I owe everything to him.
Diary, 12 December 1824
âµ
1 His Guardianâs Long Shadow
Athanasius had no memory of his mother; she died in 1790 before his second birthday. Nor did he ever develop a strong emotional bond with his father Philip. He and his brother were raised by their grandmother Wirydianna MielżyÅska (née BniÅska, the widow of Leon RaczyÅski, her first husband, âa highly revered, good, kind, pious and helpful womanâ) and aunt Estera RaczyÅska, known in the family as the Castellan (â⦠a very good person, but not very spiritual and not at all learnedâ).1 Apart from his earliest years in Rogalin, his early childhood was spent with his brother on his grandmotherâs estate in Chobienice (Fig. 5). Years later, he remembered his stay there fondly, a happy time when he and Edward would play games in the large park on the estate. The routine of Athanasiusâ life at the manor was broken only by visits from neighbours and his father and occasional travels, including a memorable journey to Warsaw in 1794, which ended with his being forced to flee from the city as it prepared for the outbreak of the Warsaw episode of the KoÅciuszko Uprising.2 In 1797 Athanasius returned to the palace in Rogalin with his father and aunt Estera, who had been brought from Chobienice to care for the boys (Fig. 6). His father Philip was a well-read man who knew the ways of the world. However, he was capricious, eccentric, and harsh in his conduct. He provided his son with a carefully planned and comprehensive education (though one that demanded a great deal of effort and involved no little pain), but no close father-son attachment ever existed between the two (Fig. 7). A strong note of resentment marks the portrait of his father that emerges from RaczyÅskiâs diaries. Although the two letters found in them sent by Philip to his young son are written in a warm and caring tone, Athanasiusâ later memories of his father were of âa hypochondriac, strange, ill-tempered and hard man,â and above all, a violent and eccentric educator. He wrote: âBy predilection and principle, my father, like the old priest PluciÅski [the young RaczyÅskisâ tutor in Chobienice and Rogalin], inflicted blows on me by all imaginable means, with his fist, a rod, a switch.â Philip believed in the traditional model of childrearing, the essence of which was the categorical and unquestioning obedience of children to the will of their parents, enforced by means of harsh discipline, repression, and punishment. There was no room for tenderness; the parent-child relationship was viewed from the perspective of mutual obligations rather than passionate feelings.3 This, of course, did not necessarily mean that parental love was absent, though Athanasius felt this was so. Wirydianna Fiszerowa, who, due to her family ties and close contact with the RaczyÅskis, had an intimate knowledge of the goings-on within the family, wrote in her diaries of Philip that âhe loved Edward but could not bear Athanasius, although he did not admit this. The reasons for this discrimination were whispered aboutâ¦.â4 Although it is impossible today to verify the facts of this matter, it was rumoured that Philip had doubts about the paternity of his younger son. Yet other considerations most certainly played a role here, as is indicated by the words of Kazimierz RaczyÅski in his letters to Athanasius: âA spirit of independence, obstinacy, impudence, and opposition has always been your fault, as your Father, may he rest in peace, said and wrote to me.â5 And again in a letter from the summer of 1814: âI am always reminded of a prophecy of your Fatherâs that then seemed wrong to me, that through your evil deeds, your lethargy, your selfishness and the weakness of your religious sentiments, you would always cause your family a wealth of worries and misfortunes. It is clear today that His opinion of you was not due to prejudice and that my laudatory opinion was mistaken.â6 Indeed, Athanasiusâ stubbornness of character may have been the source of the conflicts between himself and his despotic father. Perhaps they also reflected Philipâs disappointment and resentment that his younger son did not display much aptitude for learning. Other, now unknown, considerations certainly also played a role. Besides, Edward, so loved by Philip, also apparently did not feel comfortable at Rogalin, since as teenagers, the brothers planned to run away from home together. âIt was a childish act,â Athanasius later concluded. Yet, the story gives us a picture of what life with his father was like.
MielżyÅski Palace in Chobienice in the early twentieth century
Photo in Leonard Durczykiewicz, Dwory polskie w Wielkim KsiÄstwie PoznaÅskim, 1912
Athanasius RaczyÅski, Rogalin Palace, Seen from the Garden, watercolour, 12 June 1838
Private collection
Pompeo Batoni, Portrait of Philip RaczyÅski, 1780
RaczyÅski Foundation at the National Museum in PoznaÅ, inv. no. MNP FR 635
Athanasius and Edwardâs grandfather, Kazimierz RaczyÅski, became the only real authority, educational mentor, and source of support in their lives.7 It is to him that Athanasius addresses words of affection in his diary, which his father never earned: âI love my grandfather more and more, he is good, his heart is perfect.â8 Kazimierz dedicated himself entirely to his role as his grandsonâs educator, especially after Philip died in 1804, when he became the legal guardian of the young RaczyÅskis. Athanasius was seventeen years old at the time, and Edward was nineteen. Indeed, it was his grandfatherâs care that was genuinely formative and that most shaped the young aristocratâs consciousness.
