested in and who seems to respect me. His name is Count Lavradio, but Iâm not sure if this half-friendship will grow. He is an amiable man, though I donât know if I will be able to convince him to exchange external courtesies for real feelings in the long run. In general, Portuguese people are accused of being âsmoothâ on the surface but not capable of deeper and nobler feelings. I do not like how reserved they are. But the way I live here suits me completely, and I wish for nothing else. My needs are simple. I write a report every eight days. They are sometimes short and sometimes long. They are sometimes interesting and sometimes not interesting. At first, there were a lot of office matters to attend to, but since I am not alone anymore, there is almost nothing left to do.53
RaczyÅskiâs duties in Lisbon were similar to those in Copenhagen. The only difference was that the reports and letters he prepared were considered less important, primarily because relations between Prussia and distant Portugal were not as close as the relations between Prussia and its neighbour Denmark. Following a period of intense, primarily commercial contacts between the German countries and Portugal over the past few centuries, the nineteenth century was a period of deep crisis.54 Political and economic dependence on England and the loss of Brazil, which became an independent empire in 1822, resulted in Portugalâs status being reduced. Although the bond with the German countries was maintained through a series of marriages between representatives of the Portuguese dynasty and German princely dynasties, these relationships were devoid of any real political significance (although they were conducive to strengthening cultural relations, which intensified in the nineteenth century). Portugal did not play an important role in Prussian foreign policy, as evidenced by the fact that the post in Lisbon was from time to time unstaffed or staffed by low-ranking diplomats.55 After three years in Portugal, RaczyÅski had no illusions: âI feel,â he wrote in a letter to a friend, âthat I occupy the least significant of all the posts, and that instead of going forward Iâm now being pushed in the opposite direction.â56
From RaczyÅskiâs perspective, these circumstances had two consequences. First, a lighter workload and fewer responsibilities allowed him to devote more time to getting to know the country, its customs, and, especially, its artistic heritage. Second, contrary to the declarations he made in his letters to Edward, they aroused his ambitions and desire for a more prestigious position. During his Lisbon years, RaczyÅski closely observed the situation in neighbouring Spain and, when he considered it appropriate, probed the possibility of moving to Madrid. He also contemplated taking the diplomatic post in Antwerp and even talked to the King about it during his stay in Berlin in the spring of 1847.
Before we allow RaczyÅski to speak again, it is worth quoting an excerpt from the journal of Count Adolf Friedrich von Schack, who arrived in Lisbon only five years after Athanasius had left (in 1853). His observations not only give an idea of what first impressions a German person might have had of Portugal and Lisbon in the mid-nineteenth century but also tell a great deal about the place Portugal occupied in the European consciousness at that time:
A visitor arriving in Portugal from Spain, especially from Andalusia, would feel somewhat disappointed. People do not appear to be lively and animated; the streets are not full of cheerful bustle in the evening or at night. Although large and populous, Lisbon seems barren and frozen compared to even the smallest Andalusian town. A deep melancholy surrounds the wide squares and streets of the Portuguese capital, stretching seemingly endlessly into the valley and the hills along the Tagus. Since the terrible earthquake that destroyed the city almost completely in the previous century, it has been impressively, almost wonderfully restored. But even before that terrible natural disaster, Portugal was a ruin. Its greatness was a thing of the past, and since the country did not rise again, its newly built capital could only be a washed corpse, despite all its architectural splendour. One might think that Portugal lies in a different part of the world from the rest of Europe, so little news of it reaches us in Europe. Between Spain and Portugal, which, after all, border each other, there is a wall higher than the one which separates Norway from Sweden. [â¦] In the rest of Europe, Portugal is thought to be lying somewhere, spiritually dead. And yet, since Maria da Gloria came to the throne, and the horrible events connected with it, and since then the horrors of Dom Miguelâs times, the Portuguese people have experienced more respite and peace than most other peoples. The wounds inflicted on the Portuguese people by the civil war and the revolution have healed. The people remember the days of glory, and a renewed spiritual life has found its expression in literature.57
RaczyÅski travelled to Lisbon with knowledge of Portuguese politics, but what did he think of the country, its culture, and level of development? Perhaps in some areas, he held views similar to those expressed by Schack. However, his first impressions of Lisbon were different (Fig. 59). As he repeatedly emphasised in his diary, he found the capital and the country delightful at first sight. They did not seem to him lifeless and empty; instead, they gave him an impression of freshness, lightness, and exuberance. He later described his first day in Lisbon in this way: âI arrived in Lisbon on the morning of 13 May 1842. The location of the city and the purity of the air put me in a state of intoxicating enchantment that I will never forget. The sensation that the air caused in me can be compared to a bath after intense exertion. And so, I left the steamboat, a disgusting box in which I nearly expired from the rocking and the smell of grease. I fell in love with the country the moment I arrived there. Iâm still very fond of Portugal and the Portuguese people.â58
Joaquim Pedro de Sousa, View of Lisbon, from the East Side of the Garden of St. Pedro da Alcantara Church, lithograph, 1844
Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, inv. no. ea-94-8-a
RaczyÅski and Schack reacted differently because of clear differences in their personalities, characters, and sensibilities, as well as their knowledge of the country and its neighbours. In a sense, somewhat paradoxically, Athanasiusâ ignorance was to his benefit. Unlike Schack, RaczyÅski travelled to Lisbon not by land, via Spain, but on that âdisgustingâ ship, a paddle steamer called the Lady Mary Wood, launched just a few months earlier in the Liverpool shipyard (Fig. 60). The Lady Mary Wood left Falmouth for Lisbon, which meant that RaczyÅski deprived himself of the possibility and temptation of comparing Portugal with its more powerful neighbour (Schack, it should be noted, did so in a very subtle, delicate way, with respect to Portuguese culture). Such a comparison would show Portugal in a bad light, as the country might not only appear to be poorer and more neglected but also dependent on Spain in terms of its social, cultural, and technological development. RaczyÅski experienced Portugal as an autonomous entity, not merely as a semi-independent province of Spain but as a truly sovereign state. This was important in regard to his views of the country and, above all, its art. I agree with Sylvie Deswarte-Rosa, who claims that if RaczyÅski had first visited Spain and only then travelled to Portugal, his book on Portugalâs art history would have been completely different, or perhaps it would not have been written at all. Maybe RaczyÅski would have seen Portuguese art as merely a variant or subdivision of Spanish art; he would not have been the only one to judge it in such a way.59 Fortunately, he did not have to face such a problem. Unlike Schack, who had travelled in the Middle East, Greece, and the islands of the Mediterranean, RaczyÅski did not know the southern countries, except for Italy (though he had never visited Naples or Sicily), with which Portugal could be compared. Without such experience, he was delighted to see that the country was completely different from what he had seen before: âI would have to write a thick book for you because nothing here is as it is back home. I will only tell you that everything here is new to me and that I find everything interesting,â he wrote in a letter to his nephew Roger in June 1842.60
Charles Chabot and W.A. Delamotte, Steamer Lady Mary Wood in the Straits of Gibraltar, colour lithograph, c.1845
National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London PAH0232
The sketches he wrote for Edward, as well as numerous drawings and watercolours, were testimony to an exciting encounter with the unknown. Alongside RaczyÅskiâs diary and letters, they allow us to quite precisely describe what caught RaczyÅskiâs attention. First, as evidenced by his diary entries, RaczyÅski was fascinated by the countryâs landscape and climate, which (apart from temperature) manifested itself in a rich and varied play of light and colour. Second, he fell in love with the countryâs art and architecture. The majority of RaczyÅskiâs works from his Portuguese period are urban and coastal landscapes and views of architecture, depicted under a blazing, southern sun. Athanasius must have also been interested in the customs, clothes, and faces of the Portuguese people. In no other period in his life (at least as far as we can tell, as not all of his artworks have survived) did he paint so many genre scenes documenting everyday life and portraits of âordinary people.â
His impression of the novelty and uniqueness of the country was reinforced all the more by the sense of being far away from home, far from what was known and familiar. Naturally, this feeling was also associated with melancholy and sadness (âI do not expect to feel completely at home here â¦â) but also with relief. His problems at home and in Berlin now seemed far away: âIâm a thousand miles from Unter den Linden. There is no Babette whom I expect to meet in the hallway. I do not ask MikoÅaj [RaczyÅskiâs servant in Berlin] to light a fire in my stove. I do not see the Spree, which is covered with ice in the autumn and turns into a swamp surrounded by a sea of sand in the summer. I can see the Tagus, a thousand miles from home, at the opposite end of Europe. Iâm mesmerised.â61
RaczyÅski spent six years at the opposite end of Europe. He only left Portugal twice for a longer period of time, in 1845 and 1847, when he stayed for a few months in Berlin and on his estates in Wielkopolska and Galicia. He did not use the leaves he was granted in 1844 and 1846. He travelled around Portugal several times, mainly to satisfy his artistic interests. He also visited Spain for several weeks in August 1842 for the same reason. He enjoyed his everyday life and made friends among foreign diplomats. Besides those mentioned in the aforementioned letter to his brother, he also befriended the Danish envoy Count Johann Heinrich Luckner, the envoy of the Kingdom of Sardinia Marquis Alberto Ricci, and the papal nuncio Francesco Cappaccini. He also became acquainted with the British envoy Lord Howard de Walden and the Russian envoy Count Alexander Stroganov. He made acquaintances with Portuguese aficionados of art and artists, especially those from the Academy of Fine Arts. He quickly found female companions, too: âOn the 12th of July, I met Julia and paid her 20 coins in advance for two monthsâ (the local chronique scandaleuse was full of exciting gossip; among the diplomats who lived in Lisbon, only Lord Howard is said to have led a virtuous life).
