Let there be war, so that I may distinguish myself in it.
Diary, 15 April 1809
âµ
1 The Fist, Rod, and Cane, or Education
In accordance with aristocratic custom, young Athanasius began his education at home in Chobienice, under the supervision of a private tutor.1 His first teacher was Fr. Marcin PluciÅski, a violent and unpleasant man (âa tall and strong man with an irascible temperament, who taught us by the rod and caneâ), although, as RaczyÅski later acknowledged, he was well-versed in history, geography and especially Latin. Indeed, his qualifications must have been strong, or at least sufficient â and in early nineteenth-century Poland, it was not at all easy to find a good private tutor in the provinces â since it was decided that he would live with Edward and Athanasius and continue their education at their fatherâs palace in Rogalin. Providing the boys with a comprehensive, high-quality education was a matter of particular interest to Philip RaczyÅski. He himself took an active part in the boysâ education and favoured didactic methods like those used by Father PluciÅski: âthe fist, rod, and caneâ (it is worth noting, however, that the direct involvement of a father in the upbringing of his sons â though this was encouraged by progressive pedagogical thinkers â was by no means common in Polish aristocratic circles in the early nineteenth century).2 Other members of the palace household were also involved in the boysâ education. These included both the leader of the estateâs musical ensemble, Antoni Wajnert, a former court musician to the last King of Poland, StanisÅaw August, as well as a composer and talented flautist, who was brought to Rogalin to help in the education of the young RaczyÅski boys,3 and Johann Gommert, a member of the Rogalin Palace orchestra. In his memoirs, Athanasius describes this stage of his education as follows:
At eight oâclock in the morning, my lessons began with Father PluciÅski â Latin, German, French (of which he had a poor knowledge), history, geography, and domestic law. These lessons lasted until ten oâclock. We rarely made it through them without a beating. Most often, these involved close-fisted blows to the neck, while at other times he [Father PluciÅski] pulled my hair savagely, and then, in either case, he would proceed to use a cane, with which he beat me with ruthlessly. I had bruises all over my body, but I didnât dare show them to my father. He would have forbidden him, I think, to beat me with a cane and to punch me with his fist, but he would have accepted the use of a rod in their place, which I feared even more. I endured this treatment without complaint, but it filled my young heart with hatred and aversion toward the man who caused me such suffering. At ten oâclock there were violin lessons. I learned to play quite well, and they cost me no more than a few light raps over the knuckles. At eleven oâclock, I went to my father to read and translate Metastasio or Guarini. During these lessons, I usually knelt by my fatherâs side, and whenever he deemed it necessary, he would pinch or pull my ear sharply. My ear sometimes bled for the sake of my education. Finally, the hour approached for my riding lessons, then dancing lessons, and the reading of religious texts aloud. Afterwards, there were marching drills under the watchful eye of my father, who had a fondness for all things military, and, in the afternoon, lessons with Father PluciÅski, which were conducted much like those in the morning. Lastly, there were piano lessons.
It was undoubtedly an ambitious and comprehensive programme, relatively modern in its content and very similar in quality to that found in those homes of the Polish aristocracy and landed gentry where education was valued.4 However, at no time, not even after many years had passed, did Athanasius ever describe his education at home as a positive experience. He considered the educational methods used to have been not only unpleasant but in his case also ineffective.5 In general, he did not have a high opinion of his own intellectual abilities and claimed that the pressure he felt from his father prevented even those abilities he possessed from fully developing:
I was endowed with a weak memory, so I made little progress in the learning of languages and history. Moreover, fear stifled my mental faculties. I was not a diligent student. I couldnât remember things and learned very little. At the age of 15, I wasnât very advanced. In general, my intellectual development progressed very slowly, so I was told over and over again that it was my destiny to be an idiot all my life. In the end, I became convinced of this.â Although corporal punishmentâs effectiveness had been questioned in pedagogical writings since the Enlightenment, it remained a frequently practiced educational âtoolâ in the early nineteenth century.6
If Athanasius, who knew the realities of his day, was so adamant in his criticism of these violent teaching practices, they must have exceeded what was generally accepted even in those times. While Athanasiusâ memory or intellectual capabilities may not have been outstanding, he was endowed with something that he was as yet unable to recognize, a talent that would become a major asset: a keen eye and intuition in artistic matters that rarely failed him.
The humiliations RaczyÅski suffered as a boy would leave their mark on his future life. The recollections of them returned later during his bouts of depression. They also provided an explanation for some of his actions. In an entry in his diary dated 17 May 1836, written during a painful period when he was experiencing the collapse of his political career and family life, he wrote: âWhen I was fourteen, I was often told that I was an ass. I blushed every time I saw this animal.â The unpleasant experiences RaczyÅski suffered during his childhood and youth seem to have been essential sources of some of his character traits. They had the positive effect of awakening his ambition and determination to pursue his goals. But they also led him to be extreme in his self-criticism.
After the death of Philip RaczyÅski in 1804, Edward and Athanasius were placed in the care of their grandfather Kazimierz. Following the last wishes of their father that the money from the lease of the familyâs landed estates be used for the âeducation and upbringing of my sons,â the boys were sent away to begin their studies.7 This period can be reconstructed only cursorily. On 30 July 1804, Athanasius was enrolled in the Faculty of Law of the University of Frankfurt (Oder). A year later, on 8 June 1805, he passed his final exams.8 He then went with his brother to Berlin to continue his studies. During this time, he was placed under the care of Fr. Bernard Perreau, an Alsatian and one of the many clergymen who had fled post-revolutionary France and settled in the Prussian capital. He had been appointed as the boysâ tutor by Philip and also had the trust of their grandfather.9 Kazimierz followed grandchildrenâs education closely from Warsaw, seeing to it that they were fully engaged in their studies. In a letter from February 1805, he wrote to Athanasius: âAs for the desire you expressed to come to Warsaw, this likewise cannot be fulfilled. In spite of the winter break, there is plenty to learn, during this time as well, even if no lessons are being held; for example, working on your French, improving your spelling, pronunciation, and style, itâs better to put this time to use rather than spending it idly.â10 While in Berlin, Athanasius received support and backing from Marianna Ożarowska, the widow of the Piotr Ożarowski, who was executed in Warsaw in 1794.