Kazimierz RaczyÅski influenced his grandson directly, providing advice, making requests and recommendations, cautioning him, and helping him plan for his future, but he had an equally strong indirect influence. He was, after all, a high-profile and influential figure in Polish public life. But he was also a highly controversial figure toward whom many Poles felt a strong aversion and accused of committing the post-partition eraâs most serious crimes: venality and treason. By taking Athanasius under his wing, he made him a participant in raging national disputes and placed him in opposition to a large part of Polish society. Athanasius was thus subjected to two very strong pressures. On the one side was his love for and attachment to his guardian; on the other was the extremely strong aversion of the public. The pressure of public opinion could be felt even more strongly in the early nineteenth century, when there was a âcommon conviction among Poles that a man who committed treason was despicable in every possible way, in both public and private life. It was only a step away from this to suspect that he had been ensnared in an evil trap by Satan. He betrayed not only his homeland and his God, but also his closest relatives, his parents, wife, children, and friends, and the consequences of this transgression were transferred to the next generations like some ancient curse.â9 The odium of a genetic disposition for betrayal was placed on the descendants of such traitors. âThe fall of Kazimierz RaczyÅski,â wrote Juliusz Falkowski, âwas indeed well-deserved, but the hatred he aroused did not end with him. It remained tied to the RaczyÅski family name and burdened all living members of the family like an ancient curse that nothing could stave off. [â¦] The same was true of the Marshalâs two young RaczyÅski grandchildren, the sons of Philip RaczyÅski [â¦].â10 It went on like this for years, long after Kazimierzâs death. âItâs a family that is used to serving strangers for money,â wrote the pro-democracy émigré activist Józef Feliks ZieliÅski in 1850 after a meeting in Madrid with Athanasius who was at that time serving as the Prussian envoy in Spain. He was undoubtedly alluding to the activities of the former Crown Marshal.11
Throughout their lives, Edward and Athanasius RaczyÅski were forced to defend their grandfatherâs views and actions and sought to understand his motives themselves. Both engaged in various efforts to restore honour to Kazimierz and to protect the good name of their family. This included actions of a strictly political nature (such as Edwardâs 1812 official but secret request to Frederick August I, the King of Saxony and Prince of Warsaw, for help in enabling the exiled Kazimierz to return to Warsaw12), âpublic relationsâ activities (including a fairly vociferous dispute during the first provincial parliament in PoznaÅ between Athanasius and the former cavalryman Andrzej Niegolewski concerning the loyalties of the former Marshal13), and symbolic acts (the church and mausoleum built by Edward in Rogalin around 1820 were intended to symbolise the restoration of dignity to the RaczyÅski family name14). Alongside these and other initiatives addressed to the public, the brothers also engaged in efforts to address their own personal needs. Athanasius also defended his grandfather in his diaries, which were intended primarily, if not exclusively, for his personal use. In a reminiscence of his familyâs departure from Warsaw the night before the outbreak of the 1794 Warsaw Uprising, penned two decades after the event, Athanasius discusses the charges levelled against Kazimierz: âthat he was a henchman of Russia, accused of spying on behalf of the royal court in St. Petersburg and of receiving a salary from it. Those who accuse him say this, but we need to listen to my grandfatherâs explanation. And he says: one cannot be a supporter of Poland alone because we lack the means to resist the three neighbouring powers who brought about our fall, each of which undoubtedly possesses forces ten times greater than our own [â¦]. And he also says: there was no exclusively Polish side. Some believed that only by siding with the Russians could one save their homeland, while others maintained that it was necessary to try to win over the Prussians, and yet others asked the Austrians to be merciful to Poland. My grandfather decided to support the strongest side, and this was the Russian. He did the same as two-thirds of Poles involved in politics and did so in good faith. I have no doubt that he had the good of the country in mind, not his own. [â¦] As for his salary, this is his answer.â And here Athanasius explains that it was not a salary at all, but only compensation for the position his grandfather had lost, one not unlike those received by âso many others.â15
Throughout their lives, both RaczyÅski brothers lived in Kazimierzâs long shadow. After Edwardâs suicide in 1845, a rumour circulated that one of the reasons for the Countâs dramatic decision was that he had found in an archive âsome documents presenting in a highly unfavourable light the patriotism of his family.â16 This was untrue, as Edward was perfectly well aware of his grandfatherâs past long before he decided to end his life. However, the fact that many considered the rumour credible shows how widespread the conviction was that an awareness of oneâs familyâs shame determines oneâs attitude to life and could sometimes even lead to drastic decisions.17
Athanasiusâ bond with Kazimierz was strong and intense but by no means free of conflict. He did not give in to the will of his grandfather without resistance. On the contrary, especially during his youthful stays in Warsaw and abroad, when he succumbed to the fevers of romanticism, the temptations of the wider world, and a tendency to engage in controversial romances, he defied his guardian, questioning his decisions and challenging his views. Ultimately, however, he accepted all the most essential teachings handed down to him by Kazimierz. The ideological declarations later made so eagerly by Athanasius sound like echoes and sometimes even quotations from the letters of his guardian. Given that Athanasiusâ relationship with his grandfather was one of the most important in his life, it is necessary to examine it and the person of Kazimierz RaczyÅski himself more closely.
2 Traitor?
âCan we find in the histories of other nations an example of such disgraceful corruption as during the reign of StanisÅaw August and more recent periods? PoniÅski, [Kazimierz] RaczyÅski, Gurowski, Kossakowski, Rożniecki, Wincenty KrasiÅski and so many others, are they not a blemish on the name of Poland? What national history can point to so many people who openly sold themselves to the enemy?â18
â⦠he sold himself to Moscow for a large sum of money and lamented that he had been poorly paid. I have read numerous complaints by [Kazimierz] RaczyÅski, in which he regrets just how badly he was rewarded for his services to Russia because Catherine II only specified for him to be paid 6000 [rubles] ⦠These grievances provide a measure of the worth of this man.â19
â⦠the head of the family, Kazimierz [RaczyÅski], once the General Starosta of Wielkopolska, and later a marshal of the Permanent Council, and finally the Court Marshal of the Crown, was an openly paid traitor in all the high positions he held; one of the four people on whom the envoys of the neighbouring state relied the most, and even the one whom the great Monarchess [Tsarina Catherine II] decorated the most, using him for her most important tasks, though for each such service he demanded a separate and large payment. [â¦] The former Court Marshal became the subject of such widespread, such fierce hatred, the like of which had never been seen before in Poland.â20
It is not easy to find statements by nineteenth-century diarists about Kazimierz RaczyÅski that differ in tone from the opinions cited above. Indeed, many other statements expressing similar views are not hard to find.21 RaczyÅski was not, of course, the only one whose path took him from glory to treason in the court of public opinion, but his case was one of the most spectacular. The great respect he initially enjoyed, first locally and then nationally, made his fall all the more dramatic when the public turned against him. The slogans âsold to Moscow,â âan infamous traitor to his homeland,â âa slave to Moscow along with his whole family,â âa traitor to his homelandâ were applied by many to Kazimierz RaczyÅski. If one were to believe Franciszek Gajewski, âdespite all the efforts of his grandson, Edward RaczyÅski, no priest wanted to deliver the eulogy at his funeral.â22
