This chapter introduces the nine authors, their works, and the manuscript evidence. This will demonstrate that we are dealing with a network of exegetes and preachers, in particular the Cistercians and the Paris masters around Peter the Chanter, who share an educational background, primarily studying in Paris.1 Save for a few exceptions, most of their texts are only published in the Patrologia latina or are still unpublished. The PL draws on six previous editions, mainly the Bibliotheca Patrum Cisterciensium (8 vols, 1660â1669) published by the Cistercian Bertrand Tissier (c.1600â1672), which contains the works of Henry of Albano, Garnerius of Clairvaux, Baldwin of Canterbury, and Hélinand of Froidmont. Peter of Bloisâ works have been edited in Petri Blesensis opera omnia (1667) by the priest Pierre de Goussainville (1620â1683) as well as in Petri Blesensis Bathoniensis archidiaconi opera omnia (4 vols, 1846â1847) by the historian John Allen Giles (1808â1884). Alan of Lilleâs works are found in Opera moralia, paraenetica et polemica (1654) edited by the Cistercian Carolus de Visch (1596â1666);2 Ralph Ardensâ sermons by Claude Frémy (1567);3 and Martin of Leónâs by Francisco de Lorenzana (1782â1793). The PL seems to have simply reproduced these editions (random comparisons have revealed the exact same text). In many cases, we do not even know the manuscripts which were used, likely a locally available copy. It is remarkable that the sermon collections as presented in the PL do not coincide with any of the surviving manuscripts:4 either the edition stems from a now lost copy or it represents a composite of several codices. Since the PL holds texts that I have not found in any manuscript, the first possibility seems to apply at least in parts. Therefore, these editions do not meet our academic requirements, but they are still valuable sources, preserving texts that are otherwise lost.
1 Gregory VIII
Albert of Morra (c.1100â1187), an Augustinian canon, was nominated cardinal in the 1150s. He held this position until October 1187 when, after the death of Urban III, he became pope as Gregory VIII. Although he would only be pope for two months, he was an essential figure for unleashing the Third Crusade, who provided a metatext via his encyclicals that remained pertinent for years, if not decades.5 Reacting to the Cross relicâs loss, he issued Audita tremendi a few days after his nomination, calling all of Christendom (omnes fideles) to a new crusade.6 The letter was likely distributed throughout the West, as its survival in several German and English chronicles demonstrates. Four accounts cite it completely: the so-called Ansbert;7 Roger of Howdenâs Gesta; the same authorâs chronicle; and William of Newburgh.8 This is complemented by at least three manuscripts where the letter survived independently, that is, not as a quotation within a chronicle.9 Furthermore, both the Continuatio Zwetlensis altera and Celestine IIIâs crusade call to Hubert Walter (1195) cite parts of it, and Arnold of Lübeck provides a summary.10 Gregoryâs successor Clement III reissued the encyclical in January 1188âthis version has survived in at least two manuscripts.11 Two further crusade calls addressed the archbishop of Toledo and his suffragans (May and June 1188); these refer likewise to Audita tremendi, while calling for crusading in Iberia, simultaneously with the Eastern expedition, and offering the same remission of sin.12 Gregoryâs encyclical thus fulfilled the role of an authoritative metatext, which delivered guidance and biblical elements for preachers.
However, Audita tremendi was not the only letter concerned with preparing the crusade: The brief crusade call Nunquam melius was published on the same day and apparently complemented the elaborate encyclicalâRoger of Howden cites it immediately after Audita tremendi. This second call focuses on moral reform; and it survived in at least one manuscript as an independent text.13 The first letter issued after Gregoryâs enthronment addressed the entire German clergy; it informed about the events in the East and called for preaching the crusade in the Holy Roman Empire (expressed with rogare, monere, et exhortari). Another letter was sent to Frederick Barbarossa, demanding intra-Christian peace to enable a new expedition.14 Lastly, two letters called on all of Christendom to reform its way of life, in the face of the sinfulness revealed via the events in the East (peccatis nostris exigentibus): one addressing omnes fideles, the other omnes episcopos. The latter represents a call to preach the crusade, tantamount to the letter to the German clergy: bishops were essential figures for distributing the preaching effort.15 In conclusion, Gregory set major incentives during his short reign, to generate the massive movement of the Third Crusade; his letters offered guidance in terms of content, but they also called on specific groups to preach. Yet, the pope was not alone; an armada of preachers began to assemble in the shadow of the events in the East, in order to inspire Christendom to a devastating journey.
2 The Circle of Clairvaux
2.1 Garnerius of Clairvaux
Garnerius (c.1140â1225), also called âof Rochefortâ or âof Langres,â was the abbot of Clairvaux at the time of the Third Crusade (1186â1193), and thus a key authority in the Cistercian order. For example, he delivered three sermons at the Cistercian General Chapter (specific years unknown).16 It is noteworthy that other authors were writing in Clairvaux at the time, perhaps under his patronage: Geoffrey of Auxerre penned his sermons on Johnâs Revelation and Konrad of Eberbach the first four books of the Exordium magnum ordinis Cisterciensis. Furthermore, Henry of Albanoâs treatise, completed at the time, addressed the monks of Clairvaux, perhaps at the invitation of the abbot (see below). The abbey represented, therefore, a vital center for textual production.17 Garneriusâ own writings also betray significant parallels with several Paris masters, in particular Alan of Lille and Ralph Ardens; one can thus align him with the circle of Gilbert of Poitiers (c.1080â1154). These parallels as well as Garneriusâ numerous erudite quotations in his sermon texts demonstrate that he was profoundly educated: he likely studied in Paris.18 He became the bishop of Langres in 1193, before retreating again to Clairvaux in 1199: Innocent III removed him from the episcopal office, apparently for failing to attend to his duties adequately.19 We do not know much about his remaining yearsâeven though he remained productive.
Garnerius penned a liturgical collection of 40 sermons, published in PL 205 and surviving in two manuscripts from Clairvaux (today Troyes). With the exception of Nikolaus Häring, these sermons have not received attention among scholars.20 The copy of Ms. Troyes 1301 also contains eight unpublished sermons, among them one Contra Iudaeos;21 just as it contains Garneriusâ anti-heretical treatise, which agitates against Amalric of Bena and his followers. This work evidences his relations with Paris (even after having returned to Clairvaux), where the efforts against Amalric were primarily pursued. As Paolo Lucentini demonstrated, it shows numerous intertextualities with Prevostin of Cremonaâs Summa theologica (see below).22 Furthermore, a collection of distinctiones, falsely attributed to Rabanus Maurus (PL 112), certainly dates to the 12th century and most likely comes from the abbotâs pen.23 Based on the manuscriptsâ date and location, one can safely determine that it originated in Clairvaux; two early Clairvaux manuscripts even name Garnerius as the author and identify him as the former bishop of Langres, a hint for dating the work after 1199 (in its final form).24 Owing to his position, the abbot was an important figure for preaching the Third Crusade. He did not join the expedition, but was still busy supporting it: this is evidenced by a significant letter that Richard Lionheart addressed to him (sent from Acre, Oct. 1191). The king encouraged him to continue preaching, apparently considering him the prime addressee for these efforts.25 Garnerius reacted by forwarding the letter to the archbishop of Reims; this version survived as text in its own rightâand we know that people still took the cross during as well as shortly after the Third Crusade.26 In 1198, Garnerius himself took it at the General Chapter, together with Fulk of Neuilly, after Innocent III had called on the Cistercians to support the cause, but he does not seem to have joined the Fourth Crusade.27 Evidence for his crusading interests at the time can also been seen in a letter to Innocent III devoted to promoting the order of Calatrava against the Iberian Muslims; this order was affiliated with the Cistercians since 1187.28 As a result, there is the question of how one may date Garneriusâ sermonsâbut this is only relevant if one is interested in examining differences between expeditions. The issue is negligible when analysing the general discourse about the events of 1187, especially if a sermonâs liturgical nature suggests that it was used more than once anyway.
2.2 Henry of Albano
Henry (c.1135â1189), the cardinal bishop of Albano, is sometimes also designated as âof Clairvaux,â where he was abbot (1176â1179), or âof Marcy,â signifying his origins, and in rare cases âof Hautecombe,â where he was abbot in 1160â1176.29 He represents another essential protagonist related to Clairvaux, who already played an important role at the Third Lateran Council (1179). In 1178, he preached against heretics in southern France and, in 1181, he led a first crusade-like expedition against them.30 He was also involved in the oft-forgotten crusade of 1179, in which Count Henry of Champagne participated: a letter to Alexander III dealt with the countâs taking of the cross.31 In 1181â1182, he spent time in Paris, where he consecrated the altar of Notre-Dame, together with Maurice of Sully. Henry became the cardinal bishop of Albano in 1179 and papal legate in 1181, positions he continued to hold under Urban III and Gregory VIII.32 The latter sent him on a tour through Burgundy, Flanders, and the Ile-de-France, in order to mobilize for the Third Crusade. In the summer of 1188, he also preached in Paris. He died already in January 1189 and was buried in Clairvaux between Bernard of Clairvaux and Saint Malachy, a fact that reveals his importance.33 The PL 204 includes a number of his letters, but this collection does not seem to exist in any manuscriptâI have only encountered single letters, partly as a quotation within a chronicle. Two are especially pertinent: a letter to the entire Christian clergy, calling them to engage in moral reform and preaching, in order to promote the crusade (Ep.31); and a crusade call addressed to the German nobility, preceding the Council of Mainz (Ep.32).34 Furthermore, an important letter is absent from the PL; it is found in a manuscript from Flanders (today London) and entices Frederick Barbarossa to join the crusade. Henry possibly sent it to the Council of Strasburg (Dec. 1187), before he himself arrived in the Empire.35 The manuscript presents it in conjunction with his Ep.32, Audita tremendi, and a letter from the Templar Terricus that reports on Hattin.36
Moreover, there is Henryâs monumental De peregrinante civitate Dei (About the travelling City of God), published in PL 204 and surviving in a manuscript from Clairvaux (13th cen.). These two versions very much overlap, but since they also deviate on some significant occasions, it is clear that the PLâs version derives from another copy.37 This study thus always cites both versions together. The work sketches Henryâs vision of a Christian world, where, inspired by Augustine, the duality of civitas peregrinans and civitas triumphans plays a pivotal roleâand significantly, he interlocks these concepts with the crusade.38 Henry stands in a tradition of blending Augustine with the crusades, as visible in Otto of Freisingâs Historia de duabus civitatibus, but also with Bernard of Clairvaux (De conflictu duorum regum) and Hugh of Saint-Victor (De duabus civitatibus et duobus populis et regibus). Similarly, Peter the Venerable declared in the prologue of Contra sectam Saracenorum that Augustineâs work was his model, since it had also agitated against pagani.39 However, Henryâs work is unique in form and structure; it does not comply with any genre; this raises the question of its purpose (see also the chapter on Jerusalem). Yves Congar labeled it a commentary on Ps. 87, but its composition does not resemble a biblical commentary.40 It contains a prologue and 18 treaties: these bear titles in the PL that are absent from the manuscript;41 and these form three parts: (a) an extensive collection of material on Jerusalem (tr.1â12); (b) the so-called âcrusade treatise,â which expounds on the situation of 1187 (tr.13); and (c) liturgical instructions concerned with the Lenten season (tr.14â18). Scholars have often taken the crusade treatise out of context, while disregarding the other partsâbut it undoubtedly represents one work: Henry intended to interlace his essay on the events of 1187 with theological and monastic concepts of Jerusalem.42 Congar asserted, âthe prevalent image for Henry is that of the crusade, which he implements for explaining certain aspects of the City of God [â¦].â43
Two parts, prologue and crusade treatise, offer valuable information on the workâs purpose: the prologue declares that it addresses the monks of Clairvaux (charissimis ac spiritualibus filiis suis in Claravalle Domino servientibus).44 The crusade treatise, on the other hand, betrays its occasion: the situation after the losses of the Cross and of Jerusalem, or more specifically, after numerous people had taken the cross, but (as the year 1188 advanced) intra-Christian conflicts were delaying the departure, a fact that Henry criticized sharply. These parts can, therefore, be dated to the time.45 This has two important implications: Henry had the work with him on his preaching tour, and the workâs composition as it stands originated at the time. Thus, there must have been a purpose behind this composition, related to the preaching tour and the crusade, while addressing the monks of Clairvaux. Similarly, its unpolished, perhaps even incomplete, nature reveals that Henry was still working on it.46 The context of composition is most significant: many had taken the cross, but now conflicts were endangering the whole enterprise. Preachers now had the pivotal responsibility of directing attention towards the Holy Land by elaborating on Jerusalemâs providential and spiritual meaning. The work delivered a rich collection of material for precisely this purpose: this was a resource for the monksâcomparable to other preaching materials developed at the time. Possible users included Henry himself, his companions on the preaching tour, and the monks of Clairvaux, the workâs explicit addressees and its owners after Henryâs death.47 Since preaching aids were still very much under development in this period, it is highly plausible that the work was a conscious attempt to develop a new format for providing such material.48
The workâs third part corroborates these conclusions; it immediately follows the crusade treatise. Congar surmised that it represents a treatise De officiis.49 Its contents, however, relate likewise to current crusade recruitment: all feasts under discussion belong to the Lenten season, and the opus ends with references to Laetare Jerusalem, the day Henry preached the crusade in Mainz, in front of thousands of listeners including Barbarossa.50 This is certainly not a coincidence: the Lenten season directed attention towards Jerusalem, including feasts such as Palm Sunday; it was a preeminent occasion for crusade preaching, even more so in the face of Jerusalemâs loss.51 These liturgical instructions likely provide a good picture of what Henry preached; but the text prepares this for other users, delivering material for crusade preaching in the Lent of subsequent years. The crusade treatise corroborates this prospective activity; it offers an imagined speech by the devil and his Muslim allies, held in front of the stolen Cross relic, and broaching the issue of how to destroy its power.52 The devil calls therein his servants to fan out throughout France, Germany, and England, in order to sow sin and generate conflictsâHenry proposes an explanation for the renewed intra-Christian conflicts in 1188. Immediately after the speech, he exhorts his audience to counter the devilâs efforts: they shall fan out on a similar geographical scale, to procure the formation of the crusade army, of course, via preaching, the prime tool at their disposal. The patchy character of Henryâs opus suggests that he put it together while pressed for time, that is, on the preaching tour, but that some parts already existed and were now adapted for a new purpose.53 These parts may originally have been dedicated to the monastic Jerusalem, but they acquired new meaning by being pieced together with the crusade treatise. The opus presents now itself with a threefold purpose: (a) treatises 1â12, an extensive collection of materials on Jerusalem and related subjects (such as the gates to the heavenly Jerusalem); (b) treatise 13, the current situation that granted the work purpose and occasion; and (c) treatises 14â18, liturgical instructions for the Lenten season, which are causally related to Jerusalem.
