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Shamanization in Central Asia
in Journal of the Economic and Social History of the OrientSearch for other papers by Devin DeWeese in
Current site
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A significant body of Muslim religious rites, with roots in Sufi devotional practice, continued to be conducted in Central Asia well into the Soviet era, despite Soviet antireligious policies and pressures. Reflecting communal adaptations of the Sufi dhikr, or “remembrance” of God, as part of healing or funerary ceremonies, these rites were reclassified, in Soviet ethnographic literature, as vestiges of “shamanism,” and thus largely escaped notice by western observers of “Soviet Islam,” who imagined ‘Sufism’ in terms of clandestine militant organizations intent on undermining the Soviet regime. This paper explores the reclassification of Sufi activity as shamanism, notes historical evidence on the diffusion of Sufi rites into wider public circles, and suggests some implications of these developments for our understanding of Soviet Islam, Central Asian Sufism, and the phenomena of “shamanism.”
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6
See, for instance, E. Schuyler, Turkistan: Notes of a Journey in Russian Turkistan, Khokand, Bukhara, and Kulja (New York: Scribner, Armstrong & Co., 1877), I: 158-161; N. Lykoshin, “Rol’ dervishei v musul’manskoi obshchine tashkentskikh tuzemtsev.” Sbornik materialov dlia statistiiki Syr-Dar’inskoi oblasti, 7 (1899): 94-115; N. Mallitskii, “Ishany i sufizm.” In Sbornik materialov po musul’manstvu, I, ed. V. I. Iarovogo-Ravskago (Saint Petersburg, 1899): 85-99; N. Pantusov, “Molitvennyi seans ordena Dzhagrie-Kadrie v Tashkente.” Zapiski Zapadno-Sibirskago otdeleniia Imperatorskago Russkago Geograficheskago Obshchestva (Omsk), 10 (1888): 1-9 (cf. the French translation by Patrick Garrone, “Séances de l’ordre jahrî-qâdirî à Tachkent.” Journal of the History of Sufism 1-2 [2000]: 539-545); N. Pantusov, “Orden Khufie.” Izvestiia Obshchestva arkheologii, istorii i ètnografii pri Kazanskom universitete 12/1-6 (1894): 387-408.
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7
K. Iomudskii, “Zykyr (Sviashchennye igry u turkmen).” Turkmenovedenie 9 (1928): 59- 61. Essentially the same material was published earlier under a different title: Iomud Khan Karash Khan ogly, “Zykyr u turkmen Zakaspiiskoi oblasti.” Izvestiia Turkestanskogo otdela Russkogo Geograficheskogo Obshchestva, 17 (Tashkent, 1924): 143-125.
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9
A. L. Troitskaia, “Zhenskii zikr v starom Tashkente.” Sbornik Muzeia antropologii i ètnografii 7 (1928): 173-199.
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16
On this title, see especially H. Fathi, Femmes d’autorité dans l’Asie centrale contemporaine: Quête des ancêtres et recompositions identitaires dans l’islam postsoviétique (Paris: Maisonneuve – Larose, 2004), with references to her earlier articles; A. Krämer, Geistliche Autorität und islamische Gesellschaft im Wandel: Studien über Frauenälteste (otin und xalfa) im unabhängigen Usbekistan (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 2002); and S. Kleinmichel, “Ḫalpa in Choresm (Ḫwārazm) und ātin āyi im Ferghanatal: Zur Geschichte des Lesens in Usbekistan im 20. Jahrhundert.” Anor, no. 4 (Berlin: Das Arabische Buch, 2000).
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21
S. M. Demidov, Sufizm v Turkmenii (Ashkhabad: Ylym, 1978): 85-90.
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22
V. N. Basilov, Shamanstvo u narodov Srednei Azii i Kazakhstana (Moscow: Nauka, 1992): 295.
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26
G. P. Snesarev, Relikty domusul’manskikh verovanii i obriadov u uzbekov Khorezma (Moscow: Nauka, 1969): 261, 270. An English translation of this book was published in the journal Soviet Anthropology and Archeology from 1970 through 1977, under the title “Remnants of the Pre-Islamic Beliefs and Rituals among the Khorezm Uzbeks;” see 13/2 (Fall 1974): 25, and 16/2 (Spring 1977): 7-8 for the corresponding passages.
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27
Iu. V. Knorozov, “Mazar Shamun-nabi.” Sovetskaia ètnografiia 2 (1949): 86-97; Iu. V. Knorozov, “Shamanskii zikr v podzemel’e Mazlumkhan-sulu.” Ètnograficheskoe obozrenie 6 (1994): 91-96. The latter article includes Knorozov’s revealing comment that one of the “shamans” he observed had asked him not to mention the zikr if he should happen to meet with Abdulla Ermanov, the “inspector of the Muslim faith” for the Karakalpak assr, who, the leader of the ceremony explained, did not like porkhans.