Kazimierz (born in 1739), Great Writer of the Crown (from 1768), then the General Starosta of Wielkopolska (1778) and eventually the Court Marshal of the Crown (1783), was the member of the family to whom the RaczyÅskis mainly owed their political and economic power (Fig. 8).23 He was wealthy, full of initiative, shrewd, jovial, and generous. He had a strong and engaging personality, was able to win people over with ease, especially those among the lesser nobility, and constantly worked to increase his prestige and improve his position. He was very active in the field of politics as a supporter of King StanisÅaw August. He was a deputy in successive sessions of the Sejm (the Commonwealthâs parliament), a member of the Commission for the Distribution of Jesuit Property (1774â1776), chairman of the Good Order Commission in PoznaÅ (1778â1784), a member (for two terms, in 1782â84) and marshal of the Permanent Council (a central supervisory and executive body), and head of the Police Commission (1788). In all these positions, he showed great organisational talent and acted efficiently and effectively. Earlier in the 1760s, he had adopted a pro-Russian position, seeing in an alliance with Moscow hope for improvement in the political situation within Poland. He maintained active contacts with subsequent representatives of Russia in the Republic of Poland, including Nikolai Repnin, Caspar von Saldern, Otto von Stackelberg, and later, during the Great Sejm (1788â1792) and its aftermath, with Yakov Bulhakov, Yakov Sievers, and Osip Igelström. As an opponent of the reform resolutions adopted by the Sejm (he did not swear the oath to uphold the constitution adopted by the Sejm), RaczyÅski bound himself â initially secretly, without giving up his active involvement in the Republicâs new governing bodies â with the anti-Sejm opposition led by SzczÄsny Potocki. He helped prepare and then joined the so-called Targowica Confederacy, the anti-reform conspiracy established under the auspices of Russia, and worked within it to establish a new Polish political system. In December 1793, he headed the commission charged with judging the situation of failed Polish banks, a mission he continued after returning to Warsaw following the collapse of the insurrection, as head from 1897 to 1804 of the Banking Commission, established by the partitioning powers. Antipathy towards RaczyÅski, growing since the disclosure in 1794 of documents proving his perjury and betrayal,24 and even more so after the completion of the Banking Commissionâs work, which resulted in the loss of the savings of many clients of Warsaw banks, reached its apogee during the Napoleonic campaign, when the former Marshal, suspected of being a Russian sympathiser, was forced to flee Warsaw. Although after the establishment of the Duchy of Warsaw efforts were made in the name of national reconciliation to avoid the opening up of old wounds and the settling of accounts with people accused of treason were halted, such individuals were nevertheless swiftly and quietly removed from positions of high office in order to limit their influence on the political life of the country.25 From 1806, RaczyÅski stayed mainly in Breslau and did not return to Warsaw until 1817; he remained there, without playing a role in public life, until his death on 25 November 1824.
Pompeo Batoni, Portrait of Kazimierz RaczyÅski, 1785
RaczyÅski Foundation at the National Museum in PoznaÅ, inv. no. MNP FR 602
From at least 1776, Kazimierz received a fixed salary of one and a half thousand thalers a year from the Russian court. He was not the only one to do so. In fact, this practice â at the time neither punishable nor generally perceived as shameful â became so widespread in the last years of the Polish Republic that in the same year (1776), the Sejm added the acceptance of a foreign salary with the intention of betraying the homeland to the definition of what constituted the crime of treason. This highly imprecise addition concerning the treasonous intentions of a salary earner caused the amendment to remain a dead letter in practice until 1791. This year, during its session on 17 May, the Sejm abolished it, stating that accepting material benefits from foreign courts qualified as a crime of treason regardless of oneâs intentions. The following penalties were provided for the crime of treason: execution, imprisonment in a dungeon, banishment (infamia), expulsion from the country, confiscation or loss of property, deprivation of offices, and loss of public rights.26 Under pressure from parliamentary resolutions, RaczyÅski stopped collecting wages for a short time and in 1791 swore that he was not taking and would not take salaries from foreign powers. Documents revealed during the KoÅciuszko Uprising (1794) proved, however, that in the same year, 1791, Kazimierz accepted a significant sum of money from the Russian ambassador Bulhakov, and later received a regular salary from the Moscow court, so that âafter the oath not much improved.â27 Throughout his tenure at the Banking Commission, he also received a salary from the Prussian King, and he as well demanded money from the Austrian court.
Receiving a salary from foreign courts (in violation of his oath), actively participating in the Targowica Confederacy, working to the detriment of Polish creditors on the Banking Commission, allegations of committing espionage for first Russia and then Prussia, sacrificing the public good for the benefit of his own and his familyâs interests â these charges were sufficient to make Kazimierz a highly unpopular figure, especially during the insurrection and again later during the Napoleonic period, when the political climate became more radical â and led to his being charged with the ultimate crime: treason.28 At this point, it is not necessary to consider to what extent these allegations were justified or whether, seen in context, they could be, if not refuted, at least seen from a relativistic perspective. It is not so much the actions of the former marshal as their assessment by society that are of importance here. And this assessment was extremely harsh. It was not the ârealâ Kazimierz that Athanasius had to struggle with, but his legend.
In order to rehabilitate himself in the eyes of his countrymen, sometime around 1818, Kazimierz RaczyÅski prepared a comprehensive autobiographical sketch entitled Description of My Life. In it, he explained and justified his actions, showing that although they had been perhaps at times improper, their intentions were always honourable.29 âAt every step,â wrote the former marshal, âI was led by my convictions. I always followed the voice of prudence, which may at times have spoken in error, but which was never expressed from any form of falsity. My intention is to show how from an early age my aim in life was to show obedience to my Fatherâs will, due respect for my elders, proper reverence for those who ruled over me, earnest loyalty to all the Governments under which I lived, genuine sympathy for my Homeland that is both unquestionable and unburdened by excessive zeal; for such [an aim] is not a virtue, not a service, not a distinction, but necessary duty.â
RaczyÅski explains his reasons for favouring the Russian court, rejects accusations that he failed to properly fulfil the duties of the offices he occupied, gives his reasons for joining the Targowica Confederacy and his departure from Warsaw on the eve of the outbreak of the KoÅciuszko Uprising. Finally, he defends himself from the most serious accusation that he was in the pay of foreign powers, especially Russia: âI never concealed this [the salary he received from the Tsar], because it was not any sort of crime. Although later on the ill-will of some of my enemies and the jealousy of others led to efforts to hold me up as a traitor to my country, no written law prohibited a Polish citizen from obtaining benefits from foreign courts.â
Kazimierz repeats his political creed in many places: âbecause everywhere and always, under every Government, I thought that, above all, a good citizen should be obedient to the state authorities,â âloyalty to the Government of every Citizen living under it is the highest duty.â
To whom was Description of My Life addressed? Most certainly to the Polish nobility and representatives of the national elite, among whom it met with a cold reception. However, it had also been written with Kazimierzâs descendants and heirs in mind. This is how it was treated by Athanasius, who reprinted the document in its entirety in German translation in his Historical Research (Geschichtliche Forschungen, 1860), a comprehensive and meticulously edited work never made available for sale in bookshops, devoted to the history of the RaczyÅski family.30 In it, Athanasius made one final effort to justify his grandfatherâs beliefs and actions.