2.3 Hélinand of Froidmont
Hélinand (c.1160â1237) initially pursued a career as a troubadour at the court of Philip Augustus, before he entered the Cistercian monastery of Froidmont (halfway between Paris and the north coast, in the diocese of Beauvais). He witnessed there a charter in 1190: a terminus ante quem for his entry.54 He was thus already a monk at the time of the Third Crusadeâbut he remained involved in matters beyond the walls: in 1229, he still preached against heretics in southern France. Some sermon texts can be related to this activity, since they note the venue and occasion in their titles.55 He had excellent relations with the royal family, in particular with Philip of Dreux, archbishop of Beauvais (1175â1217), cousin of Philip Augustus, and one of the leaders of both the expedition of 1179 and the Third Crusade. Hélinand describes their relationship as a good friendship.56 Philip also participated in the Albigensian Crusade in 1210 and 1215, leading Beverly Kienzle to surmise that Hélinand wrote some of his sermons for his bishop.57 As his writings betray, the Cistercian was highly educated; he also came from the Parisian milieu. His chronicle notes that he studied in the school of Beauvais, under a pupil of Peter Abelard (1079â1142), and also that he was in Paris (even though it remains unclear if this designates a visit for study). His works reveal, for example, the influence of John of Salisbury (c.1115â1180), a figure who was also close to Peter of Blois.58
Hélinand penned a liturgical collection of 28 sermons, published in PL 212 and examined hitherto mainly by Kienzle, especially regarding his anti-heretical activities.59 Based on his texts, Kienzle developed seminal approaches to the relevance of liturgical sermons for studying the crusades. The two Paris manuscripts in which the sermons are found hold 39 further sermons that are still unpublished.60 Owing to his biography, it remains difficult to attach texts to specific expeditionsâhowever, as already discussed for Garnerius, such issues are negligible. There is not any definite evidence that he was already active around the Third Crusade (he was the youngest of the nine authors), but his close relationship with Philip of Dreux suggests so, whereas Philip does not seem to have been active in the Fourth Crusade. Lastly, Hélinand wrote a chronicle that covers events between 634 and 1186, interestingly beginning with the Byzantine emperor Heraclius (c.575â641), the Cross relic, and the Muslim conquest of Jerusalem in 637.61 At its conclusion, and attached to the main text, one finds short notes concerned with major crusade events between 1187 and 1204, closing with the capture of Constantinople.62 The work thus reveals a noteworthy break with the year 1187: something prevented Hélinand from continuing his chronicle project; his priorities had changedâprobably since he was now busy with preaching the crusade.
3 The Circle of Canterbury
3.1 Baldwin of Canterbury
Baldwin (c.1125â1190), also âof Fordâ or âof Exeter,â had a slightly different career: he did not study in Paris but in Bologna, supervised by the later Urban III.63 His further career was informed by the monastic milieu (from c.1170), in particular as the abbot of the Cistercian monastery of Ford. He became the bishop of Worchester (1180) and then of Canterbury (1184â1190): in the latter position, he stood in contact with other important figures including Peter of Blois, Gerald of Wales, and Herbert of Bosham. The latter devoted his Vita of Thomas Becket to him.64 Baldwinâs nephew, Joseph of Exeter, was also drawn to the court of Canterbury; he dedicated his De bello Trojano to his uncle.65 The archbishop was one of the crusadeâs key preachers and leaders: first, he conducted an extensive preaching tour through England and Wales (MarchâApril 1188), on which Gerald of Wales reports.66 Then, he departed for northern France (June 1188), together with Henry II and Peter of Blois, in order to establish lasting peace between the English king and Philip II, to procure eitherâs participation in the crusade. Preaching was certainly a vital occupation during this journeyâalthough no elaborate narrative exists about these activities, unlike for the Welsh tour.67 Baldwin led one contingent to the Holy Land (departure March 1190); his entourage included Peter of Blois, Joseph of Exeter, and the later archbishop Hubert Walter; and he eventually died before Acre (Nov. 1190).68 One of Peterâs letters is devoted to his death, describing him as a blessed martyr.69 His death also forms the end of the first redaction of the Itinerarium peregrinorumâthe anonymous author may have returned home; he was likely close to Baldwin. Anyway, ending the chronicle with it makes it into a significant event.70 Other authors likewise regarded him as a pious and ascetic man who thus fulfilled the spiritual requirements of crusading. Peter expressed his admiration in the prologue of his unpublished De testimoniis fidei catholicae (an anti-heretical treatise) by including Baldwin even among the great church fathers.71
Baldwin wrote a number of sermons, published in PLÂ 204 as Tractatus diversi and more recently by David Bellâit was thus unnecessary to consult the manuscripts.72 These do not represent a collection following the liturgical calendar, but an unorganized amalgam, among them his sermon De sancta cruce, written in 1187â1189, and devoted to the specific Cross relic of Jerusalem.73 He also penned two theological works, De commendatione fidei and De sacramento altaris;74 and an unpublished Liber poenitentialis, together with Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter. Lastly, there is a Liber haereticorum by his pen that this study will not considerâbut it could shed further light on his crusade ideas.75 During his five-year episcopate, he appears as an important patron for textual production in Canterbury: several works were dedicated to him; and Gerald notes that he asked people prior to the crusade to write a history about it afterwards (this may have included the author of the Itinerarium peregrinorum).76 Baldwin thus shows an interest in assembling productive writers. As a result, Canterbury represented another important center for preaching the Third Crusade.77
3.2 Peter of Blois
Peter (c.1135â1210) was a Paris master who also studied in Tours and Bologna.78 As his monumental letter collection betrays, he had wide-reaching contacts throughout Europe, including figures such as Henry II or Innocent III.79 He went to Sicily in 1166, where he taught the young William II, and where he may have met with Joachim of Fiore, given that the two expressed similar eschatological ideas.80 In 1174, he moved to Canterbury where he remained until c.1200, before moving to London as a deacon, where he died around 1210. In the 25 years in Canterbury, Peter penned the bulk of his works, met with other important figures, and preached the Third Crusade. He also shows a significant influence of Cistercian ideas at the time, likely not least due to Baldwinâs patronage.81 He participated in the Third Lateran, and in 1187 Baldwin sent him to the papal Curia, to settle a conflict with the canons of Canterbury. He was there, together with Henry of Albano and Gregory VIII, when the news about Hattin arrived, news Peter immediately passed on in letters to Baldwin and Henry II respectively.82 Having returned to England in early 1188, he preached the crusade, participating in the tour through Wales;83 and from June 1188 in northern France, before he joined his archbishopâs crusade forces. When the latter died at Acre, he probably returned to England. The relative silence about the crusade for his remaining 20 years made some scholars doubt whether he went to the East.84 His zeal prior to the venture and his silence afterwards are definitely in need of explanationâwhether he went or not. Yet, his own writings are clear about the fact that he joined the voyage; two letters refer to it. John Cotts surmised that his silence may have had causes such as disappointment about the expeditionâs failure or his antipathy for Richard Lionheart.85 Slight alterations in the Passio Raginaldi (see below) suggest that he collected information in the Holy Land: he speaks of encountering the brother of the king of Jerusalem.86 After the expedition and the death of Henry II, to whose party Peter belonged, he seems to have fallen out of favor, a fact that likely prevented him from acquiring higher offices.