Contrary to initial fears, RaczyÅski found the political situation in Portugal interesting. The year 1846 and the first months of 1847 were particularly turbulent and eventful. In the spring of 1846, the Revolution of Maria da Fonte (Revolução do Minho) broke out. Within a few months, the Prime Minister was replaced twice. The Queenâs favourite, António Bernardo da Costa Cabral, Marquis Tomar, was replaced by Pedro de Sousa Holstein, Duke of Palmela, and soon afterwards by João Carlos, Duke of Saldanha. Portugal descended into civil war (the so-called âlittle civil war,â Guerra da Patuleia) until foreign troops restored peace under the Convention of Gramido of June 1847.
Despite all the advantages of Portugal, however, RaczyÅski never lost sight of his goal of obtaining a position in Madrid. In January 1844 and May 1845, he wrote to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, declaring his readiness to become envoy to Spain once diplomatic relations were resumed between Prussia and Spain.
RaczyÅskiâs Portuguese career ended unexpectedly in 1848. On 2 April, he sent a dramatic letter (though it appeared to be a calm and cool report) to the newly appointed Prussian Foreign Minister, Baron Heinrich Alexander von Arnim, asking to be dismissed from his post. The letter read as follows:
I learned of your appointment as Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Allgemeine PreuÃische Staatszeitung from the 22nd of last month. I also learned from this and previous issues of the newspaper, as well as from a ministerial circular dated 19th [of March] and The Times, which reported on the situation in Berlin before the 23rd [of March], about the turn of events in our homeland.
I have reached the age of 60 and am too old to join a movement that requires youthful strength. So I am humbly asking Your Excellency to submit to my most gracious King and Ruler my respectful and humble application to be dismissed from state service.
May the most gracious of all princes succeed in halting the terrible, destructive storm which has spread over Prussia, Germany, and all of Europe and restore the peace, serenity, order, and personal and material security that Prussia has enjoyed for so long. [â¦]
I must immediately express my resolve to withdraw entirely from public life and no longer participate in my or any other countryâs internal or external policies.62
The outbreak of revolutionary events in the Prussian capital had greatly influenced RaczyÅskiâs decision.63 As the diplomat indicated, The Times had been reporting on the situation in Berlin since the first days of March. On 16 March, the newspaper reported: âGermany is now thoroughly roused. From Hamburg to Vienna, from Aix-la-Chapelle to Königsberg, she petitions with one voice for constitutional reform and a united representation of her whole race. She principally desires two things: a new civil and criminal code (including free press, jury, etc.), and a Diet, or Parliament, wherein the whole people shall be fairly represented. [â¦] [In Berlin] the King has promised freedom of the press, and a convocation of the States-General at the earliest moment. I believe he will not stop there, and that he will proceed onward in the cause of Reform.â64 A few days later, the newspaper published the following report from the Prussian capital: âThe populace there are stated to be still in a state of turbulence, if not actual insurrection. On Wednesday night there had been a very serious collision between the people and the military, the students being very prominent among the people acting as their leaders, and bearing the brunt of the conflict. Ten deaths resulted, and there were upwards of a hundred wounded.â65 The situation calmed down after a few days thanks to the actions of Frederick William IV, who made substantial concessions to the protesters. The Times from 23 and 24 March wrote about the decrees issued by the King guaranteeing full freedom of the press, amnesty for political prisoners, the establishment of a civic guard, and announcing the date for convening a national parliament.
In RaczyÅskiâs opinion, the events in Berlin represented the victory of hostile, destructive, and revolutionary forces in a city that had been up to then one of the last and certainly the most important strongholds of resistance against them. In this context, RaczyÅskiâs request to resign was a dramatic but unavoidable move. At stake was his remaining true to ideals of which Prussia had long been (even if imperfect) the physical embodiment. The presence of liberals in the political life of Prussia and, as RaczyÅski predicted, the inevitable democratisation of the country made him realize that there was no place for him in this new world. For RaczyÅski, it was an either-or situation.
Although, as Arnim expressed in his letter, the diplomatâs request met with the monarchâs understanding and even âdeeply moved him,â RaczyÅski was not dismissed from state service. Instead, he was told: âit is precisely in these terrible times that His Majesty recognizes your greatest value and expresses his strong wish that you continue to serve Him and your homeland in a new prestigious and important post.â66 This new and prestigious position was the post in Madrid, the same one RaczyÅski had been actively seeking to secure for many years. The Count could not refuse the Kingâs order precisely because it had been issued by the monarch himself. To disobey the King was unimaginable for the aristocrat, and in the turbulent year of 1848 any act of disobedience might have been misinterpreted and seen in a negative light. But there were other reasons, connected above all with Athanasiusâ personal ambitions, which made him take the post in Spain. For the first time in his career, a position in diplomacy had been offered to him â without any applications, requests, humiliation, or waiting. It was probably more than just a rhetorical device when RaczyÅski wrote that the letter from the monarch moved him and even âmoved him to tears;â moreover, as he reported to a friend, he simply could not refuse the Kingâs kind request.67
Indeed, we should also remember that the post in Madrid was more important and prestigious than the ones in Copenhagen and Lisbon. RaczyÅski was able to assess his position realistically. He was painfully aware that the most important and prestigious posts in Paris, London, Vienna, and St. Petersburg were beyond his reach. âThe four great diplomatic missions require a great deal of trust, which, it seems, I have not earned,â68 he had written in 1836. The diplomatic mission in Madrid was, therefore, one of the most prestigious missions available to him.
RaczyÅski travelled to Madrid directly from Lisbon. He set off on 23 May, reaching Cádiz on a steamboat, and then headed for Seville. From the outset, he was received in Spain with great honours. In Cádiz, he was greeted by the royal guard, which later escorted him to the countryâs capital. RaczyÅski arrived in Madrid on the evening of 31 May 1848.
He arrived in a city that had been growing and changing rapidly over the past two years. The urban layout had been rearranged, new edifices had been built, and new inventions and solutions had been introduced to improve the comfort of life, such as waterworks and gas lighting (first installed a few months after Athanasiusâ arrival; by the time of his departure, it illuminated the entire city centre). As local newspapers reported, RaczyÅski stayed in an apartment on the second floor of Madridâs most prestigious hotel â the newly built Casa de Cordero. He then moved to an apartment at Ramona Calle Maior. Next, he successively rented two houses at Calle de las Rejas. He lived in the second one, at Calle de las Rejas No. 2, situated just across from the palace of the Queen Mother MarÃa Christina, from June 1849 until the end of his mission in Spain (Fig. 61 and 62). On 2 June, he was received by the Queen during a special audience. Two weeks later, the Spanish Prime Minister Ramón MarÃa Narváez, Duke de Valencia, held a large reception in honour of the Prussian diplomat. Many participants in the countryâs political life, including all the government ministers, attended the event.
Juan Noguera, City Map of Madrid, 1849
Biblioteca Nacional de España, Madrid, Mr/34/1207 Arrow indicates RaczyÅskiâs place of residence
Athanasius RaczyÅski, Prussian Embassy at the Calle de las Rejas in Madrid, watercolour, 17 May 1852
private collection
Secretaries of Legation, who changed every few months, helped RaczyÅski fulfil his official duties. From 1848 to 1852, this function was held successively by Count Lazarus Carl Friedrich Henckel von Donnersmarck, Count Georg von Werthern-Beichlingen, and Friedrich Alfred von Zander. As an experienced diplomat, RaczyÅski knew what his diplomatic duties were: he had to participate in court and diplomatic life, analyse the political situation without getting involved in the countryâs internal affairs, represent the Prussian government before the Spanish authorities, and write reports and letters regularly. Athanasiusâ diary during his stay in Spain demonstrates how great politics and everyday matters intertwined and influenced one another. RaczyÅski and other diplomatic players paid nearly equal attention to major political events and the scandals concerning the private life of the young Queen Isabella II. Both at court and within the international community of diplomats, rumours were often commented on with the same level of interest as important political events.
