As mentioned in the Introduction, from mid-1579, the Polish royal chancery was conducting a propaganda campaign in Europe.1 Its aim was to present the rationale of the Polish king and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the ongoing war with Muscovy. The propaganda activities were conducted concurrently with the military campaign. The maps by StanisÅaw PachoÅowiecki are part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealthâs propaganda drive against Muscovy. We have many sources that speak about the process of creating and publishing the Atlas. Thanks to these, we know who was involved. We also know what the scope of impact of publications praising the Polish-Lithuanian victories was. The Atlas is therefore an unprecedented undertaking in the history of Polish cartography, books, and political propaganda in the 16th century.
1 The Propaganda War Waged by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth against Muscovy
The main source of information about the capture of Polatsk on 30 August 1579 was the Latin edict issued by Stephen Báthory, king of Poland. This document, published in Warsaw in the autumn of 1579 together with two other official accounts on the war, was distributed in various European countries. PachoÅowieckiâs maps and other publications, mostly poetry, were additional propaganda texts. So in order to understand what role the Atlas played, it is necessary to first trace the impact of the main account issued by the royal chancery just after the capture of Polatsk, namely the Edictum regium de suplicationibus ob captam Polociam (The Royal Edict about Thanksgiving after Taking Polatsk). It was written in Polatsk on 31 August 1579 and printed in early September in the field printshop of Walenty Åapka.2 The text was immediately sent to Vilnius, from where it was sent further afield throughout the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Europe.3 Within a few weeks it had also reached England.
In late autumn 1579 or winter 1580, a publication of a few pages was printed in London under the long and very detailed title: A True reporte of the taking of the great towne and castell of Polotzko.4 This account has attracted the attention of researchers for many years. Historians of the British Isles mention A True reporte in the context of other publications of this type and point out that this is one of the first printed war accounts in Elizabethan England.5
David Randall, author of a monograph on early English newspapers, supposes that the first publications of this type (including the report of the conquest of Polatsk) are in fact letters or accounts to which the title page was later added by the printer. What is more, he assumes that they were originally handwritten.6 It is different in the case of the report on the conquest of Polatsk. The original source was the edict of King Stephen Báthory mentioned above, written while still in the military camp and printed first in Polatsk and soon afterwards in Warsaw.7 This Latin print was the official report on the siege and became a direct or indirect source for most, if not all, of the later accounts of the siege. A True reporte is a translation of a document issued by King Stephen Báthoryâs chancery and signed with the name of the ruler.8 However, the document was altered for the English readership.
English readers might have been interested in the war in the northern regions of Europe mainly because of the Muscovy Company, founded in 1555 by merchants in London. In the 1550s and 1560s, the Company was active in trade in the Muscovite state thanks to the charters issued by Ivan the Terrible. These activities are reported in the accounts of Antony Jenkinson (1529â1610/1611) from expeditions in 1558, 1561, and 1571, and his map of Muscovy published in London in 1562,9 as well as letters and accounts by other English agents operating in the Muscovite state. One of these was Henry Lane.
In 1579 or the early 1580s he wrote a letter to Richard Hakluyt (about 1552â1616), the author of a multivolume work devoted to English explorers in the 16th and early 17th centuries. Laneâs letter is interesting because it shows the Englishmanâs perspective on the conflict between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Muscovy. In the first part, Lane gives an account of the Muscovian legations to Queen Elizabeth I in 1567 concerning the relations between the two countries. The English merchant emphasizes very strongly that these relations rubbed salt in King Sigismund II Augustusâs wounds. To prove it, he sent a copy of the Polish rulerâs letter to the queen. Referring to this letter, Lane mentioned that when he was doing business in Antwerp and Amsterdam in 1566, he had the opportunity to talk to âPoles, Danzigers, and the Easternersâ. âBy reason I had bene a lidger in Russia, I could the better reply and proue, that their owne nations [= inhabitants of the Polish-Lithuanian CommonwealthâJ.N.] and the Italians were most guiltie of the accusations written by the King of Polandâ.10
In the second part of the letter, Lane reported on the course of the conflict between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Muscovy: he recalled the conquest of Smolensk in 1514 and, above all, of Polatsk in 1563 by the Muscovites. He mentioned the prevailing conviction concerning the low effectiveness of Sigismund II Augustusâs actions in relation to Muscovy, but also criticized Poles: âIn the dayes of Sigismund the Russe would tant the Polacks, that they loued their ease at home with their wiues, and to drinke, and were not at commandment of their King.â11 The letter ends with a sentence in which Lane reported that recently elected Polish King Stephen Báthory ârecouered Polotzko againe in the yere 1579â.12
It is very likely that Lane obtained his information about the capture of Polatsk from A True reporte. Laneâs letter, reprinted by Hakluyt, shows how information about the battles on the MuscoviteâLithuanian borderland distributed by King Stephenâs services reached international public opinion. However, Laneâs position as expressed in the letter proves that Ivan the Terrible was an increasingly active player in the game of information. His message also reached foreign public opinion.