Peter penned a liturgical collection with 65 sermons, among them some texts ad status; it has survived in three manuscripts and has not been treated in modern scholarship.87 However, none of the copies has the collection as it appears in the PL (considering composition and stock). Ms. Sainte-Geneviève 2787 is noteworthy, a comprehensive collection of 155 sermons, mostly surviving in anonymous form, but in many cases identifiable thanks to other manuscripts. This yields a collection consisting of several Victorines and Paris masters, whereby Peter occupies the prime position with 28 sermons, followed by Alan of Lille with 22 textsâand the codex holds a number of sermons pertinent to the crusading purpose (see the chapter on media context). Furthermore, Peter wrote three idiosyncratic treatises on the eve of the crusade: the Conquestio was a general crusade call, penned after he became aware of Jerusalemâs loss (after early 1188); the city plays a pivotal role therein. The text reproaches the blazing conflicts between Henry II and Philip II (summer/autumn 1188). This makes it likely that it was put to use for preaching in this period: Peter was travelling in northern France at the time.88 The Dialogus inter regem Henricum II et abbatem Bonaevallensem is a fictitious dialogue addressed to Henry II and enticing him to join the crusade. It must date before January 1188, since Henry took the cross in Gisors, which made the text superfluous.89 Finally, the Passio Raginaldi portrays Reynaud de Châtillon as a blessed martyr: he had been decapitated by Saladin himself after the Battle of Hattin. The text presents him as an example for potential crusaders.90 Since Jerusalem is remarkably absent thereinâwhereas Hattin and the Cross loom largeâit is obvious that Peter wrote it before news of its conquest arrived (between October 1187 and early 1188). This is corroborated by a reference to the ongoing siege of Tyre, which ended in January 1188.91 The Passio consists of three parts: a prologue reporting on the events of 1187, where Reynaud remains invisible (one quarter of the text); a main part devoted to Reynaudâs martyrdom (the following two quarters); and an epilogue that embeds his martyrdom into a larger providential picture (last quarter).92 The epilogue appears as Ep.232 in Peterâs letter collection in the PL, but I am not aware of any manuscript where it would be part of the letters. Contrariwise, all codices that hold the Passio include it (it has its own title in some cases). Harmonizing so well with the rest of the text, it certainly belonged to the Passio.93 Robert B.C. Huygens edited all three treatises; the edition of the Conquestio, however, confined itself to manuscripts that also contain the Passio. He justified this with its broad survival. Doing so, he excluded some early copies, therefore this study considers them, among them a codex from Canterbury, dating to c.1200.94
Peterâs letters are also of interest, especially a letter that describes Baldwinâs death at Acre as a martyrdom; and a crusade call from 1185 issued upon the patriarch of Jerusalemâs visit.95 Further letters are concerned with crusade organization and preaching, partly also with heretics.96 His later letters (ed. Revell) sometimes deviate in their ideas, a phenomenon that Ethel Higonnet explained with a personal crisis in the face of looming death. This is confirmed by his other late writings, which also focus on personal spirituality and reform, among them De amicitia Christiana or the Canon episcopalis.97 This study will pose the question of whether the crusadeâs failure played a role here, considering the remarkable divergence of Peterâs priorities before and after the Third Crusade respectively. A last work worth mentioning is the Compendium in Iob, a kind of biblical commentary for lay people (addressed to Henry II, late 1170s). It is evidence that Peter was involved in the reform movement and that this movement increasingly addressed lay audiences; and the work remained popular throughout the late Middle Ages, surviving in c.150 manuscripts.98 One codex is of particular interest: Ms. Lambeth Palace 144 comes from Canterbury and likely offers an early version. Immediately after the Compendium, it contains an anonymous text entitled as Certa relatio de situ Jerusalem (A reliable report on the current situation of Jerusalem). Describing the holy sites, the text broaches the relicâs loss (in loco ubi sancta crux excidebatur honestissima et speciocissima, sed a paganis in desolatione posita) and the fall of Jerusalem (expressed with quorum fratrum maxima pars a saracenis perempta). According to the database In principio, it survived only here, thus representing a contemporary production of the Canterbury circle.99
3.3 Ralph Ardens
Ralph (c.1140â1200) was a Paris master, a pupil of Peter the Chanter and Gilbert of Poitiers, who represents another Angevin preacher with strong ties to Paris.100 At the time of the Third Crusade, he held the office of a chaplain in the service of Richard Lionheart; and as the Pipe-rolls show, he accompanied his king on crusade.101 Otherwise, we do not know too much about his biography. For some time, Ralph seems to have been located in Poitiers, where he joined a Premonstratensian monastery (date unclear). His sermon texts betray that he was also active against hereticsâthe occasion is unknown.102 Since there were two main phases of anti-heretical activities, one with Henry of Albano around 1180 and one in the 1190s (Alan of Lille and Prevostin of Cremona, see below), he can possibly be aligned with one of the two. In light of his sermon texts, his nickname âthe enflamedâ was likely a tribute to his fiery preaching.103
Ralph left an enormous collection, the second largest of the nine preachers (199 sermons), and the only one to distinguish between De tempore and De sanctis, just as it includes not only sermons for feast days but also for Sundays (sermones dominicales). The collection as presented in the PL is divided into four partsâthis division will serve henceforth for citing it: it holds a Pars (I) and a Pars (II), whereby Pars (II) is divided into De tempore and De sanctis (44 and 33 sermons); and Pars (I) into two separate collections (73 and 49 sermons), organized according to the liturgical calendar.104 This collection has barely received scholarly attention save for first approaches by Ronald Stansbury and Jean Longère: the first also examined two anti-heretical sermons in-depth. He compared Ralphâs collection with those of Alan of Lille and Maurice of Sully, deeming all these significant evidence for the growing amount of popular preaching at the time.105 Ralphâs sermons survived in seven manuscripts, four of them from Oxfordâbut all copies belong to the late 14th to late 15th centuries. Only a Parisian manuscript dates to the 13th century.106 The first part of Pars (I) is preceded by a prologue (absent from the PL), which delivers valuable insights: Ralph notes that he penned the collection (or parts of it) on the way to an unnamed princely courtâthis possibly refers to Richard Lionheart whose chaplain Ralph was, making a date of composition around the Third Crusade plausible.107 Moreover, a sermon expounds on the goals of preaching: one should not only preach in villages, but also while travelling (non solum in villis, sed etiam in viis). Similarly, one should target not only townspeople, but also pilgrims, peasants, and travelers (non solum civibus, sed etiam peregrinis, agricolis et viatoribus). His sermons addressed broad audiences, including those on pilgrimage; this certainly straddled crusaders.108 Lastly, he also wrote the Speculum ecclesiae (1190s), a treatise on vices and virtues that reveals his involvement in the reform movement.109
4 The Circle of Paris
4.1 Alan of Lille
Alan (c.1120â1203) was not only trained in exegesis, but as a pupil of Gilbert of Poitiers also familiar with ancient philosophy. However, the works resulting from this background such as the Anticlaudianus (early 1180s) will be of minor interest to this study.110 We do not know much about his biography; he seems to have spent some decades in Paris. He only became more visible when he started preaching the crusade, in particular when agitating against heretics in southern France (1190s); he witnessed a charter in Montpellier in July 1200. Thereafter, he retreated to Cîteaux, where he died in 1202/03.111 During the sojourn in southern France, he penned a treatise Contra haereticos, devoting books (1) and (2) to heretics (Albigensians and Waldensians respectively), book (3) to the Jews, and book (4) to the Muslims. The first book occupies about half of the opus, a fact that betrays its original context and Alanâs priorities at the time.112 Such a work can be considered a textual manifestation of preaching activities. The entire treatise is only published in PL 210; Nikolaus Häring edited its prologue and Marie-Thérèse dâAlverny the fourth book, but both missed some early copies.113 An early 13th-century codex offers only the part against the Albigensians as well as a different prologue (besides further deviations); dâAlverny surmised that this was an early version. She also suggested that Alan was already involved in Henry of Albanoâs anti-heretical activities.114 And he may also have participated in the Third Lateran, which issued anti-heretical decrees that he cites more than once.115
Alan left a large number of sermons, around 220 pieces according to Schneyerâs Repertorium, but no more than 30 have been published: some in PL 210; some in dâAlvernyâs groundbreaking study; and some in another edition (ed. Sandkühler).116 His sermons have not received much scholarly attention; among crusade scholars, only Matthew Phillips considered them.117 Building on dâAlvernyâs cataloguing of the evidence, they may be divided into three groups:118 the first represents the main group, consisting of c.80 sermons and surviving in a number of manuscripts, primarily from Paris, where he was active for many years. The texts hitherto published belong to this group.119 A second group consists of c.120 sermons, and survived in two manuscripts: these seem primarily concerned with vices and virtues, deriving from Alanâs shorter treatise De virtutibus et vitiis (or vice versa).120 Third, a manuscript from Toulouse contains ten sermons that exist only in this copy; these likely stem from his anti-heretical activities in the region and are thus datable to the 1190s.121 Sermons of the first group can be found in three different settings: (a) the Liber sermonum contains 27 pieces; it survived in several copies and always together with Alanâs Ars praedicandi (see below);122 the sermons thus supplied practical material for the matters expounded in his Ars; (b) other monographic collections, yet diverse in composition and contents; and (c) polygraphic collections that blend Alanâs sermons with those of other preachers.123 The latter were produced in Paris and betray the milieu in which he was active (these contain, for example, sermons of Peter of Blois, Prevostin of Cremona, and Stephen Langton).
Alan penned an Ars praedicandi that offers insights into the goals and requirements of preaching (only published in PL 210), which is unique for the late 12th century and seems primarily concerned with popular preaching.124 Whereas later artes praedicandi reflected theoretically on the techniques of preaching, his work primarily delivered contents for sermons.125 To inspire preaching, he also added an appendix with eight short sermons ad status. However, this appendix deviates in some manuscripts: a copy from Oxford offers a completely different stock that shows thematic priorities (such as De sancta cruce or De apostolo Petro).126 Such deviations may tell us something about the purpose of the specific manuscript. Similarly, Ms. BNF NAL 999 combines Alanâs work with a large number of crusade-fit sermons and Bernard of Clairvauxâs De consideratione. The Ars is apparently intended to serve here as a useful aid for crusade preaching.127 As concerns exegetical works, the master penned some unpublished commentaries on several Old Testament books, including Exodus and Isaiah (Ms. Würzburg M.ch. q.158); a commentary on the Song of Songs (PL 210); and a poem on Johnâs Revelation.128 He also dedicated a Liber poenitentialis (ed. Longère) to the archbishop of Bourges (composed after 1191 according to Longère).129 The Old Testament commentaries do not cover the entirety of these biblical books, but focus on specific traits, for example, the Red Sea in the Exodus. The localization in Würzburg is noteworthy because its bishop was a preacher of the Third Crusade (who also joined the expedition).130 Lastly, Alanâs collection of Distinctiones will be considered in this study: it offers valuable insights into the resources of meaning available to preachers, and its broad survival suggests that it was avidly used. It is dedicated to Abbot Ermengaudus of Saint-Giles (between Montpellier and Nîmes), therefore its final version can be dated to his time in southern France.131
4.2 Prevostin of Cremona
Prevostin (c.1135â1210) represents another preacher of the Third Crusade from the Parisian milieu. His sermon texts usually appear together with those of Peter Comestor, Maurice of Sully, and Alan of Lille, a fact that demonstrates both the milieu and the time he was active in Paris. Otto of Saint-Blasien even designates him as one of the great masters of his age (besides Alan and Peter the Chanter).132 Prevostin sojourned in Paris in the 1180s, possibly even before as a student; in the early 1190s, he went to northern Italy to agitate against heretics. Thereafter, he was present at the school of Mainz, before he returned to Paris, where he became the universityâs chancellor (1206â1210), and where he died around 1210.133 His anti-heretical activities produced a treatise Contra haereticos, penned around the same time as Alanâs work, and dealing with two groups: the Albigensians and the northern Italian Pasagini. The workâs structure reveals significant parallels with Alanâs: throughout, it presents first a heretical opinion, to refute it then with orthodox arguments and biblical references. As its editor demonstrated, it also cites from his colleagueâs treatise.134 A codex exists that holds both the anti-heretical treatise and some of his sermons.135 Both Alan and Prevostin thus left Paris after the Third Crusadeâs failure, to pursue action on the anti-heretical frontâthis interesting dynamic will concern us in the chapter on the failure of crusades.