RaczyÅski left Spain only once during his service there. During this leave of absence, he travelled to Berlin in mid-April 1851 and then to Dresden in connection with the marriage plans of his son Karol. Next, he went to Galicia and Wielkopolska to check on his estates. On 23 August, he returned to Madrid. Just as in Portugal, he took advantage of his diplomatic service to learn about Spain and especially Spanish art. He left Madrid several times to visit the palace and library in the Escorial (in July 1848 and August 1850), the architectural monuments in Toledo (in May 1849), Valladolid, Léon, and Oviedo (in late September and early October 1849), and finally Segovia (in September 1850). In the spring of 1850, he also went to San Sebastian to meet Jadwiga Lubomirska, daughter of his beloved cousin Teresa JabÅonowska. Lubomirska had once been famous in Warsawâs esoteric circles as a medium. Unfortunate events had forced her as an older woman to wander about southern Europe and led her to come to Spain.69 His trips to Valladolid, Léon, and Oviedo inspired RaczyÅski to put together a bound volume of his watercolours and drawings. In December 1849, he gave this album to King Frederick William IV as a gift. Apart from RaczyÅskiâs sketches, the album also included works by the artists who accompanied him: Roberto Frasinelli, an illustrator, antiquarian, bibliophile, and researcher of old Spanish architecture; and ValentÃn Carderera, a painter, art collector, and art historian. The text that accompanied the paintings (unfortunately, only the text survived) shows how extensive and detailed were RaczyÅskiâs studies on Spanish art.70
RaczyÅskiâs first impressions of Spain and its political life were favourable, as he believed the mood in Spain was very close to his own: âThere is no other country where reasonable people speak of freedom with less respect than in Spain. They know the meaning of freedom, and they are convinced that modern constitutionalism is a juggling act, an impossibility, a huge threat to the countryâs security and the work of the people. There are, I have been informed, very few fools and naive politicians left in Spain. Only those with ambitions but lacking position express their love of freedom and the constitution, all the more since their love is by no means disinterested. There are many among them who have never renounced the label of âprogressivist.â There are also others who have already previously changed their views.â71 The present state of affairs was, in RaczyÅskiâs opinion, a reaction to many years of internal conflict.
Indeed, the first half of the nineteenth century was an extremely turbulent and dramatic period in Spanish history.72 The country was torn apart by war and conflicts: invasioned and occupied by Napoleonâs troops; liberated in the bloody War of Independence of 1808â1814; destroyed during a period of domestic strife between liberal (progressive) forces and the supporters of King Ferdinand VII, who sought to reinstitute absolute monarchy; and plagued by dramatic economic crisis after Spain lost control of most of its American colonies (the islands Cuba and Puerto Rico were all that remained of the Spanish Empire in America). Spainâs situation in the late 1820s seemed catastrophic. Moreover, the fight for succession to the throne after Ferdinand VIIâs death led to the outbreak of a civil war â the first of the so-called Carlist Wars â between the supporters of the Queen Mother MarÃa Christina, who had been ruling on behalf of the infant Isabella, and supporters of Ferdinandâs younger brother Carlos, who had been removed from power. In addition to pressure from ultra-conservative Carlists, the Queen Regent was also under strong pressure from progressive forces. As a result, in 1836, she was forced to accept a constitution that had been written back in 1812 by the Cortes of Cádiz. In 1837, she passed a new constitution that consolidated the constitutional system in Spain. Government troops, supported by the British army, achieved significant victories over the Carlist forces but were unable to force them to surrender fully. Although the war ended with the treaty of 31 August 1839, the underlying conflicts that caused it remained unresolved. In the meantime, progressive forces gained a dominant position in the country, forcing MarÃa Christina to leave the country and seek exile in France. The hero of the Carlist Wars, General Baldomero Espartero, became the regent on behalf of Infanta Isabella. However, he was unable to take advantage of the liberalsâ support, which led to further unrest, and Spain once again descending into chaos. The situation began to stabilize when Isabella became Queen at the age of 13. In December 1843, González Bravo effectively began to rule the country. He acted on the advice of the (future) long-time prime minister and one of the most important ideologists of the new political order, Ramón MarÃa Narváez. The decade of so-called moderantismo began in Spain. This was a period of relative political stability and a strong centralisation of state and economic development. Reactionary tendencies triumphed over liberal reforms. The new constitution of 1845 openly strengthened the power of the monarch and the upper, aristocratic and conservative chamber of parliament (the Senate) at the expense of the lower chamber (the Congress of Deputies), violating the nationâs sovereignty. The progressive party was now marginalised, but it did not disappear from Spanish political life.
RaczyÅski found himself in this political reality. As we have seen, he believed in the ultimate victory of the anti-democratic forces. Upon examining the country more closely, however, he was forced to reconsider his views. RaczyÅskiâs time in Spain was full of conflicts and unrest. The moderate conservative forces were losing momentum and had exhausted their possibilities. This prompted RaczyÅski to make very pessimistic forecasts. He watched the political situation anxiously, anticipating a return of liberalism. Three years later, in a report to the King dated 8 April 1851, he noted:
What is happening here now is of great concern to me. In the near future, it will become clear that the scheming of the progressive party and the politics of Lord Palmerston are effectively reinforcing one another. Order, calm, and economic progress in the upcoming years are at stake. The progressive party is not hiding its joy. [â¦] Will the government support them or control them or become their victim? Iâm equally afraid of the independent MPs, although I value them more. Passions and madness will erupt more strongly than ever. Either [Spain] will have to turn to Narváez once again, or the ship of state will be crushed by the waves, and its fate will rest solely with chance. And what about the court, the generals, revolutionary France, and the precarious situation in the rest of Europe! ⦠Wherever I look, I see only threats.73
RaczyÅski was depressed not only by political events but also by his conviction that European culture was in crisis. In his private letters from that time, he drew a most pessimistic picture of contemporary times. However, he did not give up his faith in the future, trusting deeply in Providence, but, as he observed in a letter to Juan Donoso Cortés dated 29 December 1849,74 the evil forces of hypocrisy, pride, contempt, and self-love filled him with terror.
I discuss the above matters to indicate RaczyÅskiâs mental state when he submitted his second request for the King to accept his resignation. On 1 June 1852, the Count sent a long letter to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Baron Otto Theodor Manteuffel, asking the monarch to excuse him from service, or alternatively, if this request were unacceptable to the King, to be granted indefinite leave. In his letter, RaczyÅski listed his health problems, which he was experiencing more and more acutely every winter. He also wrote about the difficulties he had in managing his estate, mainly due to the need to determine the principles for setting up an entail and to resolve family matters. RaczyÅski thus mentioned only personal motivations. However, the tone of his other writings from that time, his diary and letters to his friends, suggests that RaczyÅski had grown tired of active diplomatic service. He noted in his diary in July 1852: âI wished to leave my post in Madrid for many reasons, but above all, because I had become overwhelmingly discouraged by the people and affairs of Spain.â75 And in a letter to Donoso Cortés from the same time, he further explained:
All those who are sympathetic to me do not like the decision I have made. You, Ayllon, Werther, Antioche, and others agree, especially Baron Minutoli, the Prussian Consul General for Spain, who seems to like me a lot. Only my last secretary of Legation (who is admittedly a little bit crazy) thinks that Iâm doing the right thing. I havenât ceased serving the King and the Prussian cause â I try to be as useful as I can â but anyone could do my job here. Iâm not useful, Iâm disgusted, and I donât want this job anymore. Your climate is killing me, and estate and family matters require that I go back to Prussia. If after two years I regret this, it will mean that Iâve done a foolish thing. But if Iâm happy with my decision, it will mean that I made the right choice. A sound judgement will take some time.76
Developments on the continent only deepened RaczyÅskiâs aversion to further service. Nevertheless, as he wrote, and we have no reason to doubt the credibility of these words, he made the decision to leave the post without doubts or regrets and was ready to serve the King in any position and capacity of the monarchâs choosing.
A letter from Manteuffel informing RaczyÅski that he had been granted an indefinite leave is dated 1 August 1852. A few weeks later, on 11 October, a royal decision was issued to dismiss RaczyÅski from his post in Madrid definitively. This marked the end of his diplomatic career, which had lasted more than twenty years. RaczyÅski was also granted the title of Wirklicher Geheimrat and the title of âExcellencyâ by Frederick William IV. RaczyÅski was already in Berlin at that time, having left the Spanish capital on 26 August.77
A few months later, he managed to sum up his ten-year stay in Iberia. He bitterly observed that: âThe position of the Prussian envoy to Portugal or Spain has little to do with politics. The position of an observer â this is how one could politely express its lack of importance. I never complained because the best way not to do stupid things is to do nothing.â78
4 Friendships: Juan Donoso Cortés and Alphonse de Brotty dâAntioche
RaczyÅski left Madrid with an in-depth knowledge of Iberian politics, a good understanding of Spanish art, and the Grand Cross of Charles III, the most distinguished civil award, bestowed upon him by Queen Isabella on 13 July 1852. However, what he valued most were the acquaintances ha had made in Madrid. Undoubtedly, the two most important male friendships of RaczyÅskiâs mature and later years were with Juan Donoso Cortés, Marquis de Valdegamas, a Spanish diplomat, political writer, ultra-conservative âphilosopher of radical dictatorship,â and, as Carl Schmitt observed, âone of the greatest political thinkers of the 19th century,â79 and with Count Charles-François-Alphonse de Brotty dâAntioche, a Savoy politician and statesman, who was then envoy of the Kingdom of Sardinia to the Madrid court.