The action of Muscovian propaganda was mentioned by a royal secretary, Jan Piotrowski, in his account of the campaign in 1581â1582 (the siege of Pskov). On 15 July the king received an extensive letter from Ivan the Terrible:
âAnd then, upon disembarking the chariot and entering the tent, Dzierżek returned from the Muscovite camp, and handed over some enormous document, as big as a piece of Cologne cloth; it was sealed with two seals [â¦]. The king laughed, looking at the seals: âHe has never sent us such a long letter; he probably describes history starting from the first Adam.â The voivode of Vilnius said: âSupposedly, my king, he wrote all that has been going on since this war beganâ.â13
Polish politicians decided to respond the tsarâs letter immediately:
âMr Chancellor [Jan Zamoyski], who has now travelled for several days, only responds to the Muscovite letter. Oh, Jesus! He smashes him: with each sentence, each article a contrario pervertit [overturned and showed the opposite]. The Duke [Ivan the Terrible] will have food for thought. This letter will be in Latin, we will send it to Rome, so that it will be known all over the world, because he is also known to send copies of his letters to us and of our replies to Germany.â14 (emphasisâJ.N.)
Sending the Latin text to Rome guaranteed its wider distribution in Europe. Zamoyski probably counted on a propaganda effect similar to that of the earlier publication of the report of Albert Schlichting.15 The architects of Polish war propaganda knew of this, and they were also well aware that an information victory in the international arena was no less important than a military success in Muscovite territory. This conviction resulted in numerous texts on the Livonian War, manuscript and printed, which have survived in libraries and archives throughout Europe. Apart from the royal edict, they include Polish and Latin poems and speeches by several writers, including Jan Kochanowski. The collection of maps prepared by StanisÅaw PachoÅowiecki, the Atlas of the Principality of Polatsk, was an important element of the propaganda campaign of King Stephen Báthory and Chancellor Jan Zamoyski.
2 The Publication of the Atlas of the Principality of Polatsk
2.1 The Idea
The king and Zamoyski had military maps at their disposal, but the path from a military map to its publication is a long one. Above all, both politicians must have realized that cartography could be used for propaganda purposes. The decision to publish the maps proves Báthory and Zamoyskiâs understanding and skill in this new field of political propaganda.
The map is a particularly attractive way to talk about politics and also an extremely effective one.16 16th-century politicians quickly became aware of how powerful this form of communication could be in terms of propaganda.
An important step in constructing political propaganda in cartography was the publication of views of the European cities from the end of the 15th century. Such views could help a viewer to realize the economic, political, and military power of the agglomerations. A large collection of woodcut views of such cities can be found in Hartmann Schedelâs World Chronicle from 1493. In 1500, a birdâs-eye view of Venice by Jacopo deâ Barbari was published, which contributed to the dissemination of this manner of presenting cities in Renaissance cartography. Sebastian Münster played a great role in popularizing the views of the city.17 Apart from these âpeace-timeâ portraits of cities, propaganda maps showing military triumphs also began to appear. Particularly important works of this kind were published in Germany. Many of them are views of sieges, such as the plan of the siege of Frankfurt from 1552.18 This combination, of a birdâs-eye view map of the city combined with military action and additionally provided with descriptions, became an extremely useful way of informing the public about wars, their winners, and the political geography of Europe.19 On the other hand, battles in the field were less attractive in this regard than a siege.
Military conflicts could also be depicted on the maps of countries or greater territories. This type of map enjoyed great recognition in the 16th century, and also contained a propaganda message. They were often printed in large formats, such as Bernard Wapowskiâs map of Poland (1526), Olaus Magnusâs map of Scandinavia (1539), or Anton Wiedâs map of Muscovy (1555).
In the second half of the 16th century, there were several ways of practising cartographic propaganda. However, it was still a fairly fresh invention. The rulers of various countries were eager to use it. For example, in 1589 Elizabeth I ordered a map of the world with the route of Francis Drakeâs journey to be painted in the Palace of Whitehall in a place open to the public. A small-scale version of this map was placed on a silver medal minted in 1580.20 Means similar to those used by the services of Elizabeth I in the late 1580s had been used a decade earlier in Poland.