Prevostin wrote a number of works, many still unpublished, including a commentary on the Psalms, which Georges Lacombe characterized as a collection of distinctiones;136 and a number of theological works including a collection of Quaestiones, a treatise De officiis, and a Summa theologica.137 My prime concern are his sermon texts: he did not compose a coherent collection, unlike other contemporaries, but a large number have survived nonetheless, mostly in polygraphic collections. Lacombeâs magisterial study offers a list of 78 sermons; these are dispersed over several manuscripts, with two containing a larger number.138 Three others contain only some of his sermons, but these include some that are pertinent to the crusade (all three also comprise sermons by Alan).139 Ms. BL Add 18335 offers a prologue with valuable information, entitled sermones Prepositini accessus ad populumâthese sermons were meant for lay audiences. The prologue instructs the materialâs users (that is, clerics) in the goals of preaching, stressing that one must preach against the evil of idolatria, idol worship, the imagined Muslim trait, just as it presents David, identified with the eschatological Christ, as a militant example of warfare against the impious (contra impios).140 These two ideas indicate that crusade preaching was an essential purpose of this collection. Yet, crusade scholars have rarely noticed Prevostin.141
4.3 Martin of León
Martin (c.1130â1203) is the last figure that this study considers; he was an Augustinian canon in San Isidoro in León by the end of his life. This abbey held the prestigious remains of Isidore of Seville. As his Vita reports (likely 1220s), he travelled in Europe and the East for some years: he was in Italy at the time of Urban III (Nov. 1185 to Oct. 1187) and thereafter in Jerusalem for two years.142 This raises two possibilities: either he was in Italy early in Urbanâs reign and then in the Holy Land, in which case he would have been there during the events of 1187. Or it was late in Urbanâs pontificate, in which case he heard of the events in Italy, perhaps even at the Curia (like other preachers). In this case, it seems likely that he preached in the region and joined then some contingent of the expeditionâa stay of two years would agree with other participants. Whichever is the case, Martin was close to the events of 1187 and the Third Crusade. On the way back, he made stopovers in Constantinople, Paris, and southern France, where he encountered heretics, before he returned to León and joined the abbey, where he died in 1203.143 His oeuvre reveals ample influence by the Parisian milieu; he certainly studied there and was possibly even a master. It is a reasonable hypothesis that he was a student of Peter Lombard (c.1100â1160), since he used Peterâs works more than any other contemporary oeuvre.144
Martinâs sermons consist of the monumental Liber sermonum as well as collections De sanctis and De diversis. All three works are published in PL 208 and 209, totaling 54 sermons altogether (including some of remarkable length): this constitutes the largest corpus among the pertinent collections. He also penned four biblical commentaries, including one on Johnâs Revelation (PL 209). All of these works survived in only one manuscript from León (c.1200), the basis for the edition: it presents all of Martinâs works as one opus magnum, without the divisions as they exist in the PL.145 However, it is divided there into two volumes as well as into two distinct foliations within the first volume: this threefold division will serve henceforth for citing the manuscript.146 Martin has not yet received any scholarly attention as a crusade preacher, even though the prologue of the Liber sermonum holds two important pieces of information: first, at its conclusion, a note says that he started composing the work in 1185. In light of its remarkable length (c.700 folios), he must have worked on it for some years, including the time of the Third Crusade. Second, the prologue outlines the materialâs goals; this includes naming four groups against which it shall be put to use: Jews, heretics, philosophers (i.e., scholastics), and âpagans,â that is, the Muslims, whose superstition must be destroyed (paganorum superstitio, id est idolorum servitus, deletur).147 Martin makes explicit that preaching against pagans (and heretics), that is, preaching the crusade, is an essential purpose of this monumental collection (a similar impetus was visible in Prevostinâs prologue). Since he was active in the Iberian context (at least in his last years), various types of crusading and corresponding preaching are possible. This study, however, will not consider the idiosyncrasies of the Peninsula; it focuses on material related to the Holy Land crusade, especially that which reveals parallels with the other preachers.148
5 The Other Preachers
Besides the nine preachers for whom we have sermon texts, there were others whose activities we only know from chronicles. These are still worth considering in terms of a discourse analysis, in order to examine networks as well as the preaching effortâs spatial and societal distribution.149 This includes Gerald of Wales (1146â1223), a well-known figure: he preached the crusade in England and Wales, accompanying Baldwin of Canterbury and Peter of Blois, yet no sermons from his pen have survived.150 He left other valuable writings, in particular his report on the tour of Wales, the Itinerarium Cambriae.151 He also offers a large chapter on Barbarossaâs crusade in his De principis instructione, which contains a description of the events of 1187 as well as a âbiographyâ of Mohammed, which depicts Islam as a heresy. His De expugnatio Hibernica likewise offers a description of the events, even more pertinent, since this work dates to the eve of the Third Crusade.152 Gerald himself took the cross on the Welsh tour, but he did not participate.153 He also studied in Paris (1160sâ1170s) and belonged to the circle of Peter the Chanter.154
Furthermore, Bishop Henry of Strasburg preached the crusade in front of Barbarossa and in cooperation with Henry of Albano, at least in Strasburg and Mainz. One of his sermons is quoted in the Historia peregrinorum.155 He also joined the crusade, but turned back already from Greece. Bishop Godfrey of Würzburg seems to have played an important role for the Eastern regions of the Latin West; he also joined the venture and died in Antioch. He preached at the Council of Mainz;156 and the Historia peregrinorum quotes one of his sermons, held soon after the German army had departed from Regensburg.157 The Cistercian and archbishop Gerald of Ravenna preached in northern Italy; otherwise, we do not know much about this figure.158 In cooperation with him preached archbishop Ubald of Pisa, who received the vexillum Petri from the pope, and the legate Adelard of Verona. These three successfully organized the Italian arm, and all three joined the expedition.159 In England, Gilbert of Glanville, bishop of Rochester, preached the crusade together with Baldwin at the Council of Geddington, where many took the cross.160 He was initially in Baldwinâs service, before becoming bishop in 1185. William, bishop of Hereford (1186â1198), was an Augustinian canon, who was already in the Holy Land around 1180. Baldwin stopped twice in Hereford during the preaching tour in 1188âsome cooperation seems to have existed. Gervase of Canterbury cites a sermon by William, held at Geddington, and devoted to settling the conflict between Baldwin and Canterburyâs canons, which thus belongs to the context of preparing the crusade.161
In France, Bartholomew of Vendôme, archbishop of Tours (1174â1206), gave the cross to Richard Lionheart in November 1187, while Tours was also the venue of departure in spring 1190. He was also a pivotal figure at the Council of Gisors; both Henry II and Philip II took the cross from him.162 Philip of Dreux (c.1158â1217), archbishop of Beauvais and cousin of Philip Augustus, was an important military leader of the Third Crusade, who already arrived in Acre in September 1189, together with other French crusaders. He had already participated in the crusade of 1179 and would later take part in the Albigensian Crusade.163 Another important protagonist was Maurice of Sully, bishop of Paris: due to his episcopal role, he must have had a coordinating function for preaching activities in Paris, and he was involved in defining the crusadeâs legal statutes. He also penned a sermon collection, which delivers significant evidence for a broad approach to preaching before the friars: it represents a handbook for the priests of his diocese. However, since it dates to the 1160s, this study will not consider it.164 Finally, Joscius, archbishop of Tyre, departed to the West in reaction to the events of 1187. His tour included stopovers in Sicily, the Curia, and the Council of Gisors. He went to Paris in March to assist Maurice of Sully in defining the crusadeâs canonical and legal statutes.165 Afterwards, he traveled with Henry of Albano to help with recruitment.166 This figure is noteworthy because he could have offered a source of information for circumstances in the East. As we will see, however, sermons and other texts receive remarkably little actual information.167
All these figures intensify the network of preachers; one observes many connections with the authors of the sermon texts: Gerald belonged to the Canterbury circle; Henry of Strasburg and Godfrey of Würzburg cooperated with Henry of Albano; Philip of Dreux had intense contact with Hélinand. Those who remain misfits are the three Italian preachers, and this may be because we do not know much about them. However, they likely had good relations with the Curia (this may include Henry of Albano and Peter of Blois).168 Most of the figures discussed in this section are bishops or archbishops, all in important dioceses: this indicates the bishopsâ role in mobilizing crusades, a dimension that will concern us in the chapter on historical context. Another possible preacher is the well-known Geoffrey of Auxerre (c.1115âafter 1189), who had already been involved in the Second Crusade, accompanying Bernard of Clairvaux. Around the Third Crusade, he was based in Clairvaux. He left two sermon collections: 20 sermons specifically on Johnâs Revelation, written in the 1180s and referring to Henry of Albanoâs anti-heretical activities;169 and an unpublished liturgical collection with 72 texts. It likely dates to earlier decades: the prime copy (Ms. Troyes 503) identifies him as the abbot of Clairvaux (1162â1165).170 It is complemented by other manuscripts, which comprise c.220 sermons from his pen altogether.171 These remain unexploited and could shed light on preaching activities between the Second and the Third Crusades; but they are not considered here for two essential reasons: first, the bulk of them seem to predate the Third Crusade (by far); second, I have not found any hints that he was activeâhe had reached old age and had perhaps stopped preaching.
Due to the underdeveloped state of research and the sermon materialâs sparse publication, while surviving in vast numbers, it is more than likely that further preachers are waiting to be discovered. This may concern hitherto undetected crusade material in familiar collections (for example, by Stephen Langton), but also preachers or sermons that are entirely unknown (especially anonymous materials, surviving richly in Paris). This pertains to specific milieus that are not included in this book, especially the abbey of Saint-Victor, active in promoting the crusades at least from the early 13th century, but also material from Benedictines: an anonymous crusade treatise from the time will occasionally be considered in this study.172 It also pertains to geographical regions such as Scandinavia, northern Italy, or southern Germany; investigating these seems promising if many crusaders came from these areas.173 In addition, there were undoubtedly numerous preachers who were active but did not find their way into surviving sermons or chronicles. One may surmise that we can only see the tip of the iceberg. An example from the late Middle Ages, when administrative sources deliver a clearer picture, may illustrate this: Hervé Martin dealt with preachers in northern France between 1350 and 1520, identifying 2500 figures altogether.174 The number of active preachers may have been higher at the time, due to the friars, and perhaps not all of them preached the crusade (although there seems to be a general tendency). Nevertheless, the richer source basis of the later period provides us with an impression of the dimensions at stake. This can help us develop a better sense for those preachers who may still be hiding in the archives or never entered the historical record.
See Jessalynn L. Bird, Heresy, Crusade and Reform in the Circle of Peter the Chanter, c.1187âc.1240 (PhD thesis, University of Oxford 2001), 1â30; Nicole Bériou, Lâavènement des maîtres de la parole: la prédication à Paris au XIIIe siècle (Paris 1998), 1:31, 46â48, 138; Beverly Mayne Kienzle, Cistercians, Heresy and Crusade in Occitania, 1145â1229: Preaching in the Lordâs Vineyard (Woodbridge 2001), 34â35, 172â173.
See Nikolaus M. Häring, âAlan of Lilleâs De fide catholica or contra haereticos,â Analecta Cisterciensia 32 (1976), 216â217.
See Ronald James Stansbury, Preaching before the Friars: The Sermons of Ralph Ardent (c.1130âc.1215) (PhD thesis, Ohio State University 2001), 119â120, 146â149.
Either sermons are in the PL that are not in the manuscript or vice versa. Similarly, composition and order are often different from the PL.
See Bird, Heresy, 14, 28, 36â37; Sylvia Schein, Gateway to the Heavenly City: Crusader Jerusalem and the Catholic West (1099â1187) (Aldershot 2005), 177; Amnon Linder, Raising Arms: Liturgy in the Struggle to Liberate Jerusalem in the Late Middle Ages (Turnhout 2003), 2â3, 26.
See Thomas W. Smith, âAudita tremendi and the Call for the Third Crusade Reconsidered, 1187â1188,â Viator 49/3 (2018), 63â101; Penny J. Cole, The Preaching of the Crusades to the Holy Land, 1095â1270 (Cambridge, Mass. 1991), 63â65.
Ansbert, Historia, ed. Chroust, 6â10; henceforth cited as: Gregory VIII, Audita tremendi, ed. Chroust, 6â10. I cite alongside the other versions as recently edited in: Smith, âAudita tremendi,â 88â101.
Roger of Howden, Gesta, 2:15â19; Chronica, 2:326â329; William of Newburgh, Historia, 267â271. On its distribution, see also Schein, Gateway, 164; Christopher J. Tyerman, How to Plan a Crusade: Reason and Religious War in the High Middle Ages (London 2015), 115. A chronicle asserts that it was disseminated âthroughout the worldâ (transmisit in orbem) (Burchard of Ursberg, Chronik, 361); similar in another: in universum orbem Romanum (Arnold of Lübeck, Chronica, 169).
Ms. BL Add 24145, fols. 76vâ77r; Ms. Rouen 518, fol. 202v; Ms. München, Clm 21528, fols. 120vâ121v; discussed by Smith, âAudita tremendi,â 70â75.
Continuatio Zwetlensis, 543; Celestine III, Ep.224, 1107â1110; Arnold of Lübeck, Chronica, 169â170.
Ms. München, Clm 28195, fols. 49râ50r; Ms. Erlangen 224, fols. 18vâ21v; discussed by Smith, âAudita tremendi,â 71â72. Another letter (Feb. 1188) addressed Baldwin of Canterbury and his suffragans (cited in Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione, 236â239).
Papsturkunden (no.253), ed. Berger, 466â468; and (no.256), ed. Berger, 474â477. See also Damian J. Smith, âThe Iberian Legations of Cardinal Hyacinth Bobone,â in: Pope Celestine III, 1191â1198, ed. Smith and John Doran (Aldershot 2008), 99â100; Joseph F. OâCallaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain (Philadelphia 2003), 57â58.
Gregory VIII, Nunquam melius, 1539, cited in Roger of Howden, Gesta, 2:19; and Chronica, 2:329â330; see also Cecilia Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons. Liturgy and the Making of Crusade Ideology (Ithaca, NY 2017), 194. It survived in Ms. Alençon 15, fol. 144v. My thanks to Helen Birkett for pointing me to this manuscript.