Like many more or less important ones, these friendships were connected with RaczyÅskiâs position as a diplomat. From the outset, he used his diplomatic accreditations to make his way into exclusive social circles and salons. Already during his stay in Paris from 1813 to 1815 as secretary of the Saxon Legation, as a secondary official at a secondary diplomatic mission, the young Athanasius boldly entered high society and the world of international politics and diplomacy. Shortly after arriving in Paris, thanks to the help of General Dezydery ChÅapowski, he found himself among the regular visitors to the salon of Madame Hamelin. Next to the salons of Madame Récamier and Madame Tallien, Madame Hamelin was third among the most important salonières of Paris during the First French Empire. The most influential people from France and Europe visited her salon. When RaczyÅski came to Paris in the autumn of 1823 for a couple of months in a private capacity, his acquaintances in diplomatic circles again opened the doors of houses that were important on the cityâs social map and even helped him gain access to the court of Louis XVIII.
RaczyÅski returned to Paris, this time as a diplomat, in 1842 as the envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary minister of Prussia, on his way to Lisbon. The journey to Portugal through Paris and London was marked by audiences, receptions, and important meetings. During the several days he spent in the French capital, RaczyÅski visited the Palais des Tuileries a number of times. He also visited King Louis Philippe, the Minister of Foreign Affairs François Guizot, and the Prussian Envoy Baron Heinrich Friedrich Arnim-Heinrichsdorff. During his four weeks in London, he met with diplomats from several countries as well as with local public figures. He visited Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, the third Marquess of Lansdowne, who had been Lord President of the Council for many years; Arthur Wellesley, the Duke of Wellington, the commander of the British army during the Napoleonic Wars, who led the House of Lords at that time; and Lord William Egerton.
Naturally, these were official and courtesy meetings, governed by etiquette and often superficial: âall bankers, most diplomats and even many friends whom I have met thanks to my connections in high society and whom I barely know are equally polite to me.â80 The acquaintances made at such occasions usually did not last. However, RaczyÅski also made lifelong friends during his diplomatic service in Copenhagen, especially with the American Henry Wheaton, and on the Iberian Peninsula. During his ten years in Portugal and Spain, RaczyÅski also made many new friends.
Both in Lisbon and Madrid, RaczyÅski spent his time mainly in diplomatic circles, which were understandably close-knit, and was forced to interact often. âWe live here,â RaczyÅskiâs Lisbon secretary Karl Friedrich von Savigny wrote, âas if we were one family, namely RaczyÅski, Ricci, the Danish chargé dâaffaires Count Luckner, and the Russians Strogonoff and Oubril. We see each other every day, and each of us participates closely in all the affairs of the other.â81 RaczyÅski quickly made friends in Spain, as well. This was easier because the diplomatic community was in part made up of politicians he had met previously. In his letters, he mentioned the âold friendsâ he had found in Madrid, including Ferdinand de Lesseps, the French envoy and later developer of the Suez and Panama canals; Sir Loftus William Otway, a member of the English Legation who had been in Spain and Portugal off and on for more than forty years; Olinto dal Borgo, an Italian in the service of Denmark; Miguel Martins Dantas, the Secretary of the Portuguese Legation, and âothers.â
He also made new and important friendships that he continued to cultivate for many years. These included his friendship with the Austrian envoy, Count George (György) Esterházy (Fig. 63), and especially with the aforementioned Juan Donoso Cortés and Alphonse dâAntioche. For many years, both Donoso and Antioche became RaczyÅskiâs most important and inspiring discussion partners, both in person and on paper. RaczyÅski remained friends with the Spaniard up to his death in May 1853 and nurtured his close relationship with dâAntioche for a quarter of a century.
When he met RaczyÅski, Donoso Cortés was soon to become famous throughout Europe (Fig. 64).82 The dramatic revolutionary events of 1848 and 1849 made the Spaniard realize the new and powerful shape of his philosophy. His insightful intellect and visionary rhetoric developed fully. His texts became increasingly important for his contemporaries and began to be seen as anti-revolutionary manifestos. âAt that time of revolutionary emotion in 1848 and 1849,â José MarÃa Beneyto writes, âa short period (1849â1853) began in Donosoâs life when he suddenly became a speaker and political thinker renowned throughout Europe. Outside of Spain, he became famous because of several speeches he made in the Spanish Parliament, especially the speech he made on 4 January 1849 about dictatorship in the context of the current political situation, and the address he made on 30 January 1850 about the social issues in Spain and its links with Europe. These speeches [â¦] were recognised throughout Europe, especially in those countries where [â¦] the revolution of 1848 had political consequences (in France, Germany, and Italy). Donosoâs speeches were received with appreciation not only by politicians, such as Duke Metternich or Count Montalembert, but also by scholars, such as Ranke and Schelling. Even King Frederick William IV of Prussia read them with satisfaction. The Russian envoy in Berlin, Meyendroff, sent the French translation of the speech on the general situation in Europe to his superior in St. Petersburg, Count Nesselrode, describing at length the impression that it had made on him. The Essay on Catholicism, Liberalism, and Socialism (Ensayo Sobre El Catolicismo, El Liberalismo Y El Socialismo), published simultaneously in Madrid and Paris in 1851, also caused quite a stir.â83 Over the course of a few years, the very years of his friendship with RaczyÅski, Donoso Cortés developed or brought to maturity concepts that made him one of the most intellectually sophisticated and most recognised representatives of European reactionary thought. He wrote about the desacralisation of the world and the ongoing catastrophic religious, and thus civilizational, crisis; the inevitable and final conflict between âCatholicâ and âphilosophicalâ civilization; the imminent deadly liberal-socialist alliance; and dictatorship as the only possible form of defence against the tyranny of the revolutionary masses.84 His path to becoming a conservative was a winding one because he was a moderate liberal in the beginning.
Athanasius RaczyÅski, Portrait of Georg Esterhazy as Abdelkader, watercolour, 24 October 1844
private collection
GermaÌn HernaÌndez Amores, Portrait of Juan Donoso CorteÌs, oil on canvas, c.1870, 73 Ã 59 cm
ColeccioÌ n del Ateneo CientÃfico, Literario y ArtiÌstico de Madrid, AM/00141-A
Donoso Cortés was a generation younger than RaczyÅski. He was born in 1807 into a wealthy intellectual and landowning family that had lived in Don Benito in the Extremadura region in western Spain for years. He left his family home early â he was sent to schools in Salamanca, Cáceres, and, finally, Seville. His university years in Seville (1824â1828) were crucial. Even more important than his legal studies were the friendships he made at that time, particularly that with JoaquÃn Francisco Pacheco, who later became a renowned lawyer and influential politician. Pacheco awakened in Donoso Cortés a lifelong interest in literature, philosophy, and politics. The mind of the young Donoso Cortés was also strongly influenced by his fatherâs friend Manuel José Quintana, one of the most important Spanish liberal political writers at the time. In mid-1832, Donoso left for Madrid, which was in flames due to the political events described above. The Spaniardâs first political essay, Memorial about the current situation of the monarchy (Memoria Sobre La MonarquÃa), dedicated to the King, dates back to this important time. As a result of his publication, Donoso Cortés was admitted into the civil service. He held different public posts for many years, though with some breaks.85 In his Memorial, Donoso Cortés presents himself as a representative of conservative-liberal thought, heavily indebted to French theoreticians such as Guizot and Royer-Collard. The Spaniard maintained this political line for over a decade. In subsequent political writings, press articles, and lectures at the Madrid Institute of Liberal Political Thought, called Ateneo, Donoso attempted to find a middle ground between absolutism and democracy, advocating âthe sovereignty of reason,â i.e. monarchical rule supported by the bourgeois intelligentsia. In the early 1840s, he had gradually freed himself from the influence of French doctrinal rationalism in favour of strong state authority. However, he was not yet prepared to renounce democracy or challenge the parliamentary system (he had been an MP in the Cortes since 1837).
In late 1840, Donoso Cortés left for France, which marked the beginning of a three-year period of partly voluntary and partly forced emigration. As an expatriate, he kept close to the Spanish Queen Mother MarÃa Christina, who had been forced to resign as Queen Regent and leave Madrid. This was a time when Donoso Cortés played an essential role in Spanish moderate party politics. He returned to Madrid after the fall of Espartero in the autumn of 1843, devoting himself primarily to parliamentary work. He also actively advocated the return of the Queen Mother to Madrid, which indeed took place, with honours, in early April 1844. The speeches he made at this time in the Cortes, which drew the publicâs attention, demonstrate that the Spaniard was growing more and more distrustful of liberal ideas. During this time, Donoso Cortés also experienced a renewed interest in Catholicism. His final break came, however, in the year 1848. The French Revolution of 1848, the fall of the monarchy, and the establishment of the French republic, as well as the dramatic events that followed in many European countries, including Spain, surprised and frightened him, forcing him to revise his political credo. Speech on Dictatorship (Discurso Sobre La Dictadura), delivered in the Cortes on 4 January 1849, was a manifesto for a new, extremely anti-liberal worldview. It constituted a âdecisive stage in Donosoâs spiritual pathâ and allowed the thinker to âfinally free himself from the cobweb of liberal and eclectic ideology.â86
On 6 November 1848, Donoso Cortés was appointed envoy to Berlin. He fulfilled this mission without satisfaction or success for just a few months. In November 1849, he returned to Madrid and became an active parliamentary speaker. The appointment of Donoso in January 1851 as Spanish envoy to Paris marked the beginning of the final stage of his career. He died unexpectedly in the French capital on 3 May 1853.