3 Family and Fatherland
In 1761, Kazimierz married Teresa MoszczeÅska. Two daughters, Magdalena and Michalina, were born to the couple, but they had no sons. According to Wirydianna Fiszerowa, who had a keen eye, a talent for drawing psychological portraits, and close knowledge of the Marshal himself, this lack of a male descendant to whom Kazimierz could pass on his name, property, and position, and his efforts to compensate for this fact, was the driving force behind many of his actions and a key to understanding his personality. âAs Kazimierz lost hope for a direct male descendant,â wrote Wirydianna, âhe developed a predilection for supporting lower-ranking individuals who, although not relatives, bore his family name. His efforts were generally in vain, as he succeeded only in cultivating ingrates and well-heeled loafers. But these people carried his family name, and by elevating them he satisfied his personal ambitions.â31
Kazimierzâs efforts to maintain the family line explain the marriages of his two daughters, especially the younger Michalinaâs marriage to her uncle Philip RaczyÅski, who was not liked by the marshal. Kazimierz âdid not consider the personal happiness of his daughters. [â¦] His daughters were tools he used to carry out his plans.â32 Michalinaâs marriage to Philip was essentially a failure, but it resulted in the birth of two sons, Edward and Athanasius. The marshal thus finally had âheirs of the male sex in a direct line and this was a powerful source of comfort to him.â Kazimierz RaczyÅskiâs ambition to have a male heir was undoubtedly one of the reasons for the Marshalâs great attachment to Edward and Athanasius: âYou are my grandchildren, you are the children of my dear daughter, I love you and I have hopes for you to become the pillars of the family,â he wrote to them in a letter in the autumn of 1805.33 When he became the boysâ legal guardian after Philipâs death, he treated them as his own sons. âI lost in him a father, a benefactor,â Athanasius wrote in late 1824 after receiving the news of Kazimierzâs death.34
The most entire information about Athanasiusâ relations with his grandfather can be found in correspondence from 1804â1816, which is currently held in the RaczyÅski Library in PoznaÅ. It is incomplete and one-sided, consisting primarily of Kazimierzâs letters to his grandson and only a few replies from the latter. Nevertheless, it allows for a fairly good reconstruction of the dialogue between them. This they carried on at varying levels of intensity and drama, as evidenced by the salutations Kazimierz used in his letters to his ward. These most often, when their relations were harmonious, expressed warmth: âmy dear Athanasius,â âmon cher Athanase,â and âmon ami,â but at times, when conflicts arose between the correspondents, were cool and official: âDear Sir,â and âMonsieur.â The letters contain not only information about the educational path taken by Athanasius but they also reveal how Kazimierz guided his pupil, shaping him as a man, an aristocrat, a citizen, and a Pole. Kazimierzâs letters reveal his efforts to create a comprehensive and coherent programme for his grandsonâs development, concentrated around several fundamental ideals: upholding the good name of the family, respect for authority, subjection to legitimate rulers, faith in the Catholic religion, and active involvement in political and social life. Together these values comprised the model of an ideal nobleman that was widespread during the reign of King StanisÅaw August Poniatowski and remained popular in the feudal culture of the post-partition era.35 The earliest letters, in particular, abound in often repeated warnings and recommendations: âTry to shape your heart, which is most important, as well as your mind, through study and by acquiring skills essential for a man of your rank. Be religious, heed the advice of your father and your guardians, be polite and courteous to your equals, good and honest to everyone; do not associate with degenerate and ill-mannered people, protect yourself from the contagion of treacherous feelings diametrically opposed to what is necessary for you.â36 âYou will please God and man, and this will guide you to a more reliable path to happiness if you adhere strictly to the principles of the Holy Catholic Religion in your life, and in the company of other people you seek to be useful, honest, sincere, courteous and amiable.â37
Many of Kazimierzâs recommendations, however, are of a political nature par excellence. They form a coherent set of principles for unconditional obedience to a higher authority and additionally encourage a constant striving to attain the good graces of this higher power. Thus, for example, in his letter of 26 February 1805, the Marshal wrote:
In spite of all the sensible reasons for you to love and respect the Government under which you live, for your own happiness, as well as that of the citizens of this country, which is your homeland, because you have no other and shall have none, you should be grateful to the Monarch [Frederick William III of Prussia], who in the honoured name of the present Archbishop [Ignacy RaczyÅski, Archbishop of Gniezno] and in mine, honours us with distinctions and good graces. May more Poles try to be useful through diligence and attachment to the Monarch and the Government, then things will function properly, and they will be as significant to the Homeland as they were in the past.38
RaczyÅski considers such an attitude to be patriotic and sees in it hope for success, both for himself and his family and country. For example, in January 1816, when he urged Athanasius to come to Warsaw, Kazimierz advised:
Being a subject [of Tsar Alexander] and our gracious King,39 with the aid of the funds you have in Poland, you should strive to be well thought of by persons in Government and should convince them of your fidelity to the Monarch, in order to earn a good reputation and to show true patriotism, which, according to honest minds, is based on these two foundations: on fidelity to the Monarch, for whom the highest destiny has been chosen by Our Lord, and on your efforts to be useful to your fellow countrymen. Any other principles are the characteristics of false patriotism and a source of seeming pride.40
He wrote in a similar tone a few months later: âWhen you are in Poland, you have to try to get to know the people who have earned the trust of our good Emperor Alexander, so that so you too may earn his grace and in time be a part of the national government, so that you can become useful to your fellow countrymen, and your name can become famous, which should always be the goal of a well-born individual.â41
National, family, and personal interests, as well as political and economic interests were to the mind of Kazimierz RaczyÅski â and to the minds of many members of the social and political elite of his generation42 â simply inseparable. He valued service to the state and his âfellow countrymenâ less for the sake of service itself â and certainly not solely for the sake of service â but for the personal profits that came with it, which were both financial and especially symbolic (prestige) in nature. Thus, while Kazimierz advances the good of the country as the primary motivation for his actions in a relatively small number of cases, family interests occupy a very prominent place in his letters. A whole range of Athanasiusâ actions were evaluated by Kazimierz simply on their ability to enhance or harm the familyâs good name. Efforts were to be undertaken âfor the benefit of the family and the honour of the name it bears.â The entire curriculum developed by Kazimierz was intended to guarantee that Athanasius âthrough ambitions proper for a well-born man, from a desire to satisfy the Familia and for the sake of his own happiness, would act properly and honestly.â43 This theme of family pride, constantly fuelled by the grandfather, is worth emphasizing because it was one of the most important motors of Athanasiusâ actions in both declarations and deeds throughout his life. âWhat interest me most is my family. I want to work on its behalf,â he wrote in his diary in 1813.