In the summer of 1806, several months after receiving the advice cited above from his grandfather, Athanasius left for Dresden to continue his studies, this time under the patronage of Princess Magdalena Lubomirska. In the Saxon capital, he studied outside an institutional setting under the guidance of a new tutor named Bordiga, who had received very detailed instructions on how the programme of study should be organized:
Every day Mr. Athanasius will be obliged to wake up at six oâclock in the morning, and, after saying his morning prayers and eating breakfast, from seven to eleven oâclock in the morning, he will attend lessons prepared by Mr. Bordiga, reading and memorizing the material in the assigned subjects. In the afternoon from three to six oâclock, further time will be spent studying and reading books selected by Mr. Bordiga. [â¦] The most necessary subjects for Athanasius are the German and French languages, history, and geography. Having studied these [subjects] for two years in Frankfurt and Berlin, as well as a few years at home, considerable progress should be made in them. So in these two languages, his attainments should be excellent, not only in terms of sentence construction but also in terms of pronunciation and style, it would be most useful for him to practice translating from one language to the other. Moreover, he should possess an exact knowledge of not only general history but also the history of particular states, as well as of geography. In addition to his lessons, he should read books related to the study of these subjects during his free time.11
Political events forced Athanasius to leave Dresden in October 1806 and travel with his teacher Mr. Bordiga to Kraków. This date â which we could consider to be symbolic â marked the beginning of a new period in RaczyÅskiâs life. It was a period of growing maturity and growing independence, a time spent seeking adventure, consciously forming his identity, engaging in chaotic actions, and composing a life programme.
2 âA Model Young Poleâ
Who was Athanasius at that time? In his own words (as he stated a few years later), he was a âmodel young Pole,â who, while not especially eager to work, was nevertheless enthusiastic about the national cause. âMy mind was uneasy, and the rebirth of Poland had awakened my 18-year-old imaginationâ (Fig. 11). The events taking place in the Prussian Partition following the entry of French troops in November 1806 inspired him to adopt a strong patriotic stance.12 He was also influenced by the example of his older brother, who was fighting under Napoleon, and also by the patriotism of the youth of Galicja, many of whom, upon learning of Jan Henryk DÄ browski and Józef Wybickiâs call for Poles to take up arms and fight at Napoleonâs side âunder the flag of their Homeland,â were overcome, as Leon Dembowski later recalled, by âa sense of consternation, astonishment and a feverish desire for action.â13 Young men from the landed gentry crossed the border illegally to enlist in the Polish legions under Napoleon, eager for adventure and a chance to fulfill their patriotic duty.14 As with other young recruits, the motives that induced them to take part in the war, alongside a fascination with Napoleon, included dreams of heroic action, longing for recognition, a desire to taste personal freedom and to free themselves from the restrictive conventions of social and family life.15
Constantin Cretius after Marcello Bacciarelli, Portrait of Athanasius RaczyÅski at the Age of 21, 1809
RaczyÅski Foundation at the National Museum in PoznaÅ, inv. no. MNP FR 615
Athanasius was also inspired to take action by a meeting with the somewhat older StanisÅaw Czapski, the son of the Voivode of CheÅmno and heir to the renowned family tradition of good citizenship. He had lately arrived in Kraków from Paris (âwhence,â according to RaczyÅski, âhe brought fashionable clothes and recollections of whores and rodentsâ) and later served as a Colonel in the army of the Duchy of Warsaw. According to the account in his diary, encouraged and accompanied by Czapski, RaczyÅski fled in January 1807 from Bordigaâs care, purchased a horse, and set off towards the Prussian border. After spending a few days at Czapskiâs estate in GÄ szcz, north-east of Bydgoszcz, he joined a volunteer cavalry unit commanded by General MichaÅ Sokolnicki. After several skirmishes with Prussian forces, the unit moved north, first to SÅupsk (which was occupied by insurgent forces after being taken on February 18), then to the most important and most heavily defended Prussian fortress in Pomerania â GdaÅsk. RaczyÅski took part in the siege of the city, including bloody battles for the WisÅoujÅcie Fortress. The taking of GdaÅsk was a key moment in the Pomeranian campaign of 1807. It was of major significance for the future fate of the war, as, among other things, it enabled the French army to better prepare for the coming Battle of Friedland.16 In RaczyÅskiâs later accounts of these events, his personal history and that of the war became enmeshed. In his diary, he wrote: âOn the 1st or 2nd of May, GdaÅsk capitulated. I just turned nineteen.â On May 2nd Athanasius was indeed nineteen years old, but the fortress surrendered almost three weeks later, on May 24th, and three days later was abandoned by its Prussian garrison. However, RaczyÅskiâs stay in liberated GdaÅsk was not a fortuitous one. During his first days in the city, he fell seriously ill with typhus and was confined to his bed for several days, suffering from a high fever and periodic losses of consciousness. Following a partial recovery, he returned to Rogalin to place himself in the care of his brother.
General Sokolnicki provided an epilogue to Athanasiusâ military service by mentioning him in a comprehensive report prepared for General Jan Henryk DÄ browski as having been among those âofficers, non-commissioned officers and knights who, following the disintegration of the corps, reported personally to headquarters and whose conduct and bravery, along with their perseverance and zeal, deserve to be recommended for recognition by the highest authority.â17 On 1 January 1808, Sokolnicki recommended that the Emperor award him the Légion dâhonneur, Franceâs highest military honour in recognition of his actions in the battle for GdaÅsk, where he showed âgreat devotion and he was among those soldiers who particularly distinguished themselves in the battle of May 15 at WisÅoujÅcie.â18 Ultimately, however, RaczyÅski was not awarded the medal.