RaczyÅski met Donoso Cortés in Madrid in the autumn of 1848, but their initial acquaintance was by no means promising. RaczyÅski was âhurtâ (blessé) by the Spaniardâs nomination as envoy to the Prussian court. In a report to the King, dated 8 November 1848, he portrayed Cortés â and it must be added that he had never met him before, and based his report on rumours â as an âadvocate of constitutionalismâ and a vain and almost ridiculous political charlatan, who tried to hide behind his erudition and eloquence. However, after the first meeting and a âlong conversationâ with the Spanish diplomat, which took place a few days later, he was forced to thoroughly revise his judgment and admit that Cortésâ views reflected âan excellent assessment of contemporary problems.â RaczyÅski later read Cortésâ political writings and found them very insightful. On 13 January 1849, RaczyÅski gave a gala dinner in Madrid in his honour. He then reported to the King: âI admit that since I became acquainted with Donoso Cortés, most of my prejudices against him have disappeared. I think he is a very intelligent, good, and very original man. His imagination is somewhat eccentric and, if I may say so, vague, but his talents are undeniable, even if they are of a sublime rather than a useful nature.â87 As proof, RaczyÅski sent to Berlin Donoso Cortésâs comprehensive discours on the parliamentary rule. Over the following months, RaczyÅskiâs admiration for the Spaniard increased. The acquaintances soon became close friends. His meeting with Donoso was greatly cherished by Athanasius, if only because he rarely found interlocutors who held views that were so similar to his own. Indeed, Donoso Cortés expressed such ideas with even greater determination, radicalism, and uncompromising attitude.
Count Adhémar dâAntioche, son of Alphonse, who later published the letters the two diplomats had exchanged, described their relationship, emphasizing how their worldviews were similar and how their characters differed:
Although the Marquis de Valdegamas and Count RaczyÅski shared many political views, they differed in many respects. Imagination, poetry, and a kind of sweetness, affection, and charm characterised the Marquis. I would dare to say that Count RaczyÅskiâs nature was exactly the opposite: clarity and firmness were his most characteristic qualities. He possessed many French features that Donoso Cortés lacked: finesse, a liveliness of style, precision of thought, originality in his expression and way of reasoning. Donoso Cortés may be described as possessing many charming talents, while RaczyÅski possessed intelligence, knowledge, and strength. Donoso Cortés attracts and enchants you, while the Count stimulates reflection and helps one develop talent. Both are honest, selfless, and worthy of equal respect. [â¦] There was only one major difference between them. Donoso Cortés believed that the world would always be involved in an endless conflict. Count RaczyÅski, in turn, believed that after a period of turmoil there would be an era of peace and reconciliation, that one day people would grow tired of mutual hatred and struggle, that there would be peace, that they would reject falsehood, that they would grow tired of being ripped off and cheated.88
We can say that RaczyÅskiâs discussions with Donoso Cortés, a suggestive writer and visionary, refined the Countâs political ideas. RaczyÅski began to express himself freely, using brilliant and apt aphorisms and metaphors. Above all, he was able to formulate general conclusions of an almost historiosophical nature. RaczyÅski treated his discussions with the Spaniard, although they were often provocative and heated, as a fascinating and eye-opening intellectual duel. Donosoâs angry, uncompromising, and radical speeches against human nature and his apocalyptic visions of the future of Europe89 went far beyond the pessimistic worldview of Athanasius. A thorough and relentless criticism of Prussia and Frederick William IV90 also challenged the views of RaczyÅski, who, as a high Prussian official, still wished to believe that Prussia and the Prussian monarch were an almost perfect embodiment of his political and social ideals.
Despite the differences in their character and ideology, RaczyÅski quickly adopted some of the decisive points of Donosoâs political program. Without going into detail on how the Spaniard influenced RaczyÅskiâs way of thinking, one important aspect of this issue must be discussed here. In early 1849, RaczyÅski wrote a letter to his friend in Berlin, asking him to warmly welcome the Spanish diplomat, who was to come to the Prussian capital from Madrid. RaczyÅski described Donoso Cortés as follows:
He is very brilliant and very good. He is very sensitive. Sometimes eccentricity gets the better of him, but even then he retains an appealing and friendly nature. My political views have changed so much that I no longer consider absolutism to be enough. As long as demagogues remain unaffected, only the regime of the sabre (le regime du sabre) can protect society. Then it will be possible to return to a possibly liberal form of Prussian absolutism and bureaucracy, but we are still too immature for that.91
RaczyÅski adopted the belief that absolutism âwas not enoughâ in the face of the deadly threat posed by revolution (atheists, liberals, and socialists) and took the concept of the âregime of the sabreâ directly from the writings of Donoso Cortés. The âregime of the sabreâ is a euphemism for the idea of dictatorship, which Cortés introduced with wide-eyed gusto into modern political discourse in a speech dedicated to the concept.92 He expressed this idea in a single short sentence: Cuando la legalidad basta para salvar la sociedad, la legalidad, cuando no basta, la dictadura (âIf legality is sufficient to save society, then legality, if it is insufficient, then dictatorshipâ).93 Donoso Cortés, and soon after RaczyÅski, had no doubt that legality was insufficient: the answer to the âtyranny and unrestrained despotismâ of the revolted masses, to the âdictatorship of the dagger and the mobâ could only be a dictatorship, the âregime of the sabreâ94 legitimised by divine powers.
In recalling the Spaniard years later, RaczyÅski wrote: âThere was something in this man that surpassed his intellect, which was after all very powerful. It was the sweetness of his character, the goodness of his heart, his faithfulness to the truth, his disgust with false principles. I saw only two flaws in him: vanity and weak nerves. It belittled him and made him seem like a child. But what a good child! And how wonderfully inspired this child was! I loved him passionately. Iâm honoured to say that he always showed me so much trust and affection.â RaczyÅski included this description of Donoso Cortés in a letter to Alphonse dâAntioche,95 who in a sense took his place in Athanasiusâ life after Cortésâ death. âI still find in him,â RaczyÅski wrote in his diary about Count Antioche, âthat which was taken away from me by the death of Bergh [Alfred Bergh, a friend of RaczyÅski from Berlin, who died in 1860] and Valdegamas: a unanimity of beliefs I have never found in anyone else.â96
We are not able to trace the beginnings of RaczyÅskiâs friendship with Count Alphonse dâAntioche as precisely as in the case of his friendship with Donoso Cortés. It is known, however, that Donoso Cortés, who was a friend of both RaczyÅski and dâAntioche, played the role of intermediary between them. Antioche had met him in Berlin in the late 1840s on a diplomatic mission. Charles-François-Alphonse de Brotty, Count dâAntioche, had come to Madrid, like RaczyÅski, as an experienced diplomat.97 He was born in 1813 into an old and influential Savoy family, which had maintained close ties to the royal court for several generations. In keeping with family tradition (his father, François-Gaspard-Ferdinand dâAntioche, had been a diplomat and officer in the army of the Kingdom of Sardinia), Alphonse was early on destined to become a public officer.
Having graduated from the Jesuit college in Chambéry, he began studying law and received a doctoral degree in civil and canon law. He later joined the diplomatic service and made his professional debut as an attaché to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Turin. He was then given the post of a secretary, chargé dâaffaires, and finally ambassador at the diplomatic missions of the Kingdom of Sardinia in Naples, Lausanne, Vienna, Brussels, Paris, Berlin, and, ultimately, for six months beginning in August 1851, in Madrid. The post in Spain marked the end of his career. Critical of the situation on the Apennine Peninsula, he withdrew from active politics before 1860.