Gregory VIII, Ep.1, 1537â1538; and Ep.18, 1558. See the chapter on historical context.
Gregory VIII, Ep.22, 1561; Ep.23, 1561. On these dynamics, see the chapter on the failure of crusades; and on the bishops, see the chapter on historical context and table 3.
Garnerius of Clairvaux, Sermo 33â35, 779â798 and Ms. Troyes 1301, fols. 103vâ112r; see Nikolaus M. Häring, âThe Liberal Arts in the Sermons of Garnier of Rochefort,â Mediaeval Studies 30 (1968), 49. On his life, see Jean-Charles Didier, âGarnier de Rochefort. Sa vie et son Åuvre,â Collectanea Cisterciensia 17 (1955), 146â149; see also Konrad of Eberbach, Exordium, PL 185:451.
On Garnerius as a patron of textual production, see the chapter on media context.
See Didier, âGarnier de Rochefort,â 157; Häring, âLiberal Arts,â 72â77; Clemens Baeumker, âEinleitung,â in: Garnerius of Clairvaux, Contra Amaurianos (Münster 1926), xliiiâliv. On intertextualities with Peter the Chanter, see Jean-Pierre Rothschild, âUn âDe contrarietatibus in sacra Scripturaâ attribué à Garnier de Rochefort, tiré du âDe tropis loquendiâ de Pierre le Chantre,â in: Amicorum societas, ed. Jacques Elfassi and Cécile Lanéry (Florence 2013), 741â768.
Innocent III, Ep.182, PL 214:163â164; Ep.504, PL 214:464â466; Ep.553, PL 214:505â506; see Didier, âGarnier de Rochefort,â 151â153; Häring, âLiberal Arts,â 47â48. He witnessed charters in Clairvaux between 1200 and 1226.
Ms. Troyes 970; Ms. Troyes 1301. Neither coincides with the PLâs stock. See also Didier, âGarnier de Rochefort,â 154, asserting that the bulk was penned while abbot of Clairvaux. Alberic praises them as subtiles sermones (Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, Chronica, 878); similar in Richard Lionheartâs letter to Garnerius: vestrae praedicationis sollertiam (cited in Roger of Howden, Chronica, 3:132).
Ms. Troyes 1301, fols. 30râ34r; 56râ61r; 57râ61v; 71vâ77r; 135vâ138v; 158râ164r; 166râv; 167vâ168v. See also the list in: Baeumker, âEinleitung,â xvâxvi. The manuscript contains 46 sermon texts altogether.
Ms. Troyes 1301, fols. 141râ154r; see Paolo Lucentini, âIntroduzione,â in: Garnerius of Clairvaux, Contra Amavrianos, CCCM 232 (Turnhout 2010), xviiiâxxvi. It also exists in another edition (ed. Baeumker). On the Amalricians, see Bériou, LâAvènement, 1:48â58; Philippe Buc, Lâambiguité du livre: prince, pouvoir, et peuple dans les commentaires de la Bible au Moyen Age (Paris 1994), 165â166.
See Bériou, LâAvènement, 1:138; Didier, âGarnier de Rochefort,â 155â157; and Georges Lacombe, La vie et les oeuvres de Prévostin (Kain 1927), 118â119, who edited its prologue from Ms. BNF lat. 599.
Ms. Troyes 32, fol. 157v; Ms. Troyes 392, fol. 169râv; see Rothschild, âGarnier de Rochefort,â 744â745; Stephen A. Barney, âIntroduction,â in: Petri Cantoris distinctiones Abel, CCCM 288 (Turnhout 2020), 249â255. The second copy contains three attributions to Garnerius on the same page: one seems contemporary. Other copies from Clairvaux present the work in anonymous form: Ms. Troyes 539; 868; 1697; 1704. See the list of manuscripts in: Emmanuelle Kuhry, âDictionnaires, distinctions, recueils de propriétés en milieu cistercien: outils pour la prédication, sources pour lâétude de la nature,â in: Les Cisterciens et la transmission des textes (XIIeâXVIIIe siècles), ed. Anne-Marie Turcan-Verkerk and Dominique Stutzmann (Turnhout 2018), 335â337.
Cited in Roger of Howden, Chronica, 3:130â133, esp. 132; see Didier, âGarnier de Rochefort,â 148; Schein, Gateway, 164. He may have overtaken Henry of Albanoâs legatine duties (see Anne Lise Bysted, The Crusade Indulgence: Spiritual Rewards and the Theology of the Crusades, c.1095â1216 (Leiden 2015), 247). For relations between Clairvaux and crusading princes, see Nicholas L. Paul, To Follow in Their Footsteps: The Crusades and Family Memory in the High Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY 2012), 148â149; and on the Cistercians in general: Stephen Bennett, Elite Participation in the Third Crusade (Woodbridge 2021), 50â51.
See Jean-Charles Didier, âUne lettre inédite de Garnier de Rochefort,â Collectanea Cisterciensia 18 (1956), 190â198. On late cross takings, see Barbara Bombi, âPapal Legates and Their Preaching of the Crusades in England between the Twelfth and the Thirteenth Centuries,â in: Legati, delegati e lâimpresa dâOltremare (secoli XIIâXIII), ed. Maria Pia Alberzoni and Pascal Montaubin (Turnhout 2014), 238â239, 259â260.
See Statuta capitulorum, ed. Canivez (1198), 221â224; and Didier, âGarnier de Rochefort,â 151â152; Alfred J. Andrea, âAdam of Perseigne and the Fourth Crusade,â Cîteaux 36 (1985), 26.
Garnerius of Clairvaux, Pro militibus, 283â286; see Christian Krötzl, âDie Cistercienser und die Mission âad paganosâ, ca. 1150â1250,â Analecta Cisterciensia 61 (2011), 293â294.
See Yves Congar, âHenri de Marcy, abbé de Clairvaux, cardinal, éveque dâAlbano et légat pontifical,â Analecta monastica 5 (1958), 1â3.
See Kienzle, Cistercians, 109â134; Congar, âHenri de Marcy,â 12â41.
Henry of Albano, Ep.1, 215â216; see also Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, Chronica, 855; and Elizabeth Siberry, Criticism of Crusading, 1095â1274 (Oxford 1985), 53. On this expedition, see Jonathan Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land: Relations between the Latin East and the West, 1119â1187 (Oxford 1996), 240â241.
See Kienzle, Cistercians, 109; Congar, âHenri de Marcy,â 40â42. He frequently witnessed papal charters: 38 times with Lucius III (from mid-1182), 40 times with Urban III, twice with Gregory VIII (Lucius III, Epistolae, 1160â1374; Urban III, Epistolae, 1332â1523; Gregory VIII, Epistolae, 1545, 1548).
See Chronicon Claravallensae, 1252; and Congar, âHenri de Marcy,â 54â55. See also Cassandra Elizabeth Chideock, Henry of Marcy, Heresy and the Crusade, 1177â1189 (PhD thesis, University of Cambridge 2001), 30â50, discussing Henryâs relations with important contemporaries including the Parisian milieu. See also Konrad of Eberbach, Exordium (2.30â31), ed. Griesser, 123â129.
Henry of Albano, Ep.31, 247â249; and Ep.32, PLÂ 204:249â252, cited in Ansbert, Historia, ed. Chroust, 11â13.
See Valmar Cramer, âKreuzpredigt und Kreuzzugsgedanken von Bernhard von Clairvaux bis Humbert von Romans,â Das Heilige Land 1 (1939), 73; Helen Birkett, âNews in the Middle Ages: News, Communications, and the Launch of the Third Crusade in 1187â1188,â Viator 49/3 (2018), 44â45.
Ms. BL Add 24145, fol. 77v, already edited in: Henry of Albano, Brief, ed. Holtzmann, 412â413. Terricusâ letter is also cited in: Roger of Howden, Gesta, 2:13â14; see also John H. Pryor, âTwo excitationes for the Third Crusade: The Letters of Brother Thierry of the Temple,â Mediterranean Historical Review 25/2 (2010), 147â168.
Ms. Troyes 509, fols. 93vâ177v. For examples of such deviations, see Alexander Marx, âJerusalem as the Travelling City of God. Henry of Albano and the Preaching of the Third Crusade,â Crusades 20 (2021), 104â105. The title at the beginning of the text says De peregrinante civitate Dei (fol. 93v), whereas at the outset of the first treatise: De peregrinatione civitatis Dei (fol. 95r). On the work, see Cole, Preaching, 65â71; Tyerman, Plan, 114â118.
See Congar, âHenri de Marcy,â 58â61; Congar, âEglise et Cité de Dieu chez quelques auteurs cisterciens à lâépoque des Croisades: en particulier dans le De Peregrinante Civitate Dei dâHenri dâAlbano,â in: Mélanges offerts à Etienne Gilson de lâAcadémie française, ed. Callistus Edie (Toronto 1959), 173â202; Thomas Renna, âThe Idea of the City in Otto of Freising and Henry of Albano,â Cîteaux 35 (1984), 63â72.
See Hugh of Saint-Victor, De duabus civitatibus, 496â497; Bernard of Clairvaux, De conflictu, 818â830; discussed by Hans-Werner Goetz, âDie Rezeption der augustinischen civitas-Lehre in der Geschichtstheologie des 12. Jahrhunderts,â in: Vorstellungsgeschichte (Bochum 2007), 103â104, 109â111. On Peter, see Mechthild Dreyer, â⦠rationabiliter infirmare et ⦠rationes quibus fides [innititur] in publicum deducere. Alain de Lille et le conflit avec les adversaires de la foi,â in: Alain de Lille, le docteur universel, ed. Jean-Luc Solère (Turnhout 2005), 434.
See Congar, âEglise,â 182â183.
The manuscript shows blank space for a title at the outset of each treatise (1â15); treatises 16â18 offer a fluent text without any initials or paragraphs (Ms. Troyes 509, fols. 161vâ177v).
Henry of Albano, De peregrinante civitate Dei (XIII), 350â361 and Ms. Troyes 509, fols. 150râ156r. See the depiction of the workâs structure and contents in: Marx, âCity of God,â 88â89, 112â120.
Congar, âEglise,â 200: âLâimage dominante est tellement, pour Henri, celle de la croisade, quâil sâen sert pour expliquer certaines exigences de la Cité de Dieu [â¦].â My translation. See also Chideock, Henry of Marcy, 19.
Henry of Albano, De peregrinante civitate Dei (prologue), 251 and Ms. Troyes 509, fol. 93v. Both versions are identical. See also Chronicon Clarevellense, 1252.
Henry of Albano, De peregrinante civitate Dei (XIII), 360. Other parts may already have been penned in the autumn of 1187 (see Congar, âHenri de Marcy,â 53).
See Congar, âEglise,â 183; Congar, âHenri de Marcy,â 57. See also Chronicon Claraevallense, 1251â1252, claiming that he composed the entire work during the preaching tour (no specification as to the crusade treatise).
Bysted characterized it as âa valuable source of material for sermonsâ (Bysted, Indulgence, 259). A possible user was also Henryâs companion Joscius, archbishop of Tyre; see below.
See Marx, âCity of God,â 83â120, esp. 110â111. A mid-18th-century library catalogue offers an entry for a sermon collection by Henryâs pen, delivered at Urban IIIâs court (sermones de diversis materiis, quos circa annum 1186 coram Urbano III pontifice habuit). The codex was then in Clairvaux; this may refer to De peregrinante civitate Dei or parts of it (see André Vernet, La bibliothèque de lâAbbaye de Clairvaux du XIIe au XVIIIe siècle. Manuscrits bibliques, patristiques et théologiques (Paris 1979), 1:705, 737, 857).
Ms. Troyes 509, fols. 156râ177v; and Congar, âHenri de Marcy,â 56â57.
See Henry of Albano, De peregrinante civitate Dei (XVIII), 396, 400 and Ms. Troyes 509, fols. 175v, 177v.
See Jessalynn L. Bird, âPreaching the Crusades and the Liturgical Year: The Palm Sunday Sermons,â Essays in Medieval Studies 30 (2014), 11â36; Bird, ââ¯âFar Be It from Me to Glory Save in the Cross of Our Lord Jesus Christ (Gal. 6:14)â: Crusade Preaching and Sermons for Good Friday and Holy Week,â in: Crusading in Art, Thought, and Will, ed. Matthew Parker and Ben Halliburton (Leiden 2018), 129â165.
