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Conclusion

于Sinophone Southeast Asia
类型:
章节
Page Range:
245–251
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004473263_010
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Southeast Asia’s Sinitic “voices”, in all their heterogeneity, are most easily perceived through a comparative analysis. It has been a true pleasure to capture in one volume the perspectives of so diverse a selection of active speakers, passive speakers, rememberers, academics, and consultants. Their stories of language contact and linguistic change, whether based on original fieldwork, archival research, or a combination of both, reveal the Sinophone in new and unexpected ways. No less exciting is the incorporation of rarely quoted sources in Chinese and Southeast Asian languages. In this volume, we have attempted to expand the field of Sinophone Studies, infuse it with texts that rethink the limits of its original scope, and provide some directions for future scholarship. When taken together, the chapters of this book lay some of the groundwork to diversify the Sinophone conceptionally, regionally, and in disciplinary terms. In particular, we have advocated for the appreciation of regional languages (方言 fangyan) as significant strands within Sinophone Studies, complementing earlier works that prioritized the analysis of literature and cinema.

Language sits at the core of the scholarly intervention we propose. A focus on Southeast Asia, on account of its diversity and long contact history with the Sinitic heartlands, is critical to this endeavour. To appreciate the significance of language change, lexical borrowing, creolization, and plurilingualism seen among Chinese-descended Southeast Asians, we have insisted on examining the region’s Sinitic and Sinitic-influenced languages in their historical, social, and cultural contexts. The individual chapters provide concrete instances of the insights thus obtained. In general, the Sinitic languages from China’s southern provinces that made their way into the Nanyang have become intriguingly locale-specific over time. This has been shown in detail for Timor Hakka (Chapter 2), Cambodian Teochew (Chapter 3), and Penang Hokkien (Chapter 5), and is the case for numerous other varieties. Shaped by their new geographies and prolonged interaction with (other) local languages, Cambodian Teochew now differs significantly from Singapore Teochew, Penang Hokkien from Burmese Hokkien, and Timor Hakka from Malaysian Hakka. These varieties – many of which are critically endangered – tell intimate stories of regions, communities, and even families.

While the chapters of this volume differ in the specific voices and accents they foreground, they are held together by a number of connections. They all underline plurilingualism as a dominant force running through Southeast Asia’s Sinitic landscapes. They also instantiate the counterpull between low-status regional vernaculars – both Sinitic and Sinitic-influenced – and languages of high prestige, such as Mandarin and the official languages of Southeast Asia’s nation-states. To widen the range of voices encapsulated in this book, we have provided space for the hybrid, the creolized, and the marginalized. Due in part to their resistance to standardization, the region’s “non-Mandarin” Sinitic varieties have incorporated multiple tongues, including other Sinitic, local Southeast Asian, and European languages. In addition to lexical and grammatical convergence, many Southeast Asian cities – where people from different Sinitic backgrounds were clustered together – also became sites of koineization; the mixing of dialectal features.

Some of the vernaculars emanating from these contact histories assumed important communicative needs in Southeast Asia and beyond. These were typically Sinitic-influenced rather than Sinitic, such as Chinese Pidgin English and Bazaar Malay. Such predominantly spoken languages should be envisioned, simultaneously, as the products and catalysts of language contact and the vectors and donors of new vocabulary. Chinese Pidgin English, for example, offers concrete instances of the multidirectional lexical trajectories underpinning eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Sino-European trade, exemplified by such words as cumshaw ‘present, gratuity’ from Hokkien kam sia 感謝 ‘thank you’, fytie ‘hurry’ from Cantonese fai di 快啲, and savvy or sha-pi ‘to understand’ from Portuguese saber (Chapter 1).

This volume’s pan-Southeast Asian scope has allowed for comparative insights. A number of commonalities show up across the region. These include broadly shared words, such as 唐人 (tng lang, tong yan, tangren, etc.) ‘Chinese person’, 舵公 (tai kong, to gung, duogong, etc.) ‘helmsman’, 頭家 (thau ke, tau gaa, toujia, etc.) ‘boss’, 公司 (kong si, gung si, gongsi, etc.) ‘company’, and various other examples in the realms of business, cuisine, and culture. Even families in which Sinitic proficiency has been lost over the generations – a common process throughout Sinophone Southeast Asia – typically retain “heritage words” from their ancestral varieties, including kinship terms. This is common among the descendants of migrants in general. Beyond such retentions, Sinophone Southeast Asia has also become an incubator of lexical innovation. Its wealth of creativity can be seen in the designation of novel concepts – from tin mines and modes of transportation to balloons and mobile phones – and specific food items. The jicama (Pachyrhizus erosus), enjoyed throughout East and Southeast Asia, provides a case in point. This New World import, introduced into the Sinosphere in early-modern times, gave rise to miscellaneous local nomenclature including tau aw jiu 豆仔薯 (Taiwan), kua jiu 芥薯 (Myanmar), sa koh 沙葛, and bang-kuang 芒光 (Singapore and Malaysia) (Chapter 4). These examples are from Hokkien, but counterparts can be found in many other Sinitic languages.