The price he paid for his part in the military campaign included not only health problems but also a bitter conflict with his grandfather Kazimierz that poisoned their relations for several months. However, neither circumstance prevented Athanasius from taking part in later fighting during the Austro-Polish war of 1809.
If we are to believe RaczyÅskiâs claims, his decision to serve once again in the army was motivated not by patriotism but by personal considerations. âI will become a soldier: not because I am disposed to do so, but because of Miss Turno [Athanasiusâ difficult love interest at the time] and the indifference I feel towards my family.â19 In mid-March, a month before Austrian troops crossed the border of the Duchy of Warsaw, Athanasius asked Prince Józef Poniatowski, the commander-in-chief of the Polish Army, to accept him into his service. His request was approved but, due to pressure from members of the public and to his great bitterness, he was accepted in the army as a common rank and file soldier, albeit with the promise of a quick promotion to the rank of officer. This promotion was indeed soon attained. On 7 April 1809, Prince Józef Poniatowski signed the commission naming RaczyÅski, then a cadet in the third cavalry regiment, as âan unpaid auxiliary ensign.â20 Athanasius was sent by Colonel Tadeusz Tyszkiewicz to serve as an aide-de-camp to General Aleksander Rożniecki, commander of the first brigade. On 16 April, he left Warsaw by way of Raszyn for Tarczyn, the generalâs headquarters.
In his diary, RaczyÅski provides a lengthy description of the 1809 campaign, briefly mentioning his part in it serving under General Rożniecki. Just three days after his arrival at the camp on 19 April, he took part in the Battle of Raszyn, the most dramatic and bloodiest battle in the entire campaign.21 He then headed with Rożnieckiâs forces for Galicia â the area in former southern Poland now under Austrian rule â passing through the cities of Kock and Lublin along the way and finally reaching Sandomierz. During the night of 17â18 May, the city was taken following a well-coordinated attack by units under Generals Sokolnicki and Rożniecki. Sokolnickiâs soldiers attacked the fortress itself, while Rożnieckiâs unit was tasked with establishing a bridgehead on the outskirts of Sandomierz.22 RaczyÅski then took part in a victorious though tactically flawed expedition by Rożnieckiâs cavalry to Eastern Galicia, which ended successfully with the occupation of Lwów. The situation there was very dynamic. On 16 June, the Austrians re-captured Sandomierz. However, forced by necessity to shift their forces to the warâs main front, they began to withdraw their troops to the west. The Polish headquarters, therefore, decided to concentrate their forces and pursue the Austrians. Rożnieckiâs brigade was one of the first to reach the left bank of the Vistula River and, serving as the avant-garde of the Polish forces, began harassing the Austrian armyâs rearguard. In early July, the now concentrated Polish army headed for Kraków. RaczyÅski was among the soldiers who on 15 July entered the city, which had been abandoned by the Austrians. The next day, news reached Kraków of the defeat of Austrian troops at Wagram. The resulting ceasefire included a provision that all forces participating in the war were to remain in the positions they occupied when they learned of the truce. The July offensive, which ended with the occupation of Kraków, was the last action by the Polish army in the war of 1809. On 4 November 1809, Prince Józef Poniatowski accepted RaczyÅskiâs resignation, âallowing him to wear the uniform of a decorated veteran, with the gold insignia indicating his rank attached, as a reward for his outstanding performance in the course of his service.â23 He was also decorated with the golden cross of the Military Order of Virtuti Militari.24 This cross is visible in a portrait of RaczyÅski painted 17 years later by Karl Wilhelm Wach. It is pinned to Athanasiusâ Prussian uniform just below a second-class Order of the Red Eagle awarded to him in 1820 by Frederick William III (Fig. 12).
Karl Wilhelm Wach, Portrait of Athanasius RaczyÅski, 1826
RaczyÅski Foundation at the National Museum in PoznaÅ, inv. no. MNP FR 616
Commenting on the events of 1809 almost forty years later, RaczyÅski wrote about his military achievements with great reserve, even somewhat ironically, without a hint of pathos or any attempt to embellish them: âthe memories I have of the campaign are not very interesting.â The most difficult moments were the Battle of Raszyn and combat with the Austrians âon the heights of Sandomierz,â though he admits that âthroughout the entire campaign I was never under heavy fire.â His position with General Rożniecki is characterized as follows: âThe aides-de-camp were Gutakowski and Kicki. Artur Potocki, WÅadysÅaw Tarnowski, Henryk ZabieÅÅo and I were the remaining errand boys. We understood each other very well. Kicki was the funniest of us, while I did better in the kitchen.â25 Of course, when he made this assessment of his participation in the war in 1848, he represented a completely different worldview from that of his youth; he perceived the events of the Napoleonic era very differently, but his description is probably credible.
It is worth asking at this point what RaczyÅskiâs attitude was towards Napoleon and his actions. It was dynamic and evolved over time. While initially an enthusiastic supporter, his feelings gradually cooled, and by 1812 his sentiments included clearly critical elements.