The political advice given to Athanasius was all the more topical because Kazimierz, who had a feel for social and political moods, was well aware of the growing presence in Germany and Europe of movements with revolutionary ambitions, for which the young Athanasius, like his brother Edward, showed some sympathy. As a remedy against hasty actions, Kazimierz recommended to his grandson âunconditional obedience and perseverance.â The first recommendation was repeated many times, often with the comment that the inexperienced Athanasius was not able to assess the situation accurately on his own and hence needed to rely fully on the judgment of his guardian and preceptors. This was accompanied by assurances that the sole purpose of Kazimierzâs advice and recommendations, as well as of his injunctions and admonitions, was the good of Athanasius.
However, there were times when such persuasion itself proved insufficient to ensure the submission of Athanasius, whose actions were at times contrary to his grandfatherâs will. His decision to join the army, a more extended than planned stay in Paris, an unauthorised trip to London, affairs treated so seriously by Athanasius that fears of an ill-fated marriage were aroused, excessive extravagance and a tendency to get into debt, a lack of concern for family property, a careless attitude to court cases concerning his own interest and those of his family â the list of charges levelled by the grandfather against the young aristocrat was long. Relations between them soon became further complicated by financial issues. According to legal provisions agreed to on 2 April 1810 concerning the division of the late Philip RaczyÅskiâs estate, Athanasius and Edward were obliged to pay their grandfather each year âfor St. Johnâ (on 23 June) sums amounting to âthree thousand fifty red zlotys, and five thousand Dutch guilders, and ten thousand Polish zlotys.â They thus assumed the obligations of their father, who was required to pay his father-in-law a lifetime annuity exactly equivalent to the value of the landed property he had earlier received from him. Kazimierz was very strict in his approach to these provisions and ruthlessly demanded timely payment of debts, which Athanasius, who was supposed to pay half of the amount due, did not always meet. This was the cause of numerous claims and interventions by Kazimierz and a source of major tensions between them.
In conflict situations, Kazimierz reacted quickly and decisively, raising ethical arguments, pointing to the dangers of political and social turmoil, and accusing the young RaczyÅski of behaviour that defamed the good name of the family and was offensive to him personally. Letters written by Kazimierz in moments of anger were written in a categorical tone and sometimes contained very sharp language. Kazimierz accused his grandson of weakness, ill will, ingratitude, falsity of character, and a lack of reason and questioned his spiritual and mental capacities. For Athanasius, who experienced numerous moments of self-doubt in his youth, these were undoubtedly very unpleasant words. It is worth quoting here a more extensive fragment of one of Kazimierzâs letters, written in the autumn of 1807, after Athanasiusâ return from his first military escapade, undertaken without the consent of the guardian. It indicates clearly how much energy Athanasius had to expend in his fight for independence:
I have nothing more to say, Sir, in response to your letter of the 13th of this month, sent from Rogalin. The reasons you give me, Sir, for explaining your actions, and which you attribute to frivolity, in particular, can provide you with no defence in the mind of any reasonable man, because, Sir, at your age, you should not follow the example of strangers, but rather, the will of all those who have assumed the place of your parents should guide your steps. All the more so, Sir, given that you more than any other person should have kept to your way because, in spite of your age, you lack experience, you are not equipped with reason and have less cause for pride than many people the same age as you. Moreover, your conduct, Sir, is not merely a consequence of your frivolity (and it is always quite reprehensible) because in it you have displayed above all an evil heart and a bad character. You, Sir, have worried me and the whole family [â¦]. Not only have you soured the days of my life, but you have shortened them as well. After your many declarations of attachment to me, what can I deduce from this but that you are hypocritical, false, and dishonest? In explaining my way of thinking, I declare to you, Sir, that I do not wish you ill, and, due to my duty as a Christian, I will certainly never delight in your suffering misfortunes. Still, having already once experienced your contempt for my opinion, which arose from my attachment to you, I do not want, Sir, to involve myself and will not do so, in anything concerning you, because, Sir, you do not deserve my favour, and having learned well your inclinations, Sir, I cannot be assured that you will be in a position to be deserving of them. However, you, Sir, are at an age at which no government law will allow you to direct your own affairs, and thus you should obey your Brother and your present and future guardians. If you were to disobey them, then you can be assured that I will find ways in every government to curb your insolence, Sir, not due to the fact that you are personally of interest to me, but out of respect for my name, which I cannot allow you to shame, as all your inclinations lead you to do. If, due to these, you do not abandon your ways, you will continue to experience terrible unpleasantness in your life. I do not wish this upon you, Sir, and would most certainly be pleased if you, Sir, were deserving of universal respect, and I would also take pleasure in feeling that I could call myself, Sir, your grandfather, and friend.44
Although categorical and at times quite impassioned, Kazimierzâs letters always gave Athanasius hope for the restoration of good relations between them and showed him a sure path to achieving this. The condition was total submission to the will of his guardian. Ultimately, Athanasius always chose this path, although sometimes only after a long struggle with himself. The decisions he made to meet Kazimierzâs expectations were sometimes dramatic, such as when he abandoned his Parisian lover and travelled to Breslau to enter into an unwanted marriage forced upon him by his grandfather. The wedding never took place as the mother of the bride-to-be ultimately withheld her consent. Still, this situation shows to what extent Kazimierz RaczyÅski influenced the fate of his grandson. Until the end of his life, Kazimierz felt that his obligations and the law required him to guide the course of Athanasiusâ life.45
4 Three Principles
Kazimierz saw in Athanasius a future active and prominent figure in the political life of Warsaw. At the same time, he was also long convinced that he himself would be successful in his ambitions. He believed that thanks to his strong personality, the memory of his past achievements, his loyalty to his King, and the influence of his old friends, he could return, if not to an active role in politics, then at least to a high-profile position in Warsaw society, and from there help advance his grandsonâs career. However, Athanasius suddenly had to re-evaluate these expectations. While staying in the capital of the Duchy in 1810, he noted: âIt will not be possible for me to seek to attain great things because the current government is badly disposed towards our name. Only an enormous fortune would allow me to obtain a position, as presently an office can be held by anyone but a RaczyÅski.â46
Although this assessment may be exaggerated and has clear critical undertones, it remains a fairly sober one. Athanasius would indeed ultimately seek a position in political circles, but one far away from Warsaw: first as a Saxon and then a Prussian diplomat in foreign courts. Even in Saxony, RaczyÅskiâs name in some influential circles aroused resentment. In his diaries, Athanasius repeatedly quotes a rumour that a diplomatic position was to be denied to him due to opposition from the French Marshal Louis Nicolas Davout â the same man who in 1807 ordered Kazimierz RaczyÅski to leave Warsaw immediately, suspecting him of spying on behalf of Prussia.
