Preface
Because of climate change, the Arctic has gained significant attention from policy actors from beyond the circumpolar north. This increased attention in the first two decades of the 21st century has been reflected by an increasing number of non-Arctic observer States at the Arctic Council. Since the escalation of Russia’s war against Ukraine, the cooperation across political divides that had characterized the international governance of the Arctic since the end of the Cold War has been replaced by a clear separation between Russia and the seven Western Arctic States. The outside interest in the Arctic, however, remains high.
The idea behind this book is to provide readers with insights into perceptions that exist in non-Arctic States and their impact on policymaking. This volume collects chapters from emerging and established voices in Arctic policy research. While most authors come from or work outside the Arctic region, they are connected to the Arctic in different ways. The picture provided here is necessarily incomplete and will focus on Europe and Asia. At the same time, this collection brings together different perspectives because the authors represent a range of different disciplines.
The chapters brought together in this book provide academics’ views from national perspectives rather than a complete and coherent picture. This collection is an attempt to capture the way other States look at the Arctic region and its governance at a time of multi-dimensional change. The Arctic changes, as do the political conditions in which its international governance operates.
While the Arctic Council’s relevance has decreased dramatically in recent years, it remains the most important international forum focused on the Arctic region. It therefore seems fitting to begin this collection with a look at the five Asian States that have gained observer status with the Arctic Council: the People’s Republic of China, India, Japan, Singapore, and the Republic of Korea. Julie Auffret-Cariou and Rashmi Ramesh show that, while Asia is not speaking on Arctic issues with a single voice, there is potential for cooperation between Asian and Arctic States – especially in the area of scientific cooperation. However, the authors also show differences and rift potentials between the different Asian States. It, therefore, does not come as a surprise that Asia is far less unified in its policy approach than Europe. In relation to Russia, the authors identify China and India as potential advocates for a return to including Russia in Arctic cooperation, highlighting the risk that the desire for a return to the old normal, while Russia continues its illegal war against Ukraine, might trump the value-based concerns of all other Arctic States besides Russia.
Belgium’s connection to the Arctic region is based primarily on a rich history of scientific research. Romain Chuffart and Karen van Loon show that the Arctic is an object of policy-interest that has gained more and more attention in recent years. Even though Belgium did not engage in official Arctic policy activities until a few years ago, there is a wide interest in Arctic-related issues among different policy actors in the country. The example of Belgium is interesting in particular due to the multi-level nature of governance in the tri-lingual country.
China’s interest in the Arctic has long garnered attention in the Arctic region. While there have been examples of cooperation, there are also concerns about China’s intentions in the region. Unlike the Member States of the European Union and Japan, the People’s Republic of China (prc) is inherently unfree. The Beijing government is pursuing aggressive policies towards their maritime neighbours and has a highly negative track record when it comes to dealing with workers’ rights elsewhere. The official disregard for human rights, democracy, fundamental freedoms, and international law put the prc at odds with the shared values that provide the fundament for international cooperation across the Arctic, with the notable exception of Russia. China actively supports the Russian Federation in its illegal war of aggression against Ukraine, thereby deepening the rift with the West, including the other Arctic States. The positive outlook that might have existed in the past when it comes to cooperation with China in the Arctic has proven to not have been justified. In recent years, China appears to have pivoted clearly towards Russia. This cooperation between undemocratic powers in the Arctic poses a threat to peace and security in the region. Marco Volpe’s chapter shows that China is also an active player in the field of scientific exploration in the Arctic region. Given that scientific engagement has been a door-opener to policy roles in the Arctic, Beijing’s approach appears to deserve more caution than becomes immediately clear from Volpe’s chapter. The promise of scientific advancements that is included in the official policies described by Volpe is inseparably intertwined with the threat posed by the very nature of the government of the prc. International cooperation in the Arctic accelerated after the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, when it was hoped that Russia would move along a path to eventual democratization. This hope has been shattered, as has been the hope that China would reform based on outside influences through international trade. Instead, the West’s offers for cooperation have been used by both Russia and China for their own interests. Russia has seriously damaged the Arctic Council and China has the potential to further disrupt the international governance of the Arctic. Both countries, one Arctic, governing about half of the Arctic land territory and population, and one claiming a (legally non-existent) “near-Arctic” status, pose threats to Arctic governance. Volpe’s chapter might help readers to better understand China’s approach and its own interests and capabilities in scientific research in the Arctic. It is to be hoped that the seven Western Arctic States have not forgotten that Laocoön’s famous words are not limited to Greeks. In the Arctic, they also apply to the enticing promise of future scientific research. Given the importance of scientific research for those who are involved in Arctic governance and diplomacy, the promise of Chinese scientific research has to be seen for what it is.