The parallel linguistic developments of Sinophone Southeast Asia can be fruitfully analysed through word histories. All localized Sinitic varieties acquired new words for previously unfamiliar concepts (expansive borrowing), in addition to concepts for which the corresponding inherited word was lost – if not deemed inadequate – over the generations (replacive borrowing). This explains, among many other things, the presence of loanwords from Portuguese, Indonesian, and Tetun in Timor Hakka, including kapoŋ ‘bonnet, hood’ from Portuguese capô or Tetun kapó and pasat ‘market’ from Indonesian pasar or Tetun basar (Chapter 2). Another way of designating new concepts was through processes of compounding and semantic extension. Some speakers of Cambodian Teochew, for example, use the locally invented term tek2–5kɔŋ33kue52 竹管粿 ‘bamboo cake’ to refer to the local snack kralan កឡាន (Chapter 3). Penang Hokkien in particular is replete with colourful expressions – including tāu-gê·-jī 豆芽字 (lit. ‘bean sprout letters’) for the Arabic-derived Malay script (Jawi) and chiáh-Kè-lêng-á-pūin 食吉寜仔飯 (lit. ‘eating Indian curries’) for spending time in prison (Chapter 5) – but this is a feature shared by Southeast Asia’s Sinitic languages more broadly.

In the opposite direction, most of the larger Southeast Asian languages have been enriched by loanwords from regional Sinitic varieties, which have generally become marginalized in recent times. The study of Cambodian Teochew (Chapter 3), for example, illustrates how the prolonged presence of Teochew speakers in Cambodia has left a linguistic imprint on Khmer, the official language, through such borrowings as Khmer (ʔaa) koŋ កុង ‘grandfather’ from Teochew (ʔa33)koŋ33 (阿) 公 and sinsaaɛ ស៊ិនសែ ‘doctor; teacher’ from siŋ33 sɛ̃33 先生. Other national languages that have been enriched in this way include Thai, Indonesian, Tagalog, and Burmese, which display many of the same loanwords.

In addition to these instances of direct borrowing, new concepts were often designated through loan translations, in which the elements of local Southeast Asian languages were rendered word for word in the recipient Sinitic languages. The Khmer word phlaɛɓə˞ ផ្លែបឺរ (lit. ‘butter fruit’) for ‘avocado’, for example, is literally translated by some speakers of Cambodian Teochew as gu55–11iu55–11kue52 牛油果, although other terms are used as well (Chapter 3). Along similar lines, Penang Hokkien exhibits the idioms chiáh-hong 食風 ‘to take the air; to take a holiday’ from Malay makan angin (lit. ‘to eat the wind’), jíp-Hoan 入番 ‘to convert to Islam’ from masuk Melayu (lit. ‘to enter Malaydom’), kim-chio 金蕉 ‘a kind of banana’ from pisang mas (lit. ‘gold banana’), o·-iû-lâng 烏油儂 ‘a type of Malay ghost’ from orang minyak (lit. ‘oil man’), and possibly pē·n-chhù 病厝 ‘hospital’ from rumah sakit (lit. ‘house of the ill’) (Chapter 5).

An equally insightful category are loan blends, which combine a Sinitic and a non-Sinitic element. Such constructions are quintessentially Sino-Southeast Asian. We may recall the Cambodian Teochew expression hɔu11ka11dɔu11 ‘to give someone a gift’, consisting of Teochew hɔu11 互 ‘to give’ and Khmer kadoʊ កាដូ ‘gift’, the latter being itself a French loanword (Chapter 3). Along similar lines, the Timor Hakka word for coffee, kopi tʃha ‘coffee’ (lit. ‘coffee tea’), consists of Indonesian kopi ‘coffee’ and Hakka chhà 茶 ‘tea’ (Chapter 2). Many more examples can be found across Southeast Asia’s Sinitic varieties. These hybrid expressions also feature in Sinitic-influenced Malay varieties. Baba Malay, for example, has buat suay ‘to cause misfortune’, consisting of Malay buat ‘to make’ and Hokkien suay 衰 ‘misfortune’ (Chapter 4). Java’s Sino-Malay vernacular, at least in the 1930s, exhibited boeah laij ‘pear’, consisting of Malay buah ‘fruit’ and Hokkien 梨 lâi ‘pear’ (Chapter 7).