Thus far, however, his grandfather had been certain the young RaczyÅski was destined to become a high-ranking government official, and his educational program was intended to prepare him for such service in terms of its subject matter, ideological content, and as a means of nurturing his ambitions. In other words, the educational program planned by Kazimierz for his grandson was derived directly from his vision of the position that Athanasius was to occupy in social and political life in accordance with his status and wealth.
The main points of this program are clarified by instructions issued by Kazimierz in Rogalin on 12 July 1806.47 They order the young aristocrat to obey his appointed preceptor, Mr. Bordiga, they regulate his time-table (wake-up call at six AM, followed by prayers and breakfast, study from seven to eleven in the morning and from three to six in the afternoon), they provide a list of subjects to be mastered (âthe most necessary lessons for Mr. Athanasius are these: the German and French languages, history and geographyâ), they indicate the ways he should spend his free time after lessons (reading, occasionally a trip to the theatre, but only if accompanied by a guardian, and on Sundays and holidays it was obligatory to attend Mass), they specify the allowance he was to receive (âone hundred and eighty Polish zloty per monthâ), and finally they contain general guidelines for his conduct that include a clear political subtext. The fifth point of the instructions reads as follows: âIt is recommended that while Mr. Athanasius should be as careful as possible to avoid offending anyoneâs sensibilities. He should avoid overfamiliarity or close friendship with any person lacking manners and a good reputation so that he can avoid becoming infected with his false philosophy and will not acquire the many principles of morality being disseminated today which damage respect for the Government, and which are the most obvious cause of the misfortunes so widespread in Europe today.â Kazimierz demanded from his grandsonâs teachers and Athanasius himself regular and detailed reports on the progress of his grandsonâs studies. He himself sometimes corrected letters in French sent by Athanasius. He also refused any requests from his wards to relax the rigour of their schooling.
Athanasiusâ grandfather tried to provide support not only with advice and admonitions but also more directly, indicating people in Dresden, Berlin, and Warsaw, who could be helpful in supporting his grandsonâs efforts to improve his political and social position. For example, in Dresden, thanks to the patronage of his guardian, Athanasius quickly established relations not only with the large Polish community there but also with prominent members of the cityâs political circles and representatives of other nations living in the Saxon capital. It is worth adding that Athanasiusâ political contacts were also meant to serve Kazimierz himself, who out of necessity had been living away from Warsaw since 1807, as previously mentioned. By sending his grandson as his deputy to meet individuals who were influential in public life, he was attempting to restore his own credibility and rebuild his social position. He wrote in a letter: âI ask you, my dear, to say everywhere that I suffer greatly, that now I will not see the Monarch [Tsar Alexander] in Warsaw because people unfriendly to me could tell the Russians that I am not as attached as I should be to this Monarchy.â48 In this way, the roles were now somewhat reversed: the pupil had become a promoter of his teacher. This mutual interest bound the grandfather and grandson even more closely together and made them mutually dependent on each another.
To sum up, the relationship between these men, let us refer to the two quotations below, one from Kazimierz RaczyÅskiâs letter to Athanasius, the other from the latterâs diary. We can see in them a recommendation and a resolution, advice and a commitment, a guideline and a program of action (emphasis mine â M.M.).
Kazimierz: âTo briefly express my opinion: marry, but marry a well-born and not poor woman, manage your affairs, and try to be an important figure in your country. These are the three principles on which personal happiness, a handsome life, and the ambition proper to a well-born man to bring glory to his familyâs names should be based.â49
And Athanasius: âWhat interests me most is my family. I want to work on its behalf. I want to create an entail because it is the only way to prevent the disintegration of the family. But is it not necessary to demonstrate oneâs merit to the government in order to effectively implement such a plan? And thus, one must have a career. [â¦] Then [enter into] a good marriage, taking into account oneâs state and fortune. A high position would not hurt, either.â50
These statements are essentially identical. As we have already seen, the young RaczyÅski took these guidelines very seriously and strived with unwavering consistency to realise them.
Most information about Athanasius RaczyÅskiâs childhood comes from an extensive memoir titled Souvenirs dâenfance which he included in the first volume of his diary; all quotations are from there. Edward Bernard RaczyÅski largely relied on this text while sketching his portrait of the former residents of the palace in Rogalin; Edward RaczyÅski, Rogalin i jego mieszkaÅcy (Kraków: Wydawnictwo DÄby RogaliÅskie, 2003), 78â84.
After the defeat in the war with Russia in 1792, Poland was under the occupation of the Russian army. In 1793 the second partition of Poland took place. In response to these actions, on March 24, 1794, an anti-Russian uprising (insurrection), headed by Tadeusz KoÅciuszko, broke out in Cracow. On 17 April 1794, when KoÅciuszkoâs troops won the battle of RacÅawice over the Russians, an uprising against the Russian garrison stationed in the city also broke out in Warsaw. The Warsaw Uprising was one of the greatest military successes of the whole KoÅciuszko Uprising.