When will the calamities plaguing my poor country come to an end? Peasants are dying of hunger. The nobilityâs wealth is melting away day-by-day. We maintain an army that we cannot afford, but does anything await us in the future that might provide some sort of compensation for all these misfortunes? Illusions, only illusions! I can see Poland as if through a mist, but I can see neither success, peace, nor prosperity. I see the Fatherland, but I donât see a place in it for the national honour, although the people who serve it have good ideas. Napoleon wants these but wanting what he wants does not necessarily mean wanting what is best for us. It is not by desiring the good that we repel the evil that he brings. We have to go along with it because we know that in spite of ourselves, we will let him carry us away, and the damage this will cause will be all the greater and more severe. Devil be damned! Hail Napoleon! Hail Poland! Hail to our homeland! March, march DÄ browski from the Italian lands to Poland. The Polonaise, KoÅciuszko, and applause, and forward march!26
The failure of the Russian campaign in 1812 and the events of the next three years further complicated his assessment of the French Emperor. From the summer of 1813 to the autumn of 1815, RaczyÅski lived for the most part in Paris, the nerve centre of the historic events reshaping Europe. He followed their course attentively, and his journal from that time reads largely as a chronicle of political events, based on press reports, news passed on by word of mouth, and finally his own observations. Napoleon was undoubtedly a figure that fascinated Athanasius. However, he gradually rid himself of any illusion that the Emperor offered any hope for Poland and ultimately came to see him as a threat to her. In March of 1814, following a string of victories by French troops in battles against allied armies, RaczyÅski was convinced that Napoleon would once again successfully overcome the difficulties he faced. However, he no longer saw this as an opportunity for Poland: âMy poor country! What is to be your fate? There is no telling how this will end. The future terrifies me.â27
A few months later, after Napoleon was exiled to Elba, RaczyÅski tried to put together a synthetic assessment of his actions. His account was forgiving, but it contained a clear note of resentment based on his feeling that a great opportunity had been lost:
I generally forgive Napoleon for the evil he caused and for not doing the good he could have done. When he took the throne, he had the public behind him; he had opportunities within easy reach. If he so desired, the world would be a happy place, and he himself would be great for all times. Enlightened institutions, true freedom for all people, a balance between political powers, and universal peace would have provided for laws that would have earned him the gratitude of whole nations. Instead, he won battles, established a royal court, and dressed in gold. He plundered Europe without enriching France.28
The events of âthe Hundred Daysâ further complicated the image of the former French Emperor. RaczyÅski observed these events with great concern, considering them a threat to the still volatile political and social order in France and Europe. Napoleon had become, in his eyes, a dangerous and ruthless troublemaker, driven by unsated ambitions, who was paving the way for further violence and despotism. He was a âwolfâ seeking to devour the nations of Europe. Yet Athanasius also saw him as a potential defender against an even greater threat â Jacobin terror. The dramatic events of the spring of 1815 and the spectre of another European war and a potential Jacobin coup led to a consolidation of RaczyÅskiâs anti-liberal and anti-revolutionary views.
Recalling the events of 1812 almost fifty years later, RaczyÅski evaluated his attitude as follows:
How much of a supporter of Napoleon was I at that time? [â¦] I donât regret it. At that time, I still dreamt of a Poland under the strong rule, as one would expect from Bonaparteâs iron fist. Poland could then be separated from Russia without leaving it at the mercy of the Jacobins. Things have changed a lot, and I have changed with them.29
3 In Warsaw Circles
Between 1808 and 1812, RaczyÅski spent most of his time in Warsaw, except for his aforementioned stint in the military, as well as several months spent in Vienna and Paris and shorter stays in Rogalin and Dresden. He led an intensive social and emotional life, and gradually built up his social position, drawing up plans for a beneficial marriage and making preparations to enter politics. The atmosphere and the situation in Warsaw favoured such activities. By 1806, after the disastrous decade that followed the Third Partition, when the city was depopulated and neglected, despite countless difficulties related to the disastrous state of the city budget, weak municipal institutions, and the presence of a large number of foreign and Polish troops, Warsaw was slowly being reborn.30 The number of inhabitants gradually increased, and political life intensified, expressed in the form of ceremonies, celebrations and parades, especially after the establishment of the Duchy of Warsaw. Warsawâs beau monde became active once again: âall the wealthier families comprising the beau monde of Warsaw at that time would gather together at each otherâs homes, salons and social circles were revived.â31 âThe younger circle made merry. We all know that the pursuit of pleasure is what drives the urban social elite,â was Wirydianna Fiszerowaâs apt diagnosis.32
RaczyÅskiâs friends and acquaintances in Warsaw frequented the elegant salons of Anna Countess Aleksander Potocka (née Tyszkiewicz), Anna Countess Seweryn Potocka (née Sapieha, who rented rooms with her daughters in Kazimierz RaczyÅskiâs palace) and Aleksandra Countess StanisÅaw Potocka (née Lubomirska). These were places of importance in the cityâs social topography. Members of the Potocki family, which was abundantly represented in the capital city and formed âa social circle of their own,â33 hosted balls and theatrical productions in their homes for Warsawâs high society, and Athanasius, âa very beautiful young man, very talented and high-spirited, [â¦] was quite enthralled by earthly things and elegance.â34 The people closest to him were more or less his age. These included his cousin Marceli Lubomirski (until his tragic death in 1809); the brothers Alfred and Artur Potocki, sons of the eccentric Jan Potocki, who was also the first husband of Athanasiusâ future sister-in-law; Franciszek Potocki (âalthough he does not seem to me very intelligent he has nice manners, expresses himself easily, and has a lot of self-confidence and charmâ); Henryk ZabieÅÅo (âthe best boy, the noblest man, but how boring!â); and âgoodâ Leon Dembowski.35 Among Athanasiusâ women friends were his favourite cousin, Teresa JabÅonowska (née Lubomirska),36 Urszula Turno, Sydonia Potocka, Józefina Czartoryska, Ewa SuÅkowska (née Kicka), Róża Potocka, Teresa Kicka, Zofia Czosnowska, and the sisters Aniela and Zofia Roztworowska.