As can be expected, lexical borrowing chiefly took place in the domain of cultural vocabulary. The transmission of function words is relatively rare, but we do encounter some examples in Southeast Asia. Cambodian Teochew pi33 ‘from’, for example, goes back to Khmer pi: ពី in the same meaning. In many Sinitic varieties spoken in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore, the word tapi ‘but’ is used in addition to – or instead of – inherited equivalents, including by the graduates of Mandarin-medium schools. In some Sinitic-influenced languages, by contrast, we find local words rearranged in a Sinitic pattern. Baba Malay and Bazaar Malay, for example, display such constructions as ari satu ‘Monday’, dia punya ‘his; her’, and diaorang ‘they’, which are modelled, respectively, after Hokkien pai-it 拜一, i e 伊的, and i-lang ~ i-nang 伊儂 (Chapter 4). The fact that these examples have found their way into other Malay varieties indicates a mainstreaming of what were historically pidgin features.

Another area for theoretical expansion lies within the notion of textuality itself. While the analysis of literary works is relatively commonplace in Sinophone Studies, we have called attention to texts of a more vernacular nature – encompassing the domains of theatre, popular printing, and language learning – as equally legitimate sources underpinning the rich and varied Sinitic and Sinitic-influenced landscapes of Southeast Asia. Interconnections between spoken and written language came to the fore in multiple chapters, raising questions about the extent to which this binary is tenable in the first place.

Upon comparing the volume’s chapters, a number of observations can be made regarding the graphic variation of Sinophone Southeast Asia, which provides rich illustrations of Sinitic writing beyond Mandarin and other more-or-less standardized varieties. Amidst this heterogeneity, two broader phenomena vie for attention: 1) competing systems of romanization, and 2) the use of Chinese characters (Sinographs) to transcribe colloquial and/or non-Sinitic words.

In the first category, we may call attention to romanizations based on non-Sinitic orthographies, such as the Indies-style romanization of Mandarin words like tjha (茶 chá) ‘tea’ and koe moe (姑母 gūmǔ) ‘paternal aunt’ based on Dutch (Chapter 7) or the Philippine-style transcription of Hokkien di ‘you’ (你 li), kuay ‘quick’ (快 khuai), and lay ‘come’ (來 lai) as seen in the playscripts of a prolific theatre leader (Chapter 6). Romanization adds layers of analysis to Sinophone texts, in particular those of a more hybrid, localized type. The term tjoe-têng siao-hsüeh for ‘Chinese elementary school’, historically attested among the Indies Chinese, provides a case in point: only its romanized form reveals that it is a combination of Hokkien chiūn-tn̂g 上堂 ‘to attend class’ and Mandarin xiǎoxué 小學 ‘primary school’ (Chapter 7). In historical Sinitic texts, too, the script typically obscures rather than illuminates the role of specific regional varieties. It is chiefly due to romanization – including by non-Chinese people – that historically important information about the provenance of words and names can occasionally be extracted (Chapter 1).

In the second category, we find Chinese characters that have defied standardization. These include Sinographs used to transcribe Southeast Asian or European words, but also inherited words from Sinitic varieties that historically lacked standardized characters. We have seen, for instance, variation in Southern Min varieties between the characters 予, 乎, and 互 for ‘to give’. The Hokkien word Kaoka, a specific type of theatre, would be another example. Next to its most common characters 高甲 – with competing etymologies ranging from ‘standing on the high stage and wearing armour’ 登高臺穿盔甲 to ‘high quality and A-grade’ 高等甲等 – we find such alternative choices as 九甲, 九角, and 戈甲. Non-standard orthography features prominently in the handwritten playscripts used in this genre, as seen from the characters # (tsiàn) ‘war’ ((pian) ‘side, border’, and ' (kuan) ‘door, gate’ corresponding to “standard” 戰 (zhàn), 邊 (biān), and 關 (guān) (Chapter 6). Penang Hokkien exhibits numerous additional examples, including koa-sa-jī 啩唦字 ‘a will or document of power of attorney’ – in which koa-sa 啩唦 is a phonetic representation of Malay kuasa ‘power’ – and chhiū-leng-pa 樹𬂌芭 ‘rubber plantation’, featuring pa 芭 from Thai paa ป่า ‘forest’ and the locally coined character 𬂌 (leng) for ‘rubber’ (Chapter 5).