Probably the idea to publish military maps came either from the king himself or from someone close to him, i.e. Chancellor Zamoyski. Báthory himself was very interested in cartography.21 It is very likely that the other person who could have initiated the publication of the maps was Jan Zamoyski. He personally supervised the propaganda activities of the crown chancery and was involved in the production of information texts, including maps. This is evidenced by Secretary Piotrowskiâs account of the campaign in 1581 quoted earlier and, above all, a letter to Nuncio Caligari of 20 September 1579. âChorographies [= mapsâJ.N.] and other [performances], the drawing of which I supervised personally, I will share with your Excellencyâ, wrote Zamoyski.22
Zamoyski was responsible not only for propaganda and information operations, but also for cartographic services. Cartographer StanisÅaw PachoÅowiecki was a royal secretary and was therefore directly subordinated to Zamoyski, the chancellor. Apart from PachoÅowiecki, an Italian engineer Petrus Francus was also involved in creating maps depicting the Polatsk campaign. Scholars believe that Francus drew the views of the fortresses conquered in the autumn of 1579, which were later published in Rome, although he was not the only one who could participate in their preparation.23 Both these cartographers were involved in planning the publication.
2.2 The Selection of Maps for Publication
The final decision to publish was probably made in October or November 1579. Karol Åopatecki demonstrates that the maps to be printed were selected between 6 October (the conquest of SuÅ¡a, which is presented in the Atlas) and 13 December 1579 (the conquest of NieÅ¡Äarda, not presented in the Atlas).24 But the idea of issuing the maps was born much earlier.
Initially, the drawings were to be published by Petrus Francus. As early as 19 September 1579, he received a privilege from the king to publish and sell views of the sieges of Polatsk, Suša, and other castles:
âOur geometritcian, Petrus Francus Italus, accompanied us on the war expedition from which we are returning. He displayed his talent numerous times, for example with a faithful map of the location of Polatsk Castle and its siege and conquest. He intends to engrave this map, the map depicting the conquest of Sokol, and other maps pertaining to our expedition, in copper, publish prints, and distribute them.â25
It follows from the charter granting him this right that Francus was the author of the view of the conquest of Polatsk. Meanwhile, the Roman copperplate features PachoÅowiecki as the author. This means that the two cartographers probably created several different views of Polatsk and its siege, which is confirmed by a number of sources. Three views of the siege, two printed and one manuscript, have survived to this day.26 However, there could have been more maps, as well as drawings depicting the fortresses conquered during the campaign. Of all these maps and views, eight were selected for publication.
The maps that Zamoyski and Báthory had at their disposal were used primarily for military purposes. They depicted parts of the territory where the warfare took place and the plans of the castles. These were large- and small-scale maps. They showed the theatre of war from a variety of cartographic perspectives. These could have been simple schemes of fortifications surrounding the city, views of the siege with the deployment of troops and genre scenes, as well as maps of larger territory that required a great deal of cartographic knowledge and imagination from the artist. Since we have as many as three views of besieged Polatsk, we can attempt to answer the question of what prompted the king and Zamoyski to choose these particular cartographic representations.
Two images (Zum Thurn Map and a Nuremberg woodcut published by Georg Mack) show the moment of the decisive assault on 29 August 1579. So there are flying incendiary shells, units approaching the walls, civilians leaving the city after it was captured, and scenes from the camps. Meanwhile, PachoÅowieckiâs map depicts the city on the day of the decisive assault and the distribution of camps and military formation around it.27 In the views of the six fortresses, the emphasis is on fortifications and other buildings, as well as the topography of the area, but there are no troops or people at all. They also feature information about when a given fortress was captured by Stephen Báthoryâs army. Therefore, we may assume that the people who selected the drawings for the Atlas strived to show space or the war theatre scene in a factual manner. The military action itself was not of prime importance.
2.3 The Purpose of Publishing the Atlas
The dates of capturing the fortresses are the main element connecting these maps with the royal documents that provide information about King Stephenâs campaign. An account of the siege of Polatsk can be found in the Edictum regium de suplicationibus ob captam Polociam, mentioned before. This edict was issued in the first half of September 1579 in Polatsk and again a few months later in Warsaw together with two other documents.28 It was preceded by Edictum Svirense (The Edict Issued in Svir) of 12 July 1579, which was addressed to the army. In this edict, the reasons for starting the war against Ivan the Terrible were explained. The third text published in Warsaw is Rerum post captam Polotiam contra Moscum gestarum narratio (A Narrative about Actions against Muscovy after the Capture of Polatsk). In this way, the entire campaign of 1579 was reported in one print.