Henry of Albano, De peregrinante civitate Dei (XIII), 359â360 and Ms. Troyes 509, fols. 154vâ155r. The speech starts at âSed ecce hac spe sua frustratus, et in contrarium cessisse deplangens, nunquid non cum suis satellitibus stupendo tibi dicere videtur: [beginning speech] O crux fallens gaudia nostra, et parturiens damna nostra, cur te exhibuimus Pilato, cur tradidimus Salahadino?â It ends at â[â¦] circa quos corrumpendos amplius profecerunt. [end speech] Heu! heu! Talia ab inimicis crucis dicta, imo etiam facta, ipsis jam rerum experimentis edocemur.â
The prologue delivers a terminus post quem: Henry discusses that he had left the monastery and made experiences in the world (see Congar, âHenri de Marcy,â 57; Chideock, Henry of Marcy, 13â15).
See Kienzle, Cistercians, 178; William D. Paden, âDocuments concernant Hélinant de Froidmont,â Romania 105 (1984), 335â336.
See Kienzle, Cistercians, 174â175, 182â192; Kienzle, âCistercian Preaching against the Cathars. Hélinandâs Unedited Sermon for Rogation,â Cîteaux 39 (1988), 297â313; Kienzle, âMary Speaks against Heresy. An Unedited Sermon of Hélinand for the Purification,â Sacris Erudiri 32/2 (1991), 291â308. Kienzle edited therein two anti-heretical sermons from Ms. BNF lat. 14591.
Hélinand of Froidmont, Chronicon, 730.
Kienzle, Cistercians, 179â180. On such practices, see the chapter on historical context.
Hélinand of Froidmont, Chronicon, 1035; see Kienzle, Cistercians, 176â179. One of his sermons also mentions that he was in Paris as a young man (Ms. Mazarine 1041, fol. 24v; see Kienzle, âThe Twelfth-Century Monastic Sermon,â in: The Sermon, ed. Kienzle (Turnhout 2000), 307). On Peter, see John D. Cotts, The Clerical Dilemma: Peter of Blois and Literate Culture in the Twelfth Century (Washington, D.C. 2009), 23, 28â29, 180â185.
See also Mette Birkedal Bruun, âMapping the Monastery. Hélinand of Froidmontâs Second Sermon for Palm Sunday,â in: Prédication et liturgie au Moyen Ãge, ed. Nicole Bériou and Franco Morenzoni (Turnhout 2008), 183â199; William D. Paden, âDe monachis rithmos facientibus: Hélinant de Froidmont, Bertran de Born, and the Cistercian General Chapter of 1199,â Speculum 55/4 (1980), 669â685.
Ms. Paris, Mazarine 1041, fols. 2râ96v; Ms. BNF lat. 14591, fols. 12râ35v. The unpublished pieces consist of 37 sermons in the first and two sermons in the second codex. There does not seem to be any overlap between the two manuscripts. Taken together, they contain the PLâs sermons save for five texts which apparently have not survived (see Kienzle, Cistercians, 180; Kienzle, âMary,â 291).
Hélinand of Froidmont, Chronicon, 771â773. See the chapters on the Cross relic and on Jerusalem.
Hélinand of Froidmont, Chronicon, 1081â1082.
See Tyerman, Plan, 117. On the circle of students in Bologna, including Stephen of Tournai and Patriarch Heraclius, see Benjamin Z. Kedar, âThe Patriarch Eraclius,â in: Outremer, ed. Kedar and Hans Eberhard Mayer (Jerusalem 1982), 184â185.
Herbert of Bosham, Vita, 155.
See Ludwig Gompf, âEinleitung,â in: Joseph of Exeter, Werke und Briefe (Leiden 1970), 20â21.
The workâs last chapter offers a biography of Baldwin, including his crusade activity (Gerald of Wales, Itinerarium Cambriae, 148â152).
See Epistolae Cantuariensis, ed. Stubbs, 227, 256; and Cramer, âKreuzpredigt,â 66; Christopher Robert Cheney, English Episcopal acta: Canterbury 1162â1190 (Oxford 1986), 2:282.
See Cole, Preaching, 71â79; Bennett, Participation, 53â56, 215, 303â304, 307. On Baldwinâs role in the siege of Acre, see John D. Hosler, The Siege of Acre, 1189â1191: Saladin, Richard the Lionheart, and the Battle that Decided the Third Crusade (New Haven 2018), 89â94. Peter broaches Baldwinâs transgressions between spiritual and physical warfare, as it expressed itself in his leadership on crusade (Peter of Blois, Later Letters, ed. Revell, 53; discussed by Giles Constable, âThe Place of the Crusader in Medieval Society,â Viator 29 (1998), 381â382).
Peter of Blois, Ep.27, 92â96. For manuscripts identifying the event already in the title, see Ms. BL Cotton Vespasian E XI, fol. 79v; Ms. Troyes 851, fol. 18v. In the first codex: Consolatio super mortem Balwini Cantuariensis archepiscopi. See also Gerald of Wales, Itinerarium Cambriae, 151â152; Haymarus, Rithmus, ed. Falk, 64. Haymarus, an eyewitness, also understands Baldwin as a martyr when rendering him as sanctus.
Itinerarium peregrinorum, ed. Mayer, 356â357. On the question of authorship, see Helen J. Nicholson, âThe Construction of a Primary Source. The Creation of Itinerarium peregrinorum 1,â Cahiers de recherches médiévales et humanistes 37 (2019), 143â165.
Ms. Oxford, Jesus College 38, fol. 84v; its prologue is edited in: Peter of Blois, Later Letters 77, ed. Revell, 325. My thanks to Suzanne Coley for pointing me to this. See also Cotts, Clerical Dilemma, 237â240, asserting textual parallels between Peter and Baldwin (e.g., Baldwin of Canterbury, De commendatione, 581 and Ms. Oxford, Jesus College 38, fol. 90r). On how other contemporaries viewed Baldwin, see David N. Bell, âThe Ascetic Spirituality of Baldwin of Ford,â Cîteaux 31 (1980), 227â228, 249.
On the manuscripts, see David N. Bell, âIntroduction,â in: Baldvini de Forda Opera, CCCM 99 (Turnhout 1991), viiâxii.
Baldwin of Canterbury, Sermo 8, 127â136. See Christopher Matthew Phillips, âThe Typology of the Cross and Crusade Preaching,â in: Crusading in Art, Thought, and Will, ed. Matthew Parker and Ben Halliburton (Leiden 2018), 173; David N. Bell and Jane Patricia Freeland, âThe Sermons on Obedience and the Cross by Baldwin of Forde,â Cistercian Studies Quarterly 29 (1994), 271â274. Bell dates the bulk of sermons to the 1170s (see Bell, âSpirituality,â 228), but I disagree with dating the Sermo 8 around 1180. This builds on a remark by Gerald saying that Baldwin delivered a sermon De cruce in that year (Gerald of Wales, Speculum ecclesiae, 105). However, this only means that Baldwin preached on the cross and does not necessarily indicate the existing text.
Bell dates these works to his time at Ford (Bell, âSpirituality,â 228; see also Bell, âThe Corpus of the Works of Baldwin of Ford,â Cîteaux 35 (1984), 218).
On the first, see Ms. Lambeth Palace 235, fols. 63vâ102v; Ms. BNF lat. 2909, fols. 229râ246r; Ms. Troyes 1348. On the second, see Baldwin of Canterbury, Liber de sectis, ed. Narvaja. On the manuscripts and the dissemination of Baldwinâs works, see Bell, âCorpus,â 227â234.
Gerald of Wales, De rebus, 79; see Tyerman, Plan, 81.
And it remained such a center: both Hubert Walter (1193â1205) and Stephen Langton (1207â1228) were crusade preachers. On Hubert, see Bombi, âLegates,â 236â241, 245â247. It still needs to be investigated whether these bishops assembled a similar circle of productive writers.
In Bologna, he was also a student of the later Urban III (see Tyerman, Plan, 117).
Cotts, Clerical Dilemma, 49â95; Stephen C. Ferruolo, The Origins of the University: The Schools of Paris and their Critics, 1100â1215 (Stanford 1987), 157â168. The collection as presented in the PL does not exist in any manuscript; the PL added letters from other sources. On the collectionâs development, see Michael Markowski, Peter of Blois, Writer and Reformer (PhD thesis, Syracuse University 1988), 337â361.
See John D. Cotts, âThe Exegesis of Violence in the Crusade Writings of Ralph Niger and Peter of Blois,â in: The Uses of the Bible in Crusader Sources, ed. Elizabeth Lapina and Nicholas Morton (Leiden 2017), 292.
See Cotts, Clerical Dilemma, 241, 257â258; Markowski, Reformer, 176â177, 200, 286. For Peter the Chanterâs influence, see Markowski, Reformer, 231â235.
Peter of Blois, Ep.219, 508â509; Epistolae Cantuariensis, ed. Stubbs, 107â108. Neither, however, were included in his letter collection. On his time at the Curia, see Cotts, Clerical Dilemma, 218; Michael Markowski, âPeter of Blois and the Conception of the Third Crusade,â in: The Horns of Hattin, ed. Benjamin Z. Kedar (Jerusalem 1992), 269. On the conflict with the monks, see Gervase of Canterbury, Opera, 1:356, 368â369; and Gunnar Stollberg, Die soziale Stellung der intellektuellen Oberschicht im England des 12. Jahrhunderts (Lübeck 1973), 44â45.
Evidence for this is his presence as a witness in a charter, alongside Gerald of Wales (see Cotts, Clerical Dilemma, 37â38, 229). Hurlock surmises that Peter was even a driving force for the tour (Kathryn Hurlock, Wales and the Crusades, c.1095â1291 (Cardiff 2011), 65).
See, e.g., Stollberg, Stellung, 45. Yet, his writings from the 1190s occasionally offer discussions of the crusadeâbut a contrast remains (e.g., Peter of Blois, Ep.124, 367â373; Ep.143, 428â432).
Peter of Blois, Ep.87, 273; Ep.109, 332; discussed by Cotts, Clerical Dilemma, 39, 230. See also Cotts, âExegesis,â 274; Tyerman, Plan, 81; Richard W. Southern, âPeter of Blois and the Third Crusade,â in: Studies in Medieval History Presented to R.H.C. Davis, ed. Henry Mayr-Harting (London 1985), 216.
Peter of Blois, Passio Raginaldi, 40, 51; discussed by Robert B.C. Huygens, âEinleitung,â in: Petri Blesensis Tractatvs Dvo, CCCM 194 (Turnhout 2002), 20â21.
Ms. BL Royal 8 F XVII; Ms. BL Arundel 322; Ms. Paris, St.Geneviève 2787. The first codex also holds the Conquestio.
See Alexander Marx, âThe Passio Raginaldi of Peter of Blois. Martyrdom and Eschatology in the Preaching of the Third Crusade,â Viator 50/3 (2019), 204â205. On the date, see Peter of Blois, Conquestio, 86, 90, 94; and Congar, âHenri de Marcy,â 53. He also composed a poem about the cityâs loss: Peter of Blois, Carmina, 257â262; discussed by Cotts, âExegesis,â 278.
I thus disagree with: Robert B.C. Huygens, âIntroduction,â in: Serta Mediaevalia, CCCM 171 (Turnhout 2000), 383â384, who dates it between early 1188 and July 1189. Markowski and Southern suggested that Dialogus and Conquestio originally formed an ensemble (Markowski, Reformer, 280; Southern, âThird Crusade,â 208â209).
See Marx, Passio Raginaldi, 197â232. On Reynaud, see Pierre Aubé, Un croisé contre Saladin: Renaud de Châtillon (Paris 2007); Bernard Hamilton, âThe Elephant of Christ: Reynald of Châtillon,â in: Religious Motivation, ed. Derek Baker (Oxford 1978), 97â108. The title Passio Raginaldi is present in four of eight manuscripts (Huygens, âEinleitung,â 6, 10â11). Three contain different titles: Contra principes qui differebant transfretare et de cruce eius (Ms. BNF lat. 2954, fol. 183v); Accendit corda principium ad subveniendum terre sancte (Ms. Den Haag 73 H 5, fol. 259r); and Monitio ad idem, referring to the Conquestio, placed immediately before and entitled De itinere Ierosolimitanorum (Ms. Cambridge, Gonville 114/183, fol. 174v). Finally, BL Arundel 227, fol. 131r lacks a title.