He was particularly close friends with Alfred Potocki, a gallant, easy- mannered man, and a perfect companion in salon events.37 He confessed: âI like Alfred and can boast that I enjoy his favour.â38 He had a much more complex relationship with Artur Potocki, the idol of Warsaw and Galiciaâs âgolden youth,â an âincomparable party companion,â âoracle of the salons,â âfavourite of the street,â39 a ladiesâ man, âwhom all the beauties of Warsaw were crazy about.â40 RaczyÅski admired his zest, sense of humour, excellent manners and easy-going attitude, but did not feel any close attachment to him and was probably not especially fond of him. He also had a low opinion of Potockiâs intellectual qualities (Potocki, we should add, was not portrayed sympathetically during his youth by diarists, who nonetheless acknowledged his virtues41). In spite of this, RaczyÅski spent a great deal of time in Potockiâs company. He also devoted more space to him in his diary than to any of his other friends. He attempted several times to paint a portrait of Potocki in words, trying to somehow capture his personality, which was both engaging and irritating.42
RaczyÅski thus socialized in the company of youth from the families of Warsawâs wealthy social elite. This, of course, had its price. It required Athanasius to maintain a very high standard of living, a standard which sometimes exceeded his financial possibilities. The consequences were inevitable: â19 March 1809. Yesterday was a day of important events for me. I began by increasing my debt by 350 ducatsâ¦â
RaczyÅski continued to cultivate his most important Warsaw acquaintances after he had left the city. He had a special bond with Teresa JabÅonowska, whom he met rarely, but who for decades was one of his most important and trusted correspondents. He also maintained close relations especially during the Galician period, that is in the mid-1820s, with the brothers Alfred and Artur Potocki. The relatively short distance between the Potocki residences (Alfredâs ÅaÅcut and Arturâs Krzeszowice) and RaczyÅskiâs estate in Zawada was conducive to visits. Contact with Artur intensified, among other matters, in connection with plans to reconstruct the Krzeszowice Palace. RaczyÅski mediated in the establishment of contacts between Potocki and Berlin architect Karl Friedrich Schinkel, who was hired to design the residence and the attached church and burial chapel (which he did though the work was not completed as we know from Schinkelâs Collection of Architectural Designs).43 In a letter to his brother Edward dated April 10, 1823, he wrote with satisfaction: âAlfred and Artur were here. It was decided that Schinkel from Berlin would build a huge palace in Krzeszowice on rocks in the Gothic style. I gave it to him and Iâm extremely content with this because itâs going to be a delightful thing. I believe this because of Schinkelâs talent and the surrounding area.â44
4 Smelling of the Antechamber
Athanasius RaczyÅskiâs professional plans began to crystallize during his time in Warsaw, where he saw a place for himself in the Saxon diplomatic service. While staying in Dresden, he wrote in his diary: âIâve got diplomacy in my head. Weâll see where it takes me. In any case, I solemnly promise myself to stand by this.â45
At the time, Athanasius already had contacts with high-ranking officials in both Warsaw and Dresden, including the Minister of State in the Duchy of Warsaw StanisÅaw Breza and the Saxonian Cabinet Minister of Foreign Affairs Count Friedrich Christian von Senfft. With their support, in the spring of 1810, he began applying for posts in the Saxon diplomatic service in the royal courts in Vienna and Madrid.46 During a stay in the Saxon capital in 1811, thanks to these contacts, he was introduced to the Royal Family and the Cabinet Minister and Senior Stable Master (Oberstallmeister) Count Camillo Marcolini. A few weeks later (11 May 1811), already in Warsaw, he was called to serve, in the words of the official message, âin light of his faithful service and becoming disposition,â in the office of Chamberlain. A decree on this matter was issued by Frederick Augustus I at Pillnitz Castle on 18 May 1811.47 RaczyÅski received his nomination from the Kingâs hand during an audience in Warsaw on 15 October.
Much seemed to indicate that his plans to join the diplomatic service would soon be realized. In early November, RaczyÅski was convinced that he would be assigned to the diplomatic offices in Kassel.48 Although this destination did not arouse his enthusiasm (he was dreaming of Paris, of course), he treated it as an opportunity and a personal challenge. âItâs been decided that I will go to Kassel to work as an attaché. Iâm not very happy about this, but if itâs not too awful, Iâm determined to spend three years there. If, after that time, I am not assured of an imminent appointment to the post of minister, then I swear to God, I will become a landlord. If positions donât come to me on their own, I wonât be the sort who chases after them.â49 Life would later prove to RaczyÅski that it was necessary to chase after positions, sometimes for many yearsâ¦.
However, RaczyÅski had to wait another year to be assigned to a diplomatic mission. Finally, on 29 October 1812, he left Warsaw to travel via Rogalin to Dresden, and from there, he assumed, to Kassel. While initial talks with Count von Senfft had indeed confirmed such a plan, a few weeks later, he was given the opportunity to choose another destination, namely Copenhagen. RaczyÅski decided to accept this offer because, as he later remarked, Denmark was âthe only second-rate country that still had diplomacy.â50 However, in this case also, his plans ultimately came to nothing. RaczyÅski was indeed appointed a legation counsellor in Copenhagen, but he did not go there due to the complicated political situation in Saxony.
Instead, on 1 January 1813, Athanasius assumed his duties as Chamberlain.51 Feeling somewhat bitter, he wrote in his diary in a slightly ironic tone about his duties and more generally about the Saxon Court itself, which despite its organizational structure, was towards the end of the introverted Frederick Augustusâ long reign fairly unremarkable.52
The Saxon court looks rather grotesque. Most of those comprising it are veritable caricatures. The King himself and the whole Royal Family would be comical if they werenât so deserving of respect. The King is pious, conscientious, educated, and fully committed to his position. Heâs rational, just, righteous, and unbending. Heâs always serious but also kind; heâs stiff but polite. Heâs restrained and simple in his manners. The Princess combines an active and penetrating mind with all the qualities of her father. Prince Maximilian is said to be the most distinguished of the three brothers, while Prince Anthony is the least. But everyone, young and old, makes up a family more worthy of respect than any other in the world. The purpose of this lengthy introduction is to say that they have made me, one seeking to serve in diplomacy, an attaché to the Royal Court, and having assumed this role, it is only fitting for me to ask to be allowed to perform my duties. I have served in this office for one month under the Queen and one month under the King. These would have been the two most boring months of my life if not for the pleasure I found in getting to know the ruling family, who treated me with kindness and who cannot be treated disrespectfully in view of their merits as well as their rank. [â¦] The duties of a Chamberlain in Saxony are limited to just a few things. When the King goes to church â I walk ahead of him; when he drinks tea â I serve it to him. At the table, I serve him soup; at the theatre, I stand behind his chair. And thatâs roughly everything this important service involves. I accompany the Queen when the King is hunting [â¦] and I have the pleasure of eating with the King, Queen, Princess [Maria] Augusta, the chief hunter, and the royal aide-de-camp. At breakfast, the King speaks just a few times, while the Queenâs mouth never shuts.