There were probably two groups of readers who were supposed to familiarize themselves with the official history of this war. One was the Polish and Lithuanian nobility, called to the winter session of the Parliament in Warsaw on 22 November 1579. But not all deputies used Latin fluently. Therefore, it can be assumed that the other group, and perhaps the primary one, was foreign public opinion, mainly the elites, that is politicians, clergy, humanists, merchants, and financiers. This is evidenced by foreign copies and reissues of the print. The reprints of the royal documents appeared twice in Cologne in 1580 and once in Rome in 1582.29 Their handwritten copies can also be found in the files of the apostolic nunciature.30 The Latin version was translated into other languages. Bibliographic descriptions mention a Czech translation and we have the English publication discussed above.31 The Warsaw edition of the edicts can be considered a considerable editorial success.
They appeared at exactly the same time as the decision to issue the maps of StanisÅaw PachoÅowiecki was made. The last of the accounts, A Narrative about Actions against Muscovy after the Capture of Polatsk, describes the conquest of the SuÅ¡a Castle on 6 October, but it does not speak of the conquest of NieÅ¡Äarda on 13 December 1579.32 Moreover, in both cases the Polish chancery was the decision-making body. Therefore, it can be assumed that the publication of the Atlas was coordinated with the issue of the edicts and was supposed to complement them. The narrative report discussed the course of the campaign. Maps, in turn, allowed subsequent activities to be located in space. For this reason, there was no need to put military action on the maps. The reader of the report could interpret the war account together with the maps. It is possible that PachoÅowieckiâs maps were better suited for this purpose than those of Francus.
The fact that both publications were targeted at foreign readers may be the reason for the decision to publish the Atlas in Italy. Initially, as can be concluded from the charter cited, the king and Zamoyski relied on Francus, who would prepare copperplates in Poland. In accordance with the provisions of the charter, the Italian engineer was given the exclusive right to issue such works for five years. Therefore, when the maps were engraved and printed by Cavalieri in Rome, the charter was still valid. Karol Buczek supposes that the king did not know about the Rome publication.33 However, the involvement of the Polish ambassador to Rome in their publication would rather suggest a change of decision by the ruler. Francus never later exercised his right, which means that the publishing process was carried on without consideration for his will. Two years later he was rewarded by the king with official acknowledgement of his nobility (Pol. indygenat), which was probably also compensation for the unrealized edition.34
The publication of maps in Rome certainly facilitated their international distribution. It also guaranteed their high quality. Chalcography workshops in Rome, particularly useful for printing maps, were at a very high level. We do not know if Francus was a chalcographer at all because we have no knowledge of his works. In Poland at that time, woodcut was the dominant graphic technique and it is possible that there was no one who could quickly make copperplates with maps. Meanwhile, in Rome, it was not difficult to find such a specialist. In addition, the king had people in Rome who were able to take care of this task.
2.4 Delivery to Rome and Publication
Nuncio Giovanni Andrea Caligari (1527â1604), in a letter dated 26 February 1580 in Warsaw, wrote to his addressee, Secretary of State of the Roman Curia, Cardinal Tolomeo Gallio (1526â1607), known as Cardinal Comensis: âThe bishop of PÅock will have all the plans for the fortresses captured by the king last year, as well as a plan showing the layout of the troops besieging Polatsk. I suppose he will show them to Your Eminence.â35 These materials were so interesting that the nuncio informed his superior about them.
The bishop of PÅock mentioned in the letter was Piotr Dunin Wolski (1531â1590). He was an excellently educated humanist and diplomat. He spent almost thirteen years in Spain as a Polish envoy (1561â1573). After his return to Poland, he served as sub-chancellor. In 1576, King Stephen entrusted him with the title of crown chancellor. Wolski relinquished this office to Jan Zamoyski less than two years later.36 Today, Wolski is known not only as a politician and diplomat, but also as a bibliophile. He bequeathed his large library of over a thousand works to the University of Cracow. Therefore, the publication of the maps may have been of great interest to him.
In 1579, Wolski, as a close collaborator of the king, was sent on an obedience mission to Rome, where he stayed until 1582 as a resident envoy. He started his journey in July 1579. Wolskiâs ceremonial entrance to Rome took place on 11 November.37 This means that he was not the one to bring the maps to Italy, and they were delivered to him later.