Apart from politics and diplomacy, his lifelong passion was literature, especially classical literature. He even wrote quite good poems in Latin. The author of an article published in the two subsequent issues of Courrier des Alpes shortly after Antiocheâs death in August 1882 described him in a panegyric style as a man âpossessing to a significant degree the leadership qualities that characterise a true statesman. He was quick to comprehend matters, seeing the broad view, illuminating specific details, and pointing out possible solutions. Having learned to remain cool and distant, he mastered the art of interacting with people. He was polite towards everyone, never sacrificing his natural kind and pleasant disposition. He combined simplicity, even modesty, with a legitimate sense of pride. Later, when he was able to free himself from ceremonial decorum and unavoidable tensions, people noticed that the dominant feature of dâAntiocheâs character was his kindness. His friends and those who were lucky enough to get close to him in those years experienced this in the most pleasant way.â98
The character traits listed in the article certainly played a role in RaczyÅskiâs becoming friends with dâAntioche. But they were not the only reason. RaczyÅski also recognised and valued his knowledge and competence in the field of international politics, his passion for art, and, what might have been most important for the Count, his possession of a conservative worldview that was so similar to his own. All this made dâAntioche an excellent conversation partner. RaczyÅski had been discussing the most important political events of his time, either in person or in writing, with his Savoy friend for years, including Spanish affairs, the course and consequences of the Crimean War, the situation on the Apennine Peninsula, French policy during the rule of Louis Napoleon, Englandâs imperial ambitions, and the triumph of democracy and constitutionalism in Europe. DâAntioche and RaczyÅski often met in person in the latterâs Berlin residence, in one of Europeâs major cities, most often Paris or Zurich, or in Antiocheâs palace in the (already) French Nernier.
RaczyÅski particularly enjoyed his stays in Nernier in August 1858, July and August 1861, May 1862, and July 1863. He knew and had liked Lake Geneva and its surroundings from an early age. And Nernier itself? Here is a description of it from the mid-nineteenth century:
The village of Nernier is located on the Savoy shore of Leman, 18 kilometres from Geneva and 12 kilometres from Thonon. Its population is 250 people, a number of fishermen and boatmen live there. It is a poor village. However, there is lively communication between Nernier and Nyon, thanks to boats and barges that can dock at a good port that was enlarged a few years ago. There is also a haven for steamers, which bring passengers to and from [the port] several times a day. There are five taverns here, three of which offer travellers overnight accommodation. Moreover, there are several merchants, produce sellers, butchers, etc., [and] one tannery, several weavers and shoemakers; and that is all the industry there.99
In one of RaczyÅskiâs watercolour paintings, Antiocheâs palace is depicted as a large house made of stone, devoid of particular qualities; however, it is picturesquely situated close to the lake, on its very shore (Fig. 65). In the 1860s, the owner expanded the house, making it look more like a genuine chateau (Fig. 66).
Athanasius RaczyÅski, View of the Castle of Count Antioche in Nernier, watercolour, 19â29 July 1861
private collection
Palace in Nernier after its expansion, photo c.1890, in: A. Rouget, Les Monuments historiques de Haute-Savoie, Lyon 1895
Département de la Savoie, Archives départementales, 5Fi5
RaczyÅski valued his stay in Savoy with Antioche so much that for a short time he was even tempted to buy a castle near Evian, close to his friendâs estate.100 Finally, the importance of that friendship was confirmed by the fact that, as we remember, in his will, RaczyÅski bequeathed most of his writings to Antioche. In RaczyÅskiâs Last Will and Testament, the following commentary is given next to this disposition: âI have never loved anyone more than him in my entire life.â101
Adolf Friedrich von Schack, Ein halbes Jahrhundert. Erinnerungen und Aufzeichnungen. In drei Bänden, vol. 1 (Stuttgart und Leipzig: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1888), 38. See also: Monika Wienfort, Der Adel in der Moderne, 88â107; Heinz Reif, Adel im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, 15â25.
DIARY, 10 February 1819.
The purpose of this chapter is therefore not to present in detail RaczyÅskiâs political activities as a representative of the Kingdom of Prussia at the Danish, Portuguese and Spanish courts. Such a detailed presentation would need to be preceded by a meticulous reading of the extensive diplomatic documentation covering RaczyÅskiâs diplomatic activity. The conclusions derived from such a reading would then have to be inscribed into the context of the bilateral political relations between the countries involved, taking into account the state of international relations throughout Europe at the time. I did not have the opportunity â nor did I consider it advisable from the point of view of the intended biography â to carry out such a study. Basic information on the course of RaczyÅskiâs diplomatic service can be found in: Johann Caspar Struckmann, PreuÃische Diplomaten im 19. Jahrhundert. Biographien und Stellenbesetzungen der Auslandsposten 1815â1870 (Berlin: Trafo-Verlag, 2003), 188â189.
DIARY, 11 April 1811.
Athanasius RaczyÅski, Geschichtliche Forschungen, 474.
On the structure of the Ministry, its organisation, division of competences, rules for personnel recruitment, etc. during the period concerned, see comprehensive and well documented study by Dietmar Grypa, Der Diplomatische Dienst des Königreichs PreuÃen (1815â1866). Institutioneller Aufbau und soziale Zusammensetzung, Quellen und Forschungen zur Brandenburgischen und PreuÃischen Geschichte, vol. 37 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2008).
Cited from Dietmar Grypa, Der Diplomatische Dienst des Königreichs PreuÃen, 19.
DIARY, 10 February 1819.
See: Adam Galos and Alina Nowak-Romanowicz, âRadziwiÅÅ Antoni Henryk (1775â1833),â in Polski sÅownik biograficzny, vol. XXX (WrocÅaw: ZakÅad Narodowy im. OssoliÅsich, 1987), 156â160.
Andrzej Kwilecki, ZiemiaÅstwo wielkopolskie, 386â398.
Letter from RaczyÅski to Minister Christian Günther von Bernstorff of 4 February 1819 in: AA, Berlin, Acta betr. Die persönlichen Angelegenheiten des Grafen von Raczinsky, 011609.
Letter from Antoni RadziwiÅÅ to RaczyÅski of 8 March 1820 in: AA, Berlin, Acta betr. Die persönlichen Angelegenheiten des Grafen von Raczinsky, 011609.
Letter from RaczyÅski to Christian Günther von Bernstorff of 16 September 1828 in: AA, Berlin, Acta betr. Die persönlichen Angelegenheiten des Grafen von Raczinsky, 011609.
Letter from RaczyÅski to Christian Günther von Bernstorff of 26 May 1829 in: AA, Berlin, Acta betr. Die persönlichen Angelegenheiten des Grafen von Raczinsky, 011609.
Rapport confidentiel, No. VI, Berlin, le 19 Janvier 1830; RA, Copenhagen, IV. 302. Departament for udenlandske anliggender, Preussen, Indberetninger 1830, call no. 1770.
BR, PoznaÅ, ms 2719, p. 15.
Dietmar Grypa, Der Diplomatische Dienst des Königreichs PreuÃen, 329â330.
DIARY, 2 April 1829.
Although according to the law, there existed the even higher position of Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador (AuÃerodentlicher und Bevollmächtigen Botschafter), until the 1860s this title was de facto never awarded. The first diplomats to be awarded the rank of ambassador were those assigned to the missions in Paris and London in 1862. Letter from Frederick William III to King Frederick IV on the appointment of RaczyÅski in: RA, Copenhagen, I. 302. Departament for udenlandske anliggender, Preussen, Preussens repraesentation 1783â1848, call no. 1691.
Report from Reventlow (No. 7) of 26 January 1830; RA, Copenhagen, IV. 302. Departament for udenlandske anliggender, Preussen, Indberetninger 1830, call no. 1770.
Georg NørregÃ¥rd, Danmark mellem Ãst og Vest 1824â39 (København: Gyldendal, 1969), 94â95 and 129â131.
Georg NørregÃ¥rd, Danmark mellem Ãst og Vest 1824â39, 130.
A strong candidate for the position of Secretary of the Prussian Legion in Copenhagen was initially the young Albrecht von Bernstorff, son of Foreign Minister Christian Bernstorff. He enjoyed the support of RaczyÅski himself, but eventually, in accordance with his fatherâs wishes, the Danish-born ministerâs son declined the nomination (see Im Kampfe für PreuÃens Ehre: Aus dem Nachlaà des Grafen Albrecht von Bernstorff und seiner Gemahlin Anna geb. Freiin von Koenneritz. Mit 2 Bildnissen in Lichtdruck und der Nachbildung eines Briefes, herausgegeben von Karl Ringhoffer (Berlin: Mittler, 1906), 16).
Steen Bo Frandsen. Dänemark â der kleine Nachbar im Norden. Aspekte der deutsch- dänischen Beziehungen im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1994) 39â40, 43. See also: Henriette Steiner, The Emergence of a Modern City: Golden Age Copenhagen 1800â1850 (London: Routledge, 2016); Roar Skovmand, Vagn Dybdahl, and Erik Rasmussen, Geschichte Dänemarks 1830â1939. Die Auseinandersetzungen um nationale Einheit, demokratische Freiheit und soziale Gleichheit, übersetzt v. Olaf Klose (Neumünster: Wachholtz, 1973) 13â17.
Henriette Steiner, The Emergence of a Modern City, 1â5 and 19â63, quotations p. 2, 4.
Kjøbenhavns kongelig alene privilegerde Adrescomptoris Efterretninger, No. 65, Tirsdagen, d. 18 Marts 1834, p. 12.