On traditional models of child rearing in Polish manor houses in the nineteenth century, See: Anna Pachocka, DzieciÅstwo we dworze szlacheckim w I poÅowie XIX wieku (Kraków: Avalon, 2009), 20â27.
196. Wirydianna Fiszerowa (from her second marriage, Kwilecka from her first,) was the daughter of Katarzyna RadoliÅska née RaczyÅska, Philipâs sister. In her diary she painted (half a century later) the following picture of her uncle, consistent in many points with how Athanasius described his father: âUncle Philip had rather handsome features, but he made a bad impression due to his lack of grace in the way he carried himself, moved and even in his facial expressions; he otherwise had regular and manly features. The same was true of his mind. He received a thorough education and knew how to make use of it. He never stopped learning afterwards. But he tortured those around him with his pedantry and irritated them with his focus on details. This obsession of his was facilitated by the meek submission of his family to all his fancies. He spoke in such a firm tone that no one dared to respond to him. [â¦] As the years went by, Philip grew eccentric; he tormented his children as his own father once had; he oppressed all those dependent on him with a strict regime, always convinced that he was merely doing them justice. Because he considered himself infallible, there was no way to stop him or to defend oneself against him other than to flatter his obsessions. Such were his faults. At the same time, he had a noble soul and pure intentions;â Wirydianna Fiszerowa, Dzieje moje wÅasne i osób postronnych, 13, also 93â96.
Letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 28 April 1805; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, p. 60.
Letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 6 August 1814; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, pp. 106â107.
See: Andrzej Wojtkowski, Edward RaczyÅski i jego dzieÅo (PoznaÅ: Bibljoteka RaczyÅskich, 1929). 34â39.
DIARY, 12 September 1811.
Marek Nalepa, âPÅynÄ godziny pomiÄdzy nadziejÄ i bojaźniÄ czuÅÄ .â Polityczne i egzystencjalne rany Polaków epoki porozbiorowej. Studia i teksty (Rzeszów: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, 2010), 214.
Juliusz Falkowski, Obrazy z życia kilku ostatnich pokoleÅ w Polsce, 208â209. See also: WÅadysÅaw WÄżyk, Kronika rodzinna, opracowaÅa i wstÄpem poprzedziÅa Maria DernaÅowicz (Warszawa: PaÅstwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1987), 216.
Józef Feliks ZieliÅski, Wspomnienia z tuÅactwa, z rÄkopisów Towarzystwa Naukowego w Toruniu i Biblioteki Narodowej opracowaÅa, wstÄpem i przypisami opatrzyÅa Elwira Wróblewska (Warszawa: Instytut Wydawnicy Pax, 1989), 371.
See: JarosÅaw Czubaty, Zasada âdwóch sumieÅ.â Normy postÄpowania i granice kompromisu politycznego Polaków w sytuacjach wyboru (1795â1815) (Warszawa: Neriton, 2005), 335â337.
Juliusz Falkowski describes the incident as follows: âAfter the war [1809] both brothers [Edward and Athanasius RaczyÅski] left the army but wanted to serve their country. Athanasius bought a house in PoznaÅ next to the RaczyÅski Library in order to open an art gallery for the city of PoznaÅ, but when he went to the first provincial sejm after the Duchy of PoznaÅ was annexed by Prussia, Lieutenant Niegolewski, a hero of Samosierra, but also, like many other heroes during peacetime, a firebrand, reproached him for the past actions of his grandfather, the Court Marshal. Athanasius RaczyÅski, deeply hurt by this, announced that he was abandoning this country where grandchildren cannot erase the guilt of their grandfathers even with their blood, and became a Prussianâ (Juliusz Falkowski, Obrazy z życia kilku ostatnich pokoleÅ w Polsce, 388). See also: JarosÅaw Czubaty, Zasada âdwóch sumieÅ,â 677.
See: JarosÅaw Jarzewicz, ÅwiÄ tynia pamiÄci. O koÅciele-mauzoleum RaczyÅskich w Rogalinie (PoznaÅ: Muzeum Narodowe w Poznaniu, 2005), 51â52.
DIARY, Souvenirs dâenfance.
Jan Nepomucen Niemojowski, Wspomnienia, wydaÅ, wstÄpem, objaÅnieniami i skorowidzem opatrzyÅ Stefan PomaraÅski (Warszawa: Gebethner i Wolff, 1925), 311â313.
A few decades later, Marceli Motty, a diarist from PoznaÅ, recalled: âI did not know him [Edward RaczyÅski] at all, as you know, so I am unable to speculate; nor have I heard that any person more close to him could give a reliable explanation for this extraordinary accident [i.e. Edwardâs suicide]. However, I must mention the rather common rumour which circulated directly afterwards that the main reason was related to certain documents that cast a dark shadow on the memory of his direct ancestors which RaczyÅski had found when he gained access to secret archives in Berlin;â Marceli Motty, Przechadzki po mieÅcie, vol. 1, 212.
Franciszek Gajewski, PamiÄtniki puÅkownika wojsk polskich, vol. I, p. 133.
Natalia Kicka, PamiÄtniki, wstÄp i przypisy Józef Dutkiewicz, tekst opracowaÅ, przypisy uzupeÅniÅ oraz indeksy sporzÄ dziÅ Tadeusz SzafraÅski (Warszawa: Instytut Wydawniczy Pax, 1972), 72.
Juliusz Falkowski, Obrazy z życia kilku ostatnich pokoleÅ w Polsce, 206â207.
See, among others: Jan KiliÅski, PamiÄtniki, opracowaÅ StanisÅaw Herbst (Warszawa: PaÅstwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1958), 179â180; Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz, PamiÄtniki czasów moich, tekst opracowaÅ i wstÄpem poprzedziÅ Jan Dihm, vol. I (Warszawa: PaÅstwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1957), 291; Henrietta z DziaÅyÅskich BÅÄdowska, PamiÄ tka przeszÅoÅci. Wspomnienia z lat 1794â1832, opracowaÅy i wstÄpem poprzedziÅy Ksenia Kostenicz i Zofia Makowiecka (Warszawa: PaÅstwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1960), 5. See also an anonymous opinion about Kazimierz RaczyÅski from 1793 in the collection of the Library of the Czartoryski Princes in Kraków, ms 11608.