Here, again, a combination of the spoken and written word is essential to arrive at a complete picture. An exclusive focus on the script may obscure regional or non-Sinitic influences, especially if the words in question are written in characters selected to approximate their sound and meaning (phono-semantic matching). The regional origins of 紅毛丹 ‘rambutan’ (lit. ‘red-haired crimson’) and 老君 ‘doctor’ (lit. ‘elderly lord’), for example, would be ambiguous without juxtaposing their Hokkien pronunciations and Malay etyma: âng-mô·-tan vs. rambutan and ló-kun vs. dukun (Chapter 5). This is particularly relevant since some concepts, including the word for ‘rambutan’, have entered the broader Sinosphere as graphic loans (Chapter 1). These character-based borrowings remind us to not lose sight of writing either. The rich Chinese textual record often provides valuable information on their distribution, popularity, and time depth. Sinographs are also crucial to understand various primary sources on Chinese Pidgin English and Chinese lexicography on Southeast Asian languages. The second topic, however, deserves a separate volume.

Our focus on language has foregrounded the intimate contact between Southeast Asia’s Chinese communities and the region’s other ethnic groups, their languages, and their cultures. This topic has also proven popular in the field of Chinese-Malaysian (馬華 Mahua) literature. In addition, it speaks to the field of Southeast Asian linguistics, both in terms of the region’s understudied Sinitic languages and its archaic and/or substandard varieties of non-Sinitic languages, such as Malay and Tagalog. In our view, Southeast Asians seen as “indigenous” constitute an important part of the region’s Sinophone landscapes. The local East Timorese who picked up Hakka from their Chinese employers (Chapter 2) have counterparts elsewhere in the region. Mandarin, too, is hardly the exclusive domain of Chinese-descended Southeast Asians, even though many rely on it as the only Sinitic language for which educational resources are available. Throughout the region, Mandarin is also spoken – with varying degrees of fluency – by indigenous Southeast Asians working in the tourism sector, the entertainment industry, elite private schools, and domestic service. Indeed, Southeast Asia’s Sinophone is destined to live on in new incarnations, complete with new linguistic expressions and cultural manifestations.

The focus of this volume, however, has been on the region’s quickly disappearing historical varieties.1 The language practices it has highlighted – as well as many more that remain undocumented – are dying out under the weight of standardism, linguistic repression, and a lack of self-confidence within the communities. The contributors of this volume have responded in creative ways to the scarcity of primary sources on Southeast Asia’s Sinitic varieties. In addition to fieldwork, their research has benefitted from online dictionaries, Wikipedia pages in different Sinitic varieties, unpublished MA and PhD theses, academic exercises, UN reports, newspaper articles, and websites, apps, and Facebook groups used by the communities, in a multitude of languages. At the same time, this volume has made clear how much still needs to be done. This makes the recuperation of Southeast Asia’s marginalized Sinitic voices all the more urgent, as they provide key ingredients to reconceptualize the Sinophone in all its diversity. Between the minutiae of assorted language practices – many of which are only seen as peripherally “Chinese” – and more legitimized “texts” lies its true potential as a conceptually enriching framework.

1

Although the book’s chapters have only tangentially touched upon religious customs, this is an additional line of evidence in which the Sinophone comes to the fore in all its diversity, as emerged from some of the unpublished presentations and discussions held during the workshop.

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Sinophone Southeast Asia

Sinitic Voices across the Southern Seas

丛编: Chinese Overseas, 卷: 20
Cover Sinophone Southeast Asia
ISBN:
9789004473263
出版社:
Brill
印刷出版日期:
01 Sep 2021
  • Subjects
    • Asian Studies
      • South East Asia
    • Languages and Linguistics
      • Sociolinguistics
Front Matter
Preliminary Material
Copyright page
Dedication
Acknowledgements
Notes on the Language
Illustrations and Tables
Abbreviations
Notes on Contributors
Introduction
Chapter 1 From Ang moh 紅毛 to Phi jun 批准: The Role of Southern Min in Early Contacts between Chinese and European Languages
Chapter 2 At the Periphery of Nanyang: The Hakka Community of Timor-Leste
Chapter 3 Language Contact and Lexical Changes in Khmer and Teochew in Cambodia and Beyond
Chapter 4 The Nature of Sinitic Lexicon in Bazaar Malay and Baba Malay in Singapore
Chapter 5 Native Lexical Innovation in Penang Hokkien: Thinking beyond Rojak
Chapter 6 A Preliminary Study of Kaoka 高甲 Playscripts in the Philippines
Chapter 7 “Do You Love China or Not?”: Late-Colonial Textbooks to Learn Mandarin through Malay
Conclusion
Back Matter
Index

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