The office of Chamberlain (Kammerherr) was an honorary post held by representatives of the nobility, serving under a Prince or King. âIt involved,â we read in volume 33 of Johann Georg Krünitzâs Oekonomische Encyklopädie, published in 1785, âthe performance of so-called âservice,â i.e., stationing oneself in the antechamber and constantly remaining at the disposal of the Prince, helping him dress and undress, accompanying him during trips, rides and other travels, announcing applicants for private audiences, receiving letters with requests addressed directly to the Prince, cutting up his food at the table, etc. In some Courts, more is demanded of the Chamberlain; in others, less is required.â53 Known in German royal courts since the sixteenth century, the Chamberlainâs office in Dresden was introduced in the mid-seventeenth century. RaczyÅski, as we have seen, served for two months, first (in January) in the service of the King and then (in February) in the service of the Queen. Depending on the court and the epoch, the number of Chamberlains could vary, from a few to as many as 500. When RaczyÅski began his court career in 1812, the Chamberlainâs key, a symbol of his office, was held in the Saxon court by one hundred and five representatives of the nobility.54 According to Krünitz, it was a dignity of high rank which brought with it prestige and respect, both âin the Court and outside it,â and the privilege of being close to the ruler, being with him in his private apartments and during his daily activities, was considered a reward for oneâs service.55
Despite the privileges involved, such service was, of course, below the expectations of the ambitious RaczyÅski. He viewed it with exceptional distaste the function he served, calling it âa pathetic profession, smelling of the antechamber.â He, nevertheless, mobilized himself and treated this as a step towards achieving his principal aim: âmy goal is diplomacy.â
However, this goal would soon be slipping away. This time it was due to political events, namely, the military campaign of 1812 and Napoleonâs defeat in Russia and the counterattack by Russian troops and their occupation in March 1812 of Dresden as the capital of a state allied with Napoleon. RaczyÅski left the city on 26 February, travelling first to Teplice and then to Regensburg. He did not return to the capital of Saxony until the end of May when he reapplied for a post in the diplomatic corps. However, the King refused his application for a post at the diplomatic mission in Madrid. It was not until his letter of June 1813, in which he asked to be sent to the mission in Paris, that, thanks to the support of Secretary of State and Minister of Foreign Affairs Prince Detlov von Einsidel, he received a favourable reply from the monarch. On 5 July, he left Dresden. A week later, on 12 July, just before midnight, he finally found himself in the French capital as Secretary of the Saxon Legation led by Baron Wilhelm August von Just.
RaczyÅskiâs stay in Paris was very important to him, but this was for reasons other than professional ones. The function of the secretary of a second-rank mission â at that time, Saxony was not a key player in great-power politics â was not, as can be inferred from Athanasiusâ diary entries, particularly demanding. The Parisian period, on the other hand, was significant mainly for different reasons. First of all, it gave RaczyÅski an opportunity to participate in major events that would decide the political situation in Europe. He watched and described what would prove to be Napoleonâs last campaigns with great attention, trying to put together a comprehensive description of the actions of the great and controversial leader. He would later refer to these experiences on many occasions. Secondly, he was experiencing a very intense period in his personal life at that time, associated with his most important youthful affair with the Countess Catherine-Françoise de Vaubois, whom he called Fanny. RaczyÅskiâs time spent in Paris was marked by great politics and great love.
On home schooling in Polish manor houses in the nineteenth century, see: Adam Winiarz, âPolskie rodziny arystokratyczne i szlacheckie w XVIII i XIX wieku jako Årodowiska wychowawcze,â in Juliusz JundziÅÅ, ed., Wychowanie w rodzinie od starożytnoÅci po wiek XX (Bydgoszcz: Wydawnictwo Uczelnianej Wyższej SzkoÅy Pedagogicznej, 1994), 241â255; (1795â1918), in Krzysztof Jakubiak, Adam Winiarz, eds., Nauczanie domowe dzieci polskich od XVIII do XX wieku. Zbiór studiów (Bydgoszcz: Wydawnictwo Akademii Bydgoskiej im. Kazimierza Wielkiego, 2004), 111â151; Krystyna Wróbel-Lipowa, âNauka domowa możnowÅadztwa i ziemiaÅstwa polskiego w XIX w.,â in Krzysztof Jakubiak, Adam Winiarz, eds., Nauczanie domowe dzieci polskich od XVIII do XX wieku. Zbiór studiów (Bydgoszcz: Wydawnictwo Akademii Bydgoskiej im. Kazimierza Wielkiego, 2004), 152â165; Anna Pachocka, DzieciÅstwo we dworze szlacheckim w I poÅowie XIX wieku (Kraków: Avalon, 2009), 103â150.
Anna Pachocka, DzieciÅstwo we dworze szlacheckim, 47â49.
This information can be found in biographical notes on Wajnert written shortly after his death in 1850; See: Kazimierz WÅadysÅaw Wójcicki, Cmentarz PowÄ zkowski pod WarszawÄ , vol. I (Warszawa: S. Orgelbrand, 1855), 214â217; Maurycy Karasowski, Rys historyczny opery polskiej poprzedzony szczegóÅowym poglÄ dem na dzieje dramatycznej powszechnej (Warszawa: M. Glücksberg, 1859), 201â203.