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29
See P. Garrone, Chamanisme et islam en Asie centrale: La Baksylyk hier et aujourd’hui (Paris: Librairie d’Amérique et d’Orient Jean Maisonneuve, 2000). Garrone straightforwardly adopts the understanding of “baqsïlïq” as “an Islamized shamanism” (150), and offers no discussion or analysis of the impact of Soviet categories or of the Soviet (or any) analytical framework for religious life; he acknowledges (3) that his work rests upon Soviet publications, especially Basilov, and it is clear throughout the work that his fieldwork was conducted under the assumptions rooted in that previous work. There is, in addition, no discussion at all of the specific ritual terminology, i.e. of jahr/zikr/samāʿ/ṣadr. In his concluding discussion on “baksylyk” and Sufism (242-254), he is content to speak of “interpenetration” without insisting upon a specific developmental sequence, but the presentation nevertheless assumes “shamanism” as a pre-existing substrate that might be affected by, and might act upon, “Sufism” to yield the phenomenon of “baqsïlïq” observed over the past century; the possibility of interpreting baqsïlïq as in effect Sufism affected by shamanic modalities is not raised. See also P. Garrone, “Aperçu sur le chamanisme islamisé d’Asie centrale post-soviétique.” In La politique des esprits: Chamanismes et religions universalistes, ed. D. Aigle, B. Brac de la Perrière, and J.-P. Chaumeil (Nanterre: Société d’ethnologie, 2000): 371-381.
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32
See A. A. Divaev, “Iz oblasti kirgizskikh verovanii: Baksy, kak lekar’ i koldun (Ètnograficheskii ocherk).” Izvestiia Obshchestva arkheologii, istorii i ètnografii pri Kazanskom universitete 15 (1899): 307-344, and separately (Kazan, 1899). For an insightful discussion of interpretative approaches to Qazaq religion, see the first chapter of B. G. Privratsky, Muslim Turkistan: Kazak Religion and Collective Memory (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2001).
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34
M. Rakhimov, “Obychai i obriady, sviazannye so smert’iu i pokhoronami u tadzhikov Kuliabskoi oblasti.” Izvestiia Otdeleniia obshchestvennykh nauk AN TadzhSSR 3 (1953): 114.
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40
See M. A. Khamidzhanova, “Muzhskie dzhakhry v pokhoronnykh obriadakh tadzhikov verkhov’ev Zeravshana.” Ètnografiia Tadzhikistana (Dushanbe: Donish, 1985): 54-58: the name jahr is applied to collective dances by men around the empty bier of the deceased, or sometimes around the body on the bier, observed in villages of the upper Zerafshan valley, and in the Farghāna valley. In these dances, which usually take place before the deceased is washed and laid on the bier, the men form a circle (or in some cases two or three concentric rings) around the empty bier, with hands on each other’s shoulders, and move slowly, with small steps, in one direction (or in alternating directions if there are several circles); they bow and straighten up in unison, all the while repeating the chant “Hī, ha, oblohī”. After one circle is turned, four men lift up the bier in the center, and the movement begins again; when another circle is completed, the four women closest to the deceased stand beneath the raised bier and beat their chests slowly, to the rhythm of the same chant. The dances sometimes last two or three hours, and are followed by the washing of the body and its placement on the bier, and then by the funeral prayers ( janāza); the men then bear the body away, but the women continue to dance and wail until the men return from the cemetery. This author says that it is these women’s dances, which he says are found often in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, that are called by the terms sadir and samaʾ.
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Shamanization in Central Asia
in Journal of the Economic and Social History of the OrientSearch for other papers by Devin DeWeese in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed
A significant body of Muslim religious rites, with roots in Sufi devotional practice, continued to be conducted in Central Asia well into the Soviet era, despite Soviet antireligious policies and pressures. Reflecting communal adaptations of the Sufi dhikr, or “remembrance” of God, as part of healing or funerary ceremonies, these rites were reclassified, in Soviet ethnographic literature, as vestiges of “shamanism,” and thus largely escaped notice by western observers of “Soviet Islam,” who imagined ‘Sufism’ in terms of clandestine militant organizations intent on undermining the Soviet regime. This paper explores the reclassification of Sufi activity as shamanism, notes historical evidence on the diffusion of Sufi rites into wider public circles, and suggests some implications of these developments for our understanding of Soviet Islam, Central Asian Sufism, and the phenomena of “shamanism.”
| Insgesamt | Letzte 365 Tage | In den letzten 30 Tagen | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Aufrufe von Kurzbeschreibungen | 908 | 199 | 13 |
| Gesamttextansichten | 360 | 11 | 0 |
| PDF-Downloads | 215 | 27 | 0 |