See: Ulrich Lange, ed., Geschichte Schleswig-Holsteins. Von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Neumünster: Wachholtz, 1996), 281â287 and 427â444.
A complete set of draft and clean copies of these documents can be found in: GStA, Berlin, III. HA Ministerium der auswärtigen Angelegenheiten I, No. 4604â4607 and No. 460.
Adam Oehlenschläger, Meine Lebens-Erinnerungen. Ein Nachlaà von Adam Oehlenschläger, vol. 4 (Leipzig: C.B. Lorck, 1850), 93.
Den til Forsendelse med. Brevposterne Kongelig allernaadigst alene privilegerede Aarhuus Stifts-Tidende, No. 48, den 25de Marts 1834, p. 2.
Letter from RaczyÅski to Antoni RadziwiÅÅ of 23 January 1820 in: AA, Berlin, Acta betr. Die persönlichen Angelegenheiten des Grafen von Raczinsky, 011609.
Kjøbenhavns kongelig alene privilegerde Adrescomptoris Efterretninger, No. 77, Tirsdagen, 1 April 1834, p. 6; Kjøbenhavns kongelig alene privilegerde Adrescomptoris Efterretninger, No. 86, Torsdagen, 10 April 1834, pp. 1â2.
Letter from RaczyÅski to Minister Werther of 22 January 1838: âWenn ich bis jetzt mich nicht entschlieÃen konnte, das Wartegeld zu entnehmen, so geschah es, weil ich entschiedene Abneigung empfand, unter den persönlichen Umständen, in denen ich mich befinde, ein Salarium zu beziehen, ohne daà Mindeste dafür thun zu dürfen. Wenn ich andererseits nicht unbedingt auf dieses Wartegeld verzichtet habe und verzichte, so geschah es und geschieht noch, weil ich darin ein mir theures Band erblicke, welches mich an das Ministerium und an die Regierung knüpft;â AA, Berlin, Personalakt 011609.
See RaczyÅskiâs extensive correspondence from the years 1834â1840 related to his efforts to return to active diplomatic service in: AA, Berlin, 011609 and BR, PoznaÅ, ms 2720. Quote from a letter to the King of 13 June 1834, BR, PoznaÅ, ms 2720, pp. 9â10.
In the late 1830s, the anticipated nomination of RaczyÅski to serve as envoy in Madrid generated even greater controversy, and the issue was even discussed in the Spanish and European press. See e.g.: El Estafeta, Num. 290, jueves 31 de Agosto 1837, p. 4; El Español, Num. 682, sabado 16 de setiembre 1837, p. 1; El Católico, Num. 125, 3 de julio 1840, p. 270; and also: Der Schweizer-Bote, Nr. 62, Samstag, den 5. August 1837, p. 251.
Letters to Johann Ludwig von Jordan of 1 May 1837 and Heinrich August von Werther of 22 January 1838; both are in: AA, Berlin, 011609, copies in BR, PoznaÅ, ms 2720, p. 68 and pp. 79â80.
Des démarches que jâai faites au commencement de lâannée 1840, pour mettre fin à lâinactivité dont je subis lâhumiliation depuis six ans, APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 117. An abridged copy can be found in the RaczyÅski Library in Poznan, ms 2720, pp. 114â122; RaczyÅski included a transcription of the document in his DIARY. All quotations are based on the version in APP.
DIARY, 13 July 1837.
Both documents can be found in: GStA, Berlin, I HA Rep. 89 Geh. Zivilkabinett, jüngere Periode, Nr. 12993.
Des démarchesâ¦, pp. 20â21.
Letter to Karl Friedrich von Klinkowström of 4 February 1840 r., copy in DIARY.
Copy of a letter from Frederick William IV to Minister Maltzan of 9 December 1841; GStA, Berlin, III. HA Ministerium der auswärtigen Angelegenheiten I, Nr. 6210.
RaczyÅski wrote about a planned âgreat journeyâ in a letter to Karl Friedrich von Klinkowström of 6 January 1842. (copy in DIARY). On the subject of RaczyÅskiâs stay in Portugal see: Maria Danilewicz ZieliÅska, âAtanásio Raczynski â 1788â1874. Um historiador de arte portuguesa;â Sylvie Deswarte-Rosa, âAthanase Raczynski au Portugal, 1842â1848. Luz e Sombra;â and also: Janina Z. Klawe, âOs Polacos em Portugal no século XIX,â Itinerarios 3/2 (2000): 62â64.
Letter from RaczyÅski to Minister Maltzan of 24 December 1841; GStA, III. HA Ministerium der auswärtigen Angelegenheiten I Nr. 6210.
Letter from Minister Mortimer von Maltzahn do RaczyÅski of 14 March 1842; GStA, Berlin, I. HA Rep. 81 Gesandtschaften (Residenturen) u. (General-) Konsulate nach 1807, Generalkonsulat Gesandtschaft Lissabon I, Nr. 38.
Letter to Konstancja RaczyÅska of 15 January 1843; APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 79, pp. 160â163.
Letter from RaczyÅski to Henry Wheaton, which the latter then passed on to Catharine Wheaton in a letter sent from Berlin dated 14 February 1843; Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, Henry Wheaton, Autograph letters signed: Washington, Providence, New York, Berlin, London etc. to Catharine Wheaton, 1814â1847.
Karl Friedrich von Savigny, 1814â1875. Briefe, Akten, Aufzeichnungen aus dem Nachlass eines preuÃischen Diplomaten der Reichsgründerzeit, ausgewählt und herausgegeben von Willy Real, vol. 1 (Boppard am Main: Boldt, 1981), 208.
See the extensive collection of letters from RaczyÅski to Karl Friedrich von Savigny in: GStA, Berlin, VI. HA Nl Karl Friedrich von Savigny, Nr. 208. Pieces of correspondence between RaczyÅski and Savigny were published by Willy Real, see: Karl Friedrich von Savigny, 1814â1875. Briefe, Akten, Aufzeichnungen, vol. 1, 191â193, 196â197, 247â248, 264â265, 293, 301â303, 305â306, 312, 324 and 471.
Letter from Johann Ludwig von Jordan to Karl Friedrich von Savigny of 13 December 1841; Karl Friedrich von Savigny, 1814â1875. Briefe, Akten, Aufzeichnungen, vol. 1, 189.
Letter from Karl Friedrich von Savigny to his parents of 15 October 1842; Karl Friedrich von Savigny, 1814â1875. Briefe, Akten, Aufzeichnungen, vol. 1, 216. In other letters to his parents and other recipients, Savigny also complimented his superior.
Letter from Edward RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 8 June 1842; APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 79, pp. 23â25.
Letter from Athanasius to Edward RaczyÅski of 8 August 1842; APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 79, k. 44â49.
About German-Portuguese relations in the nineteenth century see: Manfred Kuder and Heinz Peter Ptak, eds., Deutsch-portugiesische Kontakte in über 800 Jahren und ihre wechselnde Motivationen (Bammental/Heidelberg: Klemmerberg-Verlag, 1984), 46â63.
See: Dietmar Grypa, Der Diplomatische Dienst des Königreichs PreuÃen, 482.
Letter from Athanasius to Karl Friedrich von Savigny of 3 May 1845; GStA, Berlin, VI. HA Nl K.F. v. Savigny, Nr. 208.
Adolf Friedrich von Schack, Ein halbes Jahrhundert. Erinnerungen und Aufzeichnungen, 353 and 365.
Short excerpt from Souvenirs de Portugal contained in an essay on Spanish architecture titled Coup dâoeuil rapide jetté sur lâhistoire de lâArchitecture en Espagne. The essay, which features numerous drawings and watercolours, was written based on observations made during travel throughout the country in the early autumn of 1849 and was intended as a gift for King Frederick William IV. The original has been lost. The citation is based on a copy found in RaczyÅskiâs DIARY.
Sylvie Deswarte-Rosa, âAthanase Raczynski au Portugal, 1842â1848. Luz e Sombra,â 32.
Letter from Athanasius to Roger RaczyÅski of 22 June 1842; APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 79, pp. 31â33.
DIARY, 13 May 1842.
Letter to Minister Heinrich Alexander von Arnim of 2 April 1848; GStA, III. HA Ministerium der auswärtigen Angelegenheiten I, Nr. 6210.
On the Revolutions of 1848â50 in Prussia see David E. Barclay, âRevolution and counter-revolution in Prussia, 1840â50,â in Philip G. Dwyer, ed., Modern Prussian History 1830â1947, 66â85.
The Times, Thursday, 16 March 1848, p. 6.
The Times, Monday, 20 March 1848, p. 5.
Letter from Heinrich Alexander von Arnim to Athanasius of 26 April 1848; GStA, III. HA Ministerium der auswärtigen Angelegenheiten I Nr. 7031.
See letter sent from Madrid by RaczyÅski to Karl Friedrich von Savigny, dated 16 June 1848 in: GStA, Berlin, VI. HA Nl Karl Friedrich von Savigny, Nr. 208.
DIARY, 27 January 1836.
Natalia Kicka, PamiÄtniki, 188â189.