In terms of ship operations, the Mediterranean country of Greece, with a population of just over ten million people, continues to punch far above its weight. Compared to other countries from Europe’s Mediterranean region, Greece is trailing in terms of Arctic policy development. Apostolos Tsiouvalas and Konstantinos Deligiannis-Virvos put the Hellenic Republic’s Arctic-related policy into a wider political and historical context with a particular view to maritime issues and scientific research, and they provide the outlines of the potential future Arctic policy of Greece.
Japan, on the other hand, has long played an important role in Arctic affairs as a non-Arctic State. Unlike China, Japan has a clear claim to being almost Arctic: not only is Japan located at the south of the Sea of Okhotsk, which, similar to the Bay of Bothnia, experiences Arctic-like sea conditions in the winter months, similar to the Arctic States it is also home to a marginalized Indigenous people, the Ainu. In addition, Japanese institutions, such as in Sapporo and Kobe, make important contributions to interdisciplinary Arctic research, including in the fields of international law and Arctic governance. Forming an international team based in Japan, Juha Saunavaara, Marina Lomaeva, Hiroki Takakura, and Fujio Ohnishi investigate recent developments in Japan’s Arctic policy in the wake of the 2022 escalation of the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, which has severely disrupted international cooperation in the Arctic, especially in the Arctic Council, of which Japan is an observer. Their chapter shows that Japanese institutions have taken pragmatic steps that are aimed at safeguarding scientific research in the Arctic without betraying the values that have underpinned Arctic cooperation and that have been abandoned by the Russian Federation.
Like the other European countries discussed in this book, Latvia is a member of both the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (nato). The Baltic nation’s Arctic policy activities are seen primarily through these lenses. In light of current security developments in Europe, it is hardly surprising that security matters are given particular prominence in the chapter written by Gints Jegermanis and Pavel Tkach. The authors also look at the possibility of Arctic Council observer status for Latvia. For the moment, this seems to be only a hypothetical question as approval of observer status obligations requires the consent of all Arctic Council members. Given Estonia’s negative experience and the overall political situation, it seems unlikely that new observer applications would be approved anytime soon.
Eline Lüschen looks at a country with a long history of exploration in the Arctic, the Netherlands. Ranging from the 16th-century era of exploration to modern-day scientific and economic activities, including the Arctic Council and the challenge of climate change, the author sets the stage for a treatment of the Arctic policy of the Netherlands today. In doing so, she connects history and the present with a view to the future and provides an update on the current state of affairs when it comes to international policy cooperation in the Arctic.
From Southern Europe, the Arctic might at times seem distant, but there are factors that connect communities and cultures, such as food. Such a connection, specifically fish, is the starting point for Ana Belén López Tárraga’s chapter on Spain’s interests in the Arctic. From there, the author expands the view to other natural resources and tourism, an area which is important for several Arctic States as well as for Spain, before turning to Spain’s Polar Strategy, the country’s interaction with the Arctic Council, and the potential future of Spain’s Arctic policies.
It is our hope that through these chapters, readers inside and outside of the Arctic will get an understanding of different perceptions of the Arctic and how these perceptions can influence policymaking. While most chapters are up to date as of 2024, the situation in the Arctic is likely to remain subject to rapid changes. International Arctic governance has undergone fundamental changes since 2022, and it remains to be seen how it will develop in the years to come. As it is, this book provides a snapshot of sorts which can inform decision-makers both in the Arctic and beyond.
Medy Dervovic, Laura Ulatowski and Stefan Kirchner
Reykjavík/Rovaniemi, Paris, and Cork, January 2025