Franciszek Gajewski, PamiÄtniki puÅkownika wojsk polskich, vol. 1, p. 28. See also: Juliusz Falkowski, Obrazy z życia kilku ostatnich pokoleÅ w Polsce, 208.
The primary information concerning the biography of Kazimierz RaczyÅski comes from: Jerzy DygdaÅa, âKazimierz RaczyÅski,â in Polski SÅownik Biograficzny, vol. XXIX (WrocÅaw: ZakÅad Narodowy im. OssoliÅskich, 1986), 644â653.
In July 1794, the newspapers Gazeta RzÄ dowa and Gazeta Wolna Warszawska published a list of people who during and after the sessions of the Partition Sejm collected salaries from the Prussian and Russian royal courts. It was revealed that RaczyÅski, among others, signed four documents confirming his receipt of a total of 3,000 red zloty from the Russian authorities. The former Marshal, like other individuals paid by Moscow, also declared to the Russian ambassador: âBy the signature below, I swear on my honour and conscience that at the next Sejm, or any other sejm, or gathering, and in every place I shall serve as long as I live, I will act in all matters without exception on the behalf of my homeland as well as the Russian court directe, by doing what its ministers demand of me, using all my efforts, friends and strength to assure that the court will be granted what is requested.â See: Piotr Å»bikowski, W pierwszych latach narodowej niewoli. SchyÅek polskiego oÅwiecenia i zwiastuny romantyzmu (WrocÅaw: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu WrocÅawskiego, 2007), 107â109, quote 108.
JarosÅaw Czubaty, KsiÄstwo Warszawskie (1807â1815) (Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Uniwresytetu Warszawskiego, 2011), 402â403, 421.
See: Adam LityÅski, âZdrada kraju w polskim prawie karnym koÅca XVIII wieku,â in Anna GrzeÅkowiak-Krwawicz, ed., Bo insza jest rzecz zdradziÄ, insza daÄ siÄ zÅudziÄ. Problemy zdrady w Polsce przeÅomu XVIII i XIX w. (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo IBL PAN, 1995), 9â30.
Ekstrakt z dowodów autentycznych i z regestrów moskiewskich na pensye brane od Moskwy przez DeputacjÄ RewizyjnÄ roztrzÄ sanych i spisanych; copy in: Pisma urzÄdowe i dokumenta historyczne dotyczÄ ce Rewolucji KoÅciuszkowskiej 1794 roku zebraÅ i uporzÄ dkowaÅ X. I. Polkowski, BK, Kórnik, ms 1512, pp. 318â424.
See Marek Nalepa, âPÅynÄ godziny pomiÄdzy nadziejÄ i bojaźniÄ czuÅÄ ,â 142. On financial settlements with traitors to the state in the period after its fall see: Piotr Å»bikowski, W pierwszych latach narodowej niewoli, 98â134; Dariusz Rolnik, Portret szlachty czasów stanisÅawowskich, epoki kryzysu, odrodzenia i upadku Rzczypospolitej w pamiÄtnikach polskich (Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu ÅlÄ skiego, 2009), 356â361.
Opis życia Kazimierza RaczyÅskiego spisany w roku 1818, ZNO, WrocÅaw, ms 3934/I, all quotes are from there (unnumbered pages).
Athanasius RaczyÅski, Geschichtliche Forschungen, vol. 1 (Berlin: R. Decker, 1860), 377â397.
Wirydianna Fiszerowa, Dzieje moje wÅasne i osób postronnych, 16.
Wirydianna Fiszerowa, Dzieje moje wÅasne i osób postronnych, 96.
Letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 4 November 1805; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, pp. 63â64.
DIARY, 12 December 1824.
See: Dariusz Rolnik, Portret szlachty czasów stanisÅawowskich.
Letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 6 February 1804; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, p. 54.
Letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 15 March 1804; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, p. 55.
Letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 26 February 1805.; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, p. 58.
In 1815, under the provisions of the Treaty of Vienna, the Kingdom of Poland was formed out of part of the former Polish territory, joined by a personal union with the Russian Empire; its first King was Tsar Alexander I Romanov. As he owned property in various parts of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Rzeczpospolita), Athanasius RaczyÅski belonged to the so colled âsujets mixtes,â that is he was the subject of several rulers during: in the years 1807â1815, as a resident of the Duchy of Warsaw, he was a subject of the king of Saxony; after 1815 â of both the king of Prussia and the Russian Tsar, and also of the Emperor of Austria after his marriage to Anna née RadziwiÅÅ, whose dowry included properties in the Austrian partition.
Letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 5 January 1816; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, p. 109. See also, among others a letter of 26 August 1814; ibid, p. 107.
Letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 5 July 1816; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, p. 115. Some of the letters Ignacy RaczyÅski, archbishop of Gniezno, sent to Athanasius at that time, contain a summary of the political teachings of the former marshal. In August 1817 Ignacy wrote: âIn particular, he [Kazimierz RaczyÅski] asked me to express his contentment that you agreed to become the Government Commissioner for taxation, and that you should remain in this post to serve both your Government and the Nation. The best rule is to always seek the respect of the Government under which Divine Providence wants us to remain, and under which our estates remain;â BR, PoznaÅ, ms 2000, p. 11.
Dariusz Rolnik, Portret szlachty czasów stanisÅawowskich, 200â206.
Instrukcja dla Pana Atanazego of 12 July 1806; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, p. 67.
Letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 27 September 1807; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, pp. 73â74.
In 1822 â at the age of 34 â Athanasius still had to defend himself against excessive interference in his life from his grandfather. He reached out to Edward for support, writing to him: âI would be grateful, if you could persuade my Grandfather not to criticize my living in Galicia. At my age, it would be unlikely if I did not know what I was doing and it would be detrimental to my interests if I took up matters that do not fit my convictions, because in such matters I would not know how to proceed and would always be forced to rely in my actions on details provided by the same mind responsible for the general modum agendi;â Letter from Athanasius to Edward RaczyÅski of 30 April 1822, APP, MajÄ tek Rogalin, 74, pp. 107â109.
DIARY, 4 April 1810.
Instrukcja dla Pana Atanazego of 12 July 1806; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, p. 67; all quotes there.
Letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 10 September 1816; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, pp. 117â118.
Letter from Kazimierz RaczyÅski to Athanasius of 5 January 1816; BR, PoznaÅ, ms 1996, p. 109.
DIARY, 2 March 1813.