Adam Winiarz, âNauczanie domowe dzieci polskich w dobie niewoli narodowej,â 126â132; Krystyna Wróbel-Lipowa, âNauka domowa możnowÅadztwa i ziemiaÅstwa polskiego w XIX w.,â 153â156.
Whether due to a lack of talent, his own negligence, or the misconduct of his teachers, RaczyÅski made substantially less progress in his education than expected. A letter from Kazimierz from late 1806 confirms this. In it the grandfather writes to his grandson: âYou yourself know how much time you need to learn French, German, History and Geography well, and without these you cannot be useful to your country or yourself. Ce nâest pas votre faute, mon cher Athanase, que vous êtes encore trop arrière, en tout ce quâil vous faut savoir, jâen conviens, il faut donc tacher a présent, work on what you are behind in;â from a letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 10 December 1806, in: BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, p. 72.
Irena Szybiak, âO rodzicielskich zaletach i wadach w oÅwieceniowej polskiej publicystyce edukacyjnej,â in Krzysztof Jakubiak, Adam Winiarz, eds., Nauczanie domowe dzieci polskich od XVIII do XX wieku. Zbiór studiów (see note 1), 35â45, esp. 41; Anna Pachocka, DzieciÅstwo we dworze szlacheckim, 143â145.
Such a condition was included by Philip RaczyÅski in his will of 21 August 1802. More precise instructions âon how their [i.e. Edwardâs and Athanasiusâ] education shall be completedâ were to be included in a codicil to the will, but were never written down. A copy of the will in Polish and German, prepared in January 1805, can be found in: APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 58, pp. 21â45.
Documents on the matter: APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 55, p. 2 and 3.
For more on Fr. Perreau see: Jacques Leviste, âLe testament de lâabbé Perreau,â Bulletin de la Société des Sciences Historiques et Naturelles de lâYonne, Années 1965 et 1966 (1967): 33â48.
Letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 26 February, in: BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, p. 58.
Instruction for Mr. Athanasius of 12 July 1806, in: BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, p. 67.
After victories at Jena and Auerstedt (14 October 1806) and the taking of Berlin (27 October 1806), Napoleonâs army entered Wielkopolska in pursuit of the Prussian army. Napoleon himself entered PoznaÅ on 27 November. The victory of the French over the Prussians raised the hopes of many Poles about the possibilities of regaining independence.
Leon Dembowski, Moje wspomnienia, vol. I (Petersburg: K. GrendyszyÅski, 1898), 277.
Józef ZaÅuski, Wspomnienia, wstÄp i opracowanie Anna Palarczykowa (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 1976), 58â59.
See JarosÅaw Czubaty, KsiÄstwo Warszawskie, 259â261.
See Gabriel Zych, Rok 1807 (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Ministerstwa Obrony Narodowej, 1957), 207â220.
Sokolnicki describes Athanasius in his report as âa volunteer, a young man full of beautiful hopes. His natural vitality has made him bold as much as his good upbringing has endowed him with prudence. He has distinguished himself in many actions, especially in this one [the siege of GdaÅsk].â The report, written in late 1807, was published by Janusz Staszewski, âUdziaÅ pospolitego ruszenia w walkach na Pomorzu i pod GdaÅskiem w 1807 r.,â Rocznik GdaÅski 9/10 (1935/1936): 486â510, quotes 495, 508.
APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 55, p. 5.
DIARY, 11 March 1809.
Documents concerning the recruitment of RaczyÅski into the army and the course of his service are in APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 55, pp. 6â13.
Gabriel Zych, Armia KsiÄstwa Warszawskiego 1807â1812 (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Ministerstwa Obrony Narodowej, 1961), 99â107.
Gabriel Zych, Armia KsiÄstwa Warszawskiego, 157â161.
Letters from Prince Józef Poniatowski in APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 55, p. 14.
The order in this matter was signed on 9 September 1809 by the Chief of Staff, General Fiszer. The official royal patent, signed by the Minister of War, Prince Józef Poniatowski, is dated 1 January 1810 See: APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 55, pp. 11â13 and p. 15.
A comment in his DIARY dated 18 June 1848.
DIARY, 11 March 1812.
DIARY, 10 March 1814.
DIARY, 26 June 1814.
A comment in his DIARY dated 14 July 1849.
On Warsaw in the period 1806â1815 see: JarosÅaw Czubaty, Warszawa 1806â1815. Miasto i ludzie (Warszawa: Neriton, 1992). Also: BronisÅaw PawÅowski, âWarszawa w r. 1809,â Roczniki Towarzystwa Naukowego w Toruniu 45â50 (1948): 3â21; JarosÅaw Czubaty, KsiÄstwo Warszawskie, 42â45.
For a more detailed description see: Juliusz Falkowski, Obrazy z życia kilku ostatnich pokoleÅ w Polsce, 25â64, 173â217. See also: Fryderyk Skarbek, PamiÄtniki Seglasa, opracowaÅ i posÅowiem opatrzyÅ Kazimierz BartoszyÅski (Warszawa: PaÅstwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1959), 129â148.
Wirydianna Fiszerowa, Dzieje moje wÅasne i osób postronnych, 300.
Karolina Nakwaska (née Potocka) recalled: âIn Warsaw at that time there were twelve married men with families with this surname. [â¦] The members of the Potocki family were hand in hand with one another and formed a kind of social circle of their own [â¦]. When there was a ball or a party at the home of one of them, the Potocki family would all contribute to make it more glamorous, lend each other silverware and servants, and so the whole staff wore the same family colours;â Karolina z Potockich Nakwaska, PamiÄtnik o Adamie hr. Potockim, puÅkowniku 11 puÅku jazdy KsiÄstwa Warszawskiego (Kraków: J. Wildt, 1862), 48â51.