Peter of Blois, Passio Raginaldi, 32; see Southern, âThird Crusade,â 212â214; Huygens, âEinleitung,â 16â17.
Peter of Blois, Passio Raginaldi, 31â39, 40â64, 64â73. See also Marx, âPassio Raginaldi,â 202.
See Huygens, âEinleitung,â 7â13; Southern, âThird Crusade,â 207â208. There is one exception, a 15th-century copy, where the Passio survived only fragmentarily (first half).
Ms. Lambeth Palace 421, fols. 93râ98r. It also contains letters from Peter, including the crusade call of 1185. Other early copies: Ms. BL Royal 8 F XVII, fols. 83vâ88v; Ms. BNF lat. 2605, fols. 55vâ61r. One codex contains all three treatises: Ms. Oxford, Lat. misc. f.14; see the chapter on media context.
On the first, see Peter of Blois, Ep.27, 92â96; and Cotts, Clerical Dilemma, 185, 199; on the second, Peter of Blois, Ep.98, 306â308, which is written in Baldwinâs name, but Peter must have been the author, as the letterâs continuous appearance in the collection demonstrates (see Cotts, Clerical Dilemma, 35â36). On the patriarchâs journey, see Phillips, Defenders, 251â263. Some departed for the Holy Land, even though the call seems to have had limited success overall.
Peter of Blois, Ep.20; 23; 64; 87; 106; 109; 112; 113; 121; 123; 124; 143; 148. These date to the 1180sâ1190s.
Peter of Blois, Later Letters, ed. Revell; Ethel Cardwell Higonnet, âSpiritual Ideas in the Letters of Peter of Blois,â Speculum 50 (1975), 229. On his late works, see Cotts, Clerical Dilemma, 205â213, 241â247.
See Joseph Gildea, âExtant Manuscripts of Compendium in Job by Peter of Blois,â Scriptorium 30 (1976), 285â287. Its title deviates occasionally, for example, Commentarium in Iob or Moralitas Job (Ms. ÃNB 3708, fol. 2r; Ms. Lambeth Palace 144, fol. 108r). On the work, see Markowski, Reformer, 173â181; Cotts, Clerical Dilemma, 219â220. Markowski discusses parallels with Bernard of Clairvaux, and the work is deeply influenced by Gregory the Greatâs Moralia in Iob.
Ms. Lambeth Palace 144, fols. 117râ119v, cited 118v. See the chapter on media context.
See Stansbury, Before the Friars, 81â118; Ferruolo, Origins, 193â194; John Wesley Baldwin, Masters, Princes and Merchants: The Social Views of Peter the Chanter and his Circle (Princeton 1970), 1:40â41; Jean Longère, Åuvres oratoires de maîtres parisiens au 12e siècle: étude historique et doctrinale (Paris 1975), 1:30â31, 159â168. Stansbury dates his death with âprior to 1215.â
See Bennett, Participation, 307, 388; Stansbury, Before the Friars, 104â105. He was also present in Tours at Richardâs departure (likewise Pipe Rolls; these also identify him as his chaplain). Bird identified Ralph already as a preacher of the Third Crusade (Bird, Heresy, 5, 121, 128, 132; see also Christopher Matthew Phillips, O magnum crucis misterium: Devotion to the Cross, Crusading, and the Imitation of the Crucified Christ in the High Middle Ages, c.1050âc.1215 (PhD thesis, Saint Louis University 2006), 61â62, 180â181).
See Stansbury, Before the Friars, 98â101, 222.
See Stansbury, Before the Friars, 114, naming Stephen Langton as an example: Stephanus de lingua-tonante (Stephen with the thundering tongue).
See also Stansbury, Before the Friars, 169â170. Some manuscripts contain three sermons In dedicatione ecclesiae absent from the PL and edited in: Stansbury, Before the Friars, 323â371.
Stansbury, Before the Friars, 175â177, 219â306.
Ms. St.Geneviève 2786. For a description of the manuscripts, see Stansbury, Before the Friars, 121â145; Stansbury, âA Preliminary Manuscript Catalogue of the Sermon Collection by Ralph Ardent,â Studi Medievali 42 (2001), 875â895. It is an unresolved question why so many copies of Ralphâs sermons survived in 15th-century Oxford.
Ralph Ardens, Prologus, ed. Stansbury, 375; discussed by Stansbury, Before the Friars, 180. For the manuscripts, see Ms. Oxford, e. musaeo 5, fol. 1r; Ms. Oxford, Lincoln Coll. 112, fol. 1r; Lincoln Coll. 116, fol. 3r.
Ralph Ardens, Pars (II), De sanctis, Sermo 8, 1519; discussed by Stansbury, Before the Friars, 165, who asserts that Ralphâs collection displays these different audiences and preaching occasions.
See Johannes Gründel, Die Lehre des Radulfus Ardens von den Verstandestugenden auf dem Hintergrund seiner Seelenlehre (Munich 1976).
See Häring, âDe fide,â 224â225; Gillian Rosemary Evans, Alan of Lille: The Frontiers of Theology in the Later Twelfth Century (Cambridge, UK 1983), esp. 5â10, 14â19; Marie-Thérèse dâAlverny, Alain de Lille: Textes inédits (Paris 1965), 17â21. See also several contributions in: Alanus ab Insulis und das europäische Mittelalter, ed. Frank Bezner and Beate Kellner (Paderborn 2022).
See Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, Chronica, 881.
See Häring, âDe fide,â 220â221, 228â229; Evans, Alan of Lille, 10â11, 116â132; John Victor Tolan, Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York 2002), 165â166, the latter discusses the fact that Alan depicts the Muslims as a heretical sect. The work appears in a list of Alanâs writings in a chronicle for the year 1194 (Otto of Saint-Blasien, Chronica, 64â65).
Alan of Lille, Contra paganos, ed. dâAlverny; Alan of Lille, De fide, ed. Häring, 222â224. Both missed: Ms. Cambridge, Trinity College R.3.29; Ms. Padua 193; Ms. Assisi 643; and Häring also missed: Ms. BL Add 19767. Häring lists 35 copies: Häring, âDe fide,â 229â237; see also Guy Raynaud de Lage, Alain de Lille: Poète du XIIe siècle (Montréal 1951), 35, 176â177.
Ms. Oxford, Canon. Misc. Lat. 95, fols. 94râ106r; and dâAlverny, Textes, 15, 156â162. Having consulted the codex, I agree that it betrays a work-in-progress (glosses, corrections), plus chapters 63â76 from book (1) are missing. The deviating prologue reveals a philosophical focus concerned with dualistic ideasâthis may betray an Alan who had just arrived in southern France, after having disputed philosophy in Paris for decades.
Alan of Lille, Contra haereticos (2.4), 382; Liber poenitentialis, ed. Longère, 2:144â145.
dâAlverny, Textes, 109â119, 125â127, 237â306; and Alan of Lille, Predigten, ed. Sandkühler, who provides a semi-scholarly edition stemming primarily from Munich manuscripts.
Phillips, âTypology,â 166â185; Phillips, âThe Thiefâs Cross: Crusade and Penance in Alan of Lilleâs âSermo de cruce domini,ââ¯â Crusades 5 (2006), 143â156; see also Tyerman, Plan, 175â176; Bysted, Indulgence, 262â264.
dâAlverny, Textes, 109â140, offering a description of the manuscripts and a list of the sermons.
See, e.g., Ms. BNF lat. 3555; BNF lat. 14859; Amiens 301; Dijon 219; BL Add 19767.
Ms. Graz 620; Ms. ÃNB 4036. For the treatise, see Ms. BL Royal 9 E XII, fols. 158râ167r; Ms. Laon 146, fols. 47râ73r; and dâAlverny, Textes, 61â62; Johannes Baptist Schneyer, Repertorium der lateinischen Sermones des Mittelalters: Für die Zeit von 1150â1350 (Münster 1973), 1:77â83. The treatise (liber) is also present in the list of his works in: Otto of Saint-Blasien, Chronica, 64â65.
Ms. Toulouse 195, fols. 93vâ103v, 106râ110r, 119vâ122v; see Longère, Åuvres oratoires, 1:26; Peter H. Tibber, The Origins of the Scholastic Sermon, c.1130âc.1210 (PhD thesis, University of Oxford 1983), 52â53. The codex also contains his Ars praedicandi, Liber poenitentialis, and further sermons. See the chapter on media context.
Ms. BNF NAL 335; Dijon 211; München Clm 4616; BL Add 19767. The PL included the Liber sermonumâs first sermon as the last chapter in: Alan of Lille, Ars praedicandi, 195â198. Ms. Dijon 211 and BL Add 19767 both also contain Contra haereticos; the two thus betray the same composition.
For monographic collections, see Ms. Dijon 219; Amiens 301; BNF lat. 5505. For polygraphic ones, see Ms. BNF lat. 14859; BNF lat. 3818; BNF lat. 15965; St.Geneviève 2787. The section on Peter of Blois already addressed the last codex; see also the chapter on media context.
See Jean Longère, La prédication médiévale (Paris 1983), 88; Phyllis Barzillay Roberts, âThe ars praedicandi and the Medieval Sermon,â in: Preacher, Sermon and Audience in the Middle Ages, ed. Carolyn A. Muessig (Leiden 2002), 46â47. The work shows significant parallels with Peter the Chanterâs Verbum abbreviatum (see dâAlverny, Textes, 109â110, 148â151). De Lage lists 89 copies, three from the 12th century. This list, however, is incomplete (de Lage, Alain de Lille, 35, 179â181).
See Tibber, Sermon, 159; Evans, Alan of Lille, 99.
Ms. Oxford, Bodley 409, fols. 148vâ156v. This sermon De sancta cruce is not identical to others with the same title (Alan of Lille, De sancta cruce (I), 223â226; De cruce domini, ed. dâAlverny, 279â283). The chapter on the Cross relic compares the three. The appendix also deviates in Ms. Troyes 399, fols. 225vâ226r, containing only three instead of eight sermons (Ad milites; Ad advocatos; Ad Iudices). The selection betrays a focus on lay audiences.
See Jessalynn L. Bird, âThe Victorines, Peter the Chanterâs Circle, and the Crusade: Two Unpublished Crusading Appeals in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms. Latin 14470,â Medieval Sermon Studies 48 (2004), 13. On this codex, see Bériou, LâAvènement, 1:58â70; 2:676, 681â682; Jessalynn L. Bird, âCrusade and Reform: The Sermons of Bibliothèque Nationale, MS nouv. acq. lat. 999,â in: The Fifth Crusade in Context, ed. Elizabeth Jane Mylod and Guy Perry (London 2017), 92â113. On a sermon by John of Abbeville from this codex, see the chapter on the Cross relic.
On these works, see dâAlverny, Textes, 73â79, who dates the Old Testament commentaries to his late years; she also offers a transcription of the workâs prologue. See the chapter on the Holy Land. For the poem, see Alan of Lille, Carmen, ed. Baeumker, 183â184.
Alan of Lille, Liber poenitentialis, ed. Longère, 1:206, 213â216, 234â237; 2:17. See also Cole, Preaching, 115â116.
See Historia peregrinorum, ed. Chroust, 125â126, 162â163; and Bysted, Indulgence, 261.
Alan of Lille, Distinctiones, 685; see dâAlverny, Textes, 13â14, 71â72; Evans, Alan of Lille, 21â22, 29â33. De Lage lists 41 copiesâand his list is incomplete (de Lage, Alain de Lille, 35, 177â178).
Otto of Saint-Blasien, Chronica, 64.
See Lacombe, Prevostin, 8â11, 36â46; Longère, Åuvres oratoires, 1:23â24; Ferruolo, Origins, 192.