The album has been lost. The text it contained was copied by RaczyÅski into his diary in the autumn of 1849. The illustrations by Athanasius that accompanied the essay can be assumed to look like those found elsewhere in his diary and to the numerous views and architectural studies by Carderera preserved in the Biblioteca Nacional de España, among other places.
Report from 3 June 1848; GStA, Berlin, III. HA Ministerium der auswärtigen Angelegenheiten I, Nr. 7106.
For essential information on this topic see Richard Herr, An Historical Essay on Modern Spain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974): 50â98; Isabel Burdiel, âThe liberal revolution, 1808â1843,â in José Ãlvarez Junco & Adrian Shubert, eds., Spanish History since 1808 (London: Arnold, 2000): 18â32; William D. Phillips, Jr. and Carla Rahn Phillips, A Concise History of Spain (Cambridge: University Press, 2010): 206â2018.
Report from 8 April 1851; GStA, Berlin, III. HA Ministerium der auswärtigen Angelegenheiten I, Nr. 7109.
Deux diplomates le comte Raczynski et Donoso Cortès, 28â30.
DIARY, 17 July 1852.
RaczyÅskiâs letter to Juan Donoso Cortés of 30 July 1852; Archivio Regional de la Comunidad de Madrid, Madrid, call no. 499318/041.
After his return to Berlin, RaczyÅski did not end his contacts with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. After returning from Paris in mid-April 1855, he reported to the head of the ministry, Otto Theodor Manteuffel, on the political situation in France, predicting the imminent fall of Emperor Napoleon III. However, this assessment was met with scepticism on the part of Manteuffel, and with a very critical reception on the part of the Prussian envoy in Paris at that time, Count Hatzfeldt (see Heinrich von Poschinger, ed., PreuÃens auswärtige Politik 1850â1858. Unveröffentlichte Dokumente aus dem Nachlasse Ministerpräsidenten Otto Frhrn. v. Manteuffel, vol. 3: Von der Beendigung der orientalischen Krisis bis zum Beginn der neuen Aera. Vom 15. Dezember 1854 bis zum 6. November 1858 (Berlin, 1902), 100â103 (Letter from Manteuffl to Hatzfeld of 21 April 1855, in which he discusses RaczyÅskiâs views) and 113â114 (Hatzfeldtâs reply of 2 May 1855)). RaczyÅski also submitted his reflections in the form of a bound volume titled Ten Days in Paris (3â13 April) to General Leopold von Gerlach, who also expressed little interest in them (see: Leopold von Gerlach, Denkwürdigkeiten aus dem Leben Leopold von Gerlachs, Generals der Infanterie und General-Adjutanten König Friedrich Wilhelms IV, nach seinen Aufzeichnungen herausgegeben von seiner Tochter, vol. 2 (Berlin: Wilhelm Hertz, 1892), 306â307).
DIARY, 9 November 1852.
Carl Schmitt, âThe Unknown Donoso Cortés,â translated by Mark Grzeskowiak, Telos. Critical Theory of the Contemporary, No. 125 (Fall 2002): 80â86, quotation p. 85.
Letter from Athanasius to Henry Wheaton of 14 April 1842, copy in DIARY.
Karl Friedrich von Savigny, 1814â1875. Briefe, Akten, Aufzeichnungen, 226.
On the life and thought of Juan Donoso Cortés see: classic but still valid biographical study by Edmund Schramm, Donoso Cortés. Leben und Werk eines spanischen Antiliberalen, Ibero-Amerikanische Studien 7 (Hamburg: Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut, 1935); insightful interpretation of Spanish political theology by Dietmar Westemeyer, Donoso Cortés: Staatsmann und Theologe. Eine Untersuchung seines Einsatzes der Theologie in die Politik (Münster: Regensberg, 1940); and the collection of essays on the place of Donoso Cortés in the history of European political thought by Carl Schmitt, Donoso Cortés in gesamteuropäischer Interpretation. Vier Aufsätze (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2009). On the reception of Donoso Cortésâ legacy in Spanish intellectual thought, Francisco Suárezâs works remain excellent sources. All of these studies contain numerous references to the correspondence between Donoso Cortés and Athanasius RaczyÅski. An extensive bibliography on the life and work of the Spanish thinker is provided in Juan Donoso Cortés, Essay über den Katholizismus, den Liberalismus und den Sozialismus und andere Schriften aus den Jahren 1851 bis 1853, herausgegeben, übersetzt und kommentiert von Günther Maschke (Wien und Leipzig: Karolinger Verlag, 2007), 430â494. For more on Donoso Cortésâ relationship with RaczyÅski see: MichaÅ Mencfel, âJuan Donoso Cortés y Atanazy RaczyÅski: historia y consecuencias de su Amistad,â Hispania. Revista Española de Historia LXXIX, No. 261 (2019): 127â156.
José MarÃa Beneyto, Apokalypse der Moderne. Die Diktaturtheorie von Donoso Cortés, Sprache und Geschichte 14 (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1988), 56. Donoso Cortesâ thought was also known on Polish soil. Excerpts of his writing were published at the turn of the 1840s and 1850s in the monthly magazine PrzeglÄ d PoznaÅski (âMowa P. Donoso Cortes w Madrycie,â PrzeglÄ d PoznaÅski VIII (1849): 438â440; âList Margr. Valdegamas do wydawcy dziennika Herlado (Univers z 21. kwietnia 1852 r.),â PrzeglÄ d PoznaÅski XVI (1853): 5â7). See also: Bogdan Szlachta, Szkice o konserwatyzmie, 117â141.
For an introduction to the âlateâ thought of Donoso Cortés, during the period of his association with RaczyÅski, see: José MarÃa Beneyto, Apokalypse der Moderne; Günther Maschke, âEndzeit, Zeitende. Zum Spätwerk von Juan Donoso Cortés,â in Juan Donoso Cortés, Essay über den Katholizismus, den Liberalismus und den Sozialismus, XIIâLI.
John J. Kennedy, âDonoso Cortés as Servant of the State,â The Review of Politics, Vol. 14, No. 4 (October 1952): 520â555.
Edmund Schramm, Donoso Cortés. Leben und Werk, 75.
RaczyÅskiâs report of 14 January 1849; GStA, Berlin, III. HA Ministerium der auswärtigen Angelegenheiten I, Madrid, Nr. 7106.
Deux diplomates le comte Raczynski et Donoso Cortès, XXXIâXXXII.
Carl Schmitt, Donoso Cortés in gesamteuropäischer Interpretation, 28â30 and 70â72.
Deux diplomates le comte Raczynski et Donoso Cortès, 306; Carl Schmitt, Donoso Cortés in gesamteuropäischer Interpretation, 49â57.
Letter from Athanasius to do Karl Friedrich von Savigny of 26 January 1849; in: GStA, Berlin, VI. HA Nl Karl Friedrich von Savigny, Nr. 208.
Discurso sobre la Dictadura, delivered in the Cortes on 4 January 1849, just three weeks before the cited letter from RaczyÅski.
Cited from: Günther Maschke, âEndzeit, Zeitende. Zum Spätwerk von Juan Donoso Cortés,â XXVIII.
On the Donoso Cortésâ concept of dictatorship, see in particular: José MarÃa Beneyto, Apokalypse der Moderne, esp. 57â66. Also: Edmund Schramm, Donoso Cortés. Leben und Werk, 66â75; Ryszard SkarzyÅski, Konserwatyzm. Zarys dziejów filozofii politycznej, 178â185; Alberto Spektorowski, âMaistre, Donoso Corés, and the Legacy of Catholic Authoritarianism,â Journal of the History of Ideas 63 (2002): 283â302, esp. 294â298; Günther Maschke, âEndzeit, Zeitende. Zum Spätwerk von Juan Donoso Cortés,â XXVIIIâXXXI.
Letter from RaczyÅski to Alphonse dâAntioche of 15 March 1861; copy in DIARY.
DIARY, 8 August 1861.
On the little-known biography of Alphonse dâAntioche see: Ãdouard Dufresne, Notice sur le cte dâAntioche (Chambéry: Chatelain, 1882); idem, âNotice sur le comte dâAntioche,â Le Courrier des Alpes, 18 novembre 1882: 3; Amédée de Foras, Armorial et nobiliaire de lâancien Duché de Savoie, vol. 1 (Grenoble: Ãdouard Aller, 1873), 279â281; André-François-Joseph Borel dâHauterive, Annuaire de la noblesse de France et des maisons souveraines de lâEurope, Quarante-troisième année (Paris, 1887), 296â303.
Ãdouard Dufresne, âNotice sur le comte dâAntioche.â
M. le Comte dâAntioche et les gens de Nernier, Archives Départementales de Haute-Savoie, Annecy, Bib. 978, pp. 4â5.
DIARY, 21 July 1861.
In the codicil to the will, signed 15 September 1869, in: LAB, Berlin, A Pr. Br. Rep. 005 A â Stadtgericht Berlin, Nr. 6909, pp. 41â57.