Juliusz Falkowski, Obrazy z życia kilku ostatnich pokoleŠw Polsce, 210.
All quotes in: DIARY, 18 December 1809.
Teresa (née Lubomirska), who married prince Maksymilian Piotr JabÅonowski in 1811, was the daughter of prince MichaÅ Lubomirski and his wife Magdalena (née RaczyÅska). Magdalena was the daughter of Kazimierz RaczyÅski and the sister of Michalina RaczyÅska, Athanasiusâ mother. During the period in question, Teresa JabÅonowska was staying at the RaczyÅski Palace, where she held a popular aristocratic salon.
See the biographical note in: Jerzy Zdrada, âPotocki Alfred,â in Polski SÅonik Biograficzny XXVII (WrocÅaw et al.: ZakÅad Narodowy im. OssoliÅskich, 1983), 760â762.
DIARY, 5 February 1810.
This is the portrait of Artur Potocki painted by StanisÅaw Schnür-PepÅowski: âthe count was an excellent horseman, a keen skater, a connoisseur of paintings, and above all, an incomparable companion at parties, an excellent causer. His dress was seemingly careless, but always elegant, he was courteous with everyone, he was both highly esteemed in salons and loved in the streets;â StanisÅaw Schnür-PepÅowski, Obrazy z przeszÅoÅci Galicji i Krakowa (1772â1858), vol. II (Lwów: Gubrynowicz i Schmidt, 1896), 309.
Wirginia Jezierska, Z życia dworów i zamków na Kresach, 1828â1844, z autografu francuskiego przetÅumaczyÅ i wydaÅ dr Leon BiaÅkowski (PoznaÅ: Dziennik PoznaÅski, 1924), 100.
Sabina Grzegorzewska, in a rather extensive portrait of Artur Potocki, wrote: âOne should not be surprised at any of his eccentricity, he was a man spoiled by success and affluence, jaded with luxury and life, and bored with the world.â (Sabina Grzegorzewska, PamiÄtniki Sabiny z Gostkowskich Grzegorzewskiej (Warszawa: Kronika Rodzinna, 1889), 58). Aleksander Fredro, who knew Potocki from his military service, though valuing his âhonor, wit and kindnessâ and admiring, not without jealousy, his temper, added that âit was enough to look at his undone uniform, his loosely tied scarf, his crooked ammunition pouch, and his out of place pendant to recognize him as a spoiled child of Warsaw societyâ (Aleksander Fredro, Trzy po trzy, opracowaÅa i wstÄpem poprzedziÅa Krystyna Czajkowska (Warszawa: PaÅstwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1987; first published 1877), 94). See also: Anna Palarczykowa, âPotocki Artur,â in Polski SÅonik Biograficzny XXVII (WrocÅaw et al.: ZakÅad Narodowy im. OssoliÅskich, 1983), 795â797.
See, among others: DIARY, 23 May and 15 December 1816.
See letter from RaczyÅski to Karl Friedrich Schinkel of 24 December 1822; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 2729/II, p. 19. On RaczyÅskiâs contacts with the Berlin architect see: Tadeusz J. Å»uchowski, âKarl Friedrich Schinkel und Athanasius Graf RaczyÅski.â On projects for a castle in Krzeszowice, see: Waldemar Baraniewski, Tadeusz S. Jaroszewski, Karl Friedrich Schinkel i Polacy, exh. cat. (Warszawa: Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie, 1987), 103â111.
Letter from Athanasius to Edward RaczyÅski dated 10 April 1823, in: APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 75, pp. 237â240. A few years later, RaczyÅski also mediated in contacts between Schinkel and Tytus DziaÅyÅski, who was thinking of remodelling his residence in Kórnik (see RaczyÅskiâs letters to Tytus DziaÅyÅski of March 23rd and June 23rd 1828) in: BK, ms 7349/2, pp. 311â313; also: Waldemar Baraniewski, Tadeusz S. Jaroszewski, Karl Friedrich Schinkel i Polacy, 126â127.
DIARY, 17 April 1811.
Correspondence on this matter with Breza and Senfft in APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 55, pp. 17â19.
Sächsische Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, 10007, Oberkammerherrdepartament, Cap. 02 (Kammerherrernennungen und âentlassungen, Personal, Besoldung, Pensionen), No. 19, f. 27. See also documents concerning the nomination signed by StanisÅaw Breza in: APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 55, p. 23 and 27; see also p. 26, 28, 29.
Correspondence on this matter with Breza in APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 55, p. 31.
DIARY, 4 November 1811.
DIARY, 17 December 1812.
Sächsische Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, 10007, Oberkammerherrdepartament, Cap. 05, No. 28.
Karlheinz Blaschke, âHof und Hofgesellschaft im Königreich Sachsen während des 19. Jahrhunderts,â in Karl Möckl, ed., Hof und Hofgesellschaft in den deutschen Staaten im 19. und beginnenden 20. Jahrhundert, Büdinger Forschungen zur Sozialgeschichte 1985 und 1986 (Boppard am Rhein: Boldt, 1990), 177â206, esp. 182â183. For more about the organization of the Saxon court in the early nineteenth century, see pp. 185â188.
Johann Georg Krünitz et al., Oekonomische Encyklopädie oder allgemeines System der Staats- Stadt- Haus- und Landwirthschaft, vol. 33 (Berlin: Joachim Pauli, 1785), 384.
Königlich-Sächsischer Hof- und Staats-Kalender auf das Schaltjahr 1812, pp. 46â50.
In 1816 a new, five-stage division of courtly ranks in the Saxon court was adopted; chamberlains were assigned the third class, together with senior officials from central and provincial institutions, colonels and lieutenants, as well as a court preacher; Karlheinz Blaschke, âHof und Hofgesellschaft im Königreich Sachsen,â 190â191.