See Prevostin of Cremona, Contra haereticos, ed. Garvin, 289; and Alan of Lille, Contra haereticos (4.12), 427; on the work, see Lacombe, Prevostin, 11â12, 139â143; Joseph N. Garvin, âIntroduction,â in: Prevostin of Cremona, The Summa contra haereticos (Notre Dame, Ind. 1958), xiiiâxv, xxixâxxxix. The Council of Verona (1184) already issued decrees against northern Italian heretics (see Lucius III, Ep.171, 1298; and Martin Aurell, Des chrétiens contre les croisades XIIe-XIIIe siècle (Paris 2013), 151).
See Ms. Turin D.V.2, and the description in: Garvin, âIntroduction,â xxiiâxxiv. It contains first Contra haereticos (fols. 65râ77r) and then the sermons (fols. 79râ98v); these include at least two actually from Alanâs pen (see Ms. Toulouse 195, fol. 96v; Ms. BNF lat. 3818, fol. 9v). However, I did not consult the codex. It also offers sermons by the crusade preacher Bruno of Segni (fols. 1râ52r), which would be an intriguing subject of investigation.
Ms. BNF lat. 454, fols. 73râ136r; see Lacombe, Prevostin, 117â124. However, the textâs layout and composition do not resemble Distinctiones; it is a treatise-like text, therefore I will not consider it.
On these works, see Lacombe, Prevostin, 49â66, 73â103, 153â182; Lucentini, âIntroduzione,â xviiiâxxvi; and the edition: Prevostin of Cremona, De officiis, ed. Corbett. As already noted, the Summa betrays textual parallels with Garneriusâ Contra Amaurianos. On Quaestiones, see Buc, Livre, 147â161; David dâAvray, Medieval Religious Rationalities: A Weberian Analysis (Cambridge, UK 2010), 73â74.
Lacombe, Prevostin, 183â188. That is, 36 pieces (Ms. Arsenal 543, fols. 203râ245r) and 19 pieces (Ms. BL Add 18335, fols. 1râ25r). The London copy contains 14 further sermons (unconsidered by Lacombe) that may also stem from Prevostinâs pen (fols. 66râ88v)âas far as I checked, no conflicting attribution seems to exist; see the chapter on media context. See also Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, Chronica, 891, rendering them as optimi sermones.
Ms. BNF lat. 14859; BNF lat. 3555; BNF lat. 18172. The last comes from Notre-Dame in Paris (early 13th cen.). See also Longère, Prédication, 73, who dates the sermons in Ms. BNF lat. 14859 to Prevostinâs first sojourn in Paris, that is, around the Third Crusade.
Ms. BL Add 18335, fol. 2v. He also relates this to hereticiâeither because he understands the Muslims as such or he intends to construct a causal link between the two groups.
See Schein, Gateway, 164; Bird, Heresy, 5, 14â15; Keagan Brewer, âGodâs Devils: Pragmatic Theodicy in Christian Responses to á¹¢alÄḥ al-DÄ«nâs Conquest of Jerusalem in 1187,â Medieval Encounters 27 (2021), 135â136. Longère considered some sermons but not in terms of crusading (Longère, Åuvres oratoires, esp. 1:23â25, 416â420).
Lucas de Tuy, Vita, 13. The text does not explain the nature of Martinâs voyage, only that âhe went to Jerusalemâ (Jerosolymam adiit), but it mentions that he served the Knights Hospitaller in the two years. On Augustinian canons in the Holy Land, see Wolf Zöller, Regularkanoniker im Heiligen Land: Studien zur Kirchen-, Ordens- und Frömmigkeitsgeschichte der Kreuzfahrerstaaten (Münster 2018).
Lucas de Tuy, Vita, 14â15.
See Amélie de las Heras, âMartin de León (â â¯1203) et la culture scolaire ultra-pyrénéenne. Les Sentences de Pierre Lombard dans la Concordia,â Memini 18 (2014), 1â25; de las Heras, âEl Contra Judaeos de Isidoro de Sevilla en la predicación regular ibérica del final del siglo xii. Entre identidad confesional y estaturia,â in: Christian, Jewish, and Muslim Preaching in the Mediterranean and Europe, ed. Linda Gale Jones and Adrienne Dupont-Hamy (Turnhout 2019), 159â160. On Peter Lombardâs circle (without considering Martin), see Matthew Anthony Doyle, Peter Lombard and His Students (Toronto 2016).
Ms. León, San Isidoro 11. For a description, see Antonio Viñayo González, Abecedario-Bestiario de los Códices de Santo Martino (León 1986), 27â34; Amélie de las Heras, âLe livre de lâApocalypse chez Martin de León (m. 1203), entre commentaire et sermon. Une âlectio divinaâ tournée vers lâaction,â Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez 49/1 (2019), 68â69, 84. For the Apocalypse commentary, see Martin of León, Commentary on Rev., 299â420. On Martinâs works, see de las Heras, âContra Judaeos,â 151â155; Raymond McCluskey, âThe Genesis of the Concordia of Martin of León,â in: God and Man in Medieval Spain, ed. Derek W. Lomax and David MacKenzie (Westminster 1989), 19â36.
Ms. León, San Isidoro 11/1: the first foliation of the first volume; Ms. León, San Isidoro 11/2: its second foliation; and Ms. León, San Isidoro 11/3: the second volume.
Martin of León, Liber sermonum, Prologus, 31â32 and Ms. León, San Isidoro 11/1, fols. 1râ2r. See also Nicole Bériou, âLes prologues de recueils de sermons latins, du XIIe au XVe siècle,â in: Les prologues médiévaux, ed. Jacqueline Hamesse (Turnhout 2000), 402â403. On blending enemy groups, see the chapters on institutional context and on the failure of crusades.
See also Alexander Marx, âDivergent Voices in the Preaching of the Third Crusade: Martin of Leónâs Reading of the Fall of Jerusalem,â Crusades 23/1 (2024) 25â43. The opinion that Iberians did not care about the Eastern crusade is meanwhile well refuted: one detects numerous Iberian crusaders and a serious interest in the Holy Land (see esp. Nikolas Jaspert, âEleventh-Century Pilgrimage from Catalonia to Jerusalem: New Sources on the Foundations of the First Crusade,â Crusades 14 (2015), 1â47; Jaspert, âVergegenwärtigungen Jerusalems in Architektur und Reliquienkult,â in: Jerusalem im Hoch- und Spätmittelalter, ed. Dieter Bauer (Frankfurt am Main 2001), 219â297; see also Paul, Footsteps, 251â295; William J. Purkis, Crusading Spirituality in the Holy Land and Iberia, c.1095âc.1187 (Woodbridge 2008), 165â176). On the religious nature of warfare within the Peninsula, see OâCallaghan, Reconquest; Patrick Marschner, Das neue Volk Gottes in Hispanien: Die Bibel in der christlich-iberischen Historiographie vom 8. bis zum 12. Jahrhundert (Vienna 2023).
See esp. the chapter on historical context.
See Tyerman, Plan, 118â123; Robert J. Bartlett, Gerald of Wales 1146â1223 (Oxford 1982), 68â73. He used perhaps available material; the most plausible candidate would be Peter of Bloisâ sermons and crusade treatises: he cites an entire passage verbatim from Peterâs Passio (without naming him) (Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione, 235; and Peter of Blois, Passio Raginaldi, 39).
Gerald of Wales, Itinerarium Cambriae; see Cole, Preaching, 74â78.
Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica, 365â366; De principis instructione, 68â71, 263â282; discussed by Tolan, Saracens, 168.
Gerald of Wales, De rebus, 73, 84â85; Itinerarium Cambriae, 14. He was released from his vow in 1189. The cause seems to have been Henry IIâs death (see Hurlock, Wales, 83).
See Bartlett, Gerald of Wales, 12â14, 155â156; Ferruolo, Origins, 168â183.
Historia peregrinorum, ed. Chroust, 123â124; see Bysted, Indulgence, 259â260; Cramer, âKreuzpredigt,â 88â91. The sermon betrays parallels with Henry of Albano and Audita tremendi.
Historia peregrinorum, ed. Chroust, 125â126; Arnold of Lübeck, Chronica, 170; see Cramer, âKreuzpredigt,â 91.
Historia peregrinorum, ed. Chroust, 162â163; see Bysted, Indulgence, 261.
See Bysted, Indulgence, 247; Cramer, âKreuzpredigt,â 66. Constable mentions a Gerald of Padua who preached in 1189. It is unclear if this designates the same person (Giles Constable, âThe Language of Preaching in the Twelfth Century,â Viator 25 (1994), 131).
Roger of Howden, Gesta, 2:180â181; Chronica, 3:122â123; Sicard of Cremona, Chronicon, 520â521; see Hosler, Acre, 184, 193; Hannes Möhring, Saladin und der Dritte Kreuzzug: Aiyubidische Strategie und Diplomatie im Vergleich vornehmlich der arabischen mit den lateinischen Quellen (Wiesbaden 1980), 67â68. Gerald of Ravenna died at the siege of Acre (see Haymarus, Rithmus, ed. Falk, 62). On the vexillum Petri, see Carl Erdmann, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens (Darmstadt 1980), 166â171.
See Roger of Howden, Gesta, 2:33; Gervase of Canterbury, Opera, 1:410; William of Newburgh, Historia, 275.
Gervase of Canterbury, Opera, 1:412â413. On the preaching tour, see Gerald of Wales, Itinerarium Cambriae, 9â11.
See Tyerman, Plan, 237â238; John B. Gillingham, Richard I (New Haven, Conn. 1999), 127â128.
See Bennett, Participation, 56â58, 221; Phillips, Defenders, 241; Christopher J. Tyerman, Godâs War: A New History of the Crusades (Cambridge, Mass. 2006), 412, 584. See also Itinerarium peregrinorum, ed. Mayer, 311.
See Bériou, âPrologues,â 408; Stansbury, Before the Friars, 176; Jean Longère, Les sermons latins de Maurice de Sully, évêque de Paris: contribution à lâhistoire de la tradition manuscrite (Steenbrugis 1988).
See Persecutio Saalardini, ed. Richard, 176; Itinerarium peregrinorum, ed. Mayer, 271â272, 276â277; Roger of Howden, Gesta, 2:29â33, 58â59; see also Cole, Preaching, 66â67. Roger claims that the two kings took the cross from his hands.
See Giselbert, Chronicon, 555; and Congar, âHenri de Marcy,â 44; Tyerman, Godâs War, 376â377.
See the chapter on institutional context as well as the poor amount of information in the sermons discussed in the chapters on Cross relic, Jerusalem, and Holy Land.
Relations may have existed with Prevostin of Cremona, active against heretics in northern Italy in the 1190s. Sicard of Cremona is another possible contact: he joined the Fourth Crusade in Peter of Capuaâs service (see Sicard of Cremona, Chronica, 535; and Jessalynn L. Bird, âRogations, Litanies, and Crusade Preaching: The Liturgical Front in the Late Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries,â in: Papacy, Crusade, and Christian-Muslim Relations, ed. Bird (Amsterdam 2018), 156).
See, e.g., Geoffrey of Auxerre, Sermo 14, ed. Gastaldelli, 179; Sermo 18, ed. Gastaldelli, 210; discussed by Kienzle, Cistercians, 133.
See Ferruccio Gastaldelli, âRicerche per lâedizione dei âSermonesâ di Goffredo dâAuxerre: il manoscritto âTroyes 503,ââ¯â Salesianum 35 (1973), 649â666. Possibly, they were still used after 1187, for example, Hélinand used exempla from Geoffreyâs sermons (see Kienzle, Cistercians, 182).
See Schneyer, Repertorium, 2:134â150. See, e.g., Ms. Clermont-Ferrand 33; Ms. BNF lat. 18178.
On the Victorines, see Bird, âVictorines,â 5â28. The anonymous treatise is published in: Benedictinus anonymus, De penitentia, PLÂ 213 and ed. Huygens.
See, e.g., on Denmark: Janus Møller Jensen, âMartyrs for the Faith: Denmark, the Third Crusade and the Fall of Acre in 1191,â in: Acre and Its Falls, ed. John France (Leiden 2018), 49â68.
Hervé Martin, Le métier de prédicateur en France septentrionale á la fin du moyen âge 1350â1520 (Paris 1988). For similar approaches, see Larissa Taylor, Soldiers of Christ: Preaching in Late Medieval and Reformation France (New York 1992), 23â25; Christoph T. Maier, Preaching the Crusades: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge, UK 1994), 98â99, 164â165.