They could have been delivered by some anonymous messenger. But it seems equally probable that the maps were brought to him by the secretary of Nuncio Caligari, priest Antonio Martinelli of Piacenza. Martinelli left Warsaw in mid-December 1579.38 He carried not only letters from the nuncio, but also documents from other people, e.g. Bishop Hieronim Rozdrażewski.39 It follows from Caligariâs letter, quoted above, that the nuncio heard about the dispatch of the maps to Rome because his secretary was in possession of them.
The maps were delivered to Wolski in the first weeks of 1580. He probably took part in preparing the publication, but he commissioned Tomasz Treter (1547â1610) with practical issues and editorial work. Treter was perfectly suited for this task. He was not only a canon in the Basilica of Santa Maria in Trastevere and a writer, but also a draughtsman and copier. He designed and engraved e.g. 100 copperplates illustrating the life of his former patron and employer, Cardinal Stanislaus Hosius. During his stay in Rome he maintained close relations with Giovanni Battista Cavalieri (c.1525â1601). Cavalieri and Treter worked together at least from 1574. Their third joint work was the Atlas of the Principality of Polatsk.
On the PachoÅowiecki, Ducatus engraved by Cavalieri, Treter added an epigram and the coat of arms of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.40 Thus, this map became the first panegyric printed in Italy to praise King Stephen. Later, Treter and Cavalieri published several more works dedicated to the king or under the royal patronage.
The Map of the Principality of Polatsk reached Zamoyski no later than in the second half of November 1580. This follows from King Stephenâs letter of 11 December 1580, in which he writes about the plans to publish Sulimowskiâs maps of Livonia:
âSince we know that Your Eminence has a printed map of the areas that we regained in the past year, we ask you to let us know if you think that this map of Sulimowski, corrected by Your Eminence, can also be published in print.â41
Taking into account the shipment time of correspondence between the king and Wolski and the delivery time from Rome to Lithuania, where Zamoyski stayed in late autumn 1580, it can be assumed that the map was printed not later than October 1580.
2.5 Distribution
The Atlas was primarily distributed in Italy. Three of the surviving sets are of Italian provenance. The second edition of the Polatsk siege plan shows that this publication must have sold quite well. All three copies of the second edition are from Italy. Some of the copies must have reached Poland, as evidenced by the quoted letter from King Stephen to Zamoyski. One set of the Atlas is kept in France.42 King Stephenâs propaganda found the most fertile ground in Italy. Cavalieri and Treter were not the only Italian publishers of panegyrics in honour of the Polish ruler. Texts devoted to King Stephen and his victories over Muscovy were published in Italy continuously until his death. They included a two-part Latin-Italian anthology of poems from the Republic of Venice.43
3 Complements to the Propaganda Campaign: Rhetoric and Poetry
The anthology of Italian poets was one of the last poetic publications on the Livonian War. One of the first was a short speech written by Andrzej Patrycy Nidecki (1522â1587). He was a Warsaw canon and secretary of Queen Anna Jagiellon and a friend of the poet Jan Kochanowski (1530â1584).44 Above all, however, he was a humanist and performed various tasks for Jan Zamoyski. On 21 November 1579, Patrycy gave a panegyric speech in honour of the victorious king at St Johnâs collegiate church in Warsaw.45 It was published a few weeks later in Cracow by Jan Januszowski, the owner of the Lazarus Printing House. Together with three other speeches delivered by Patrycy after military successes in 1580 and 1581, it was reissued in 1583.46
The next stage of propaganda activities was the publication of Jan Kochanowskiâs poems several weeks later. These are the Polish PieÅÅ o zdobyciu PoÅocka (Song of the Capture of Polatsk)47 and Latin Ode de expugnatione Polottei (Ode on the Conquest of Polatsk).48 These texts were published before 21 February 1580 in Warsaw by Walenty Åapka, the same man who printed edicts near Polatsk and in Warsaw.49 Kochanowskiâs Latin ode was clearly written for the international public and the Polish poem was intended for Polish readers. Zamoyski was behind this publication too. The correspondence between him and Kochanowski from January 1580 has partly survived, and shows that these texts were commissioned by the chancellor.
In the end, the large propaganda campaign devoted to the conquest of Polatsk consisted of five different texts or groups of texts:
Historical narrative (Edictum regium de supplicationibus)âPolatsk, 31 August 1579 (republished several times),
A speech by Andrzej Patrycy NideckiâWarsaw, 21 November 1579; Cracow, December 1579,
The edition of all edictsâWarsaw, Octoberâ November 1579,
The Atlas of the Principality of Polatskâedited in Warsaw (?), OctoberâNovember 1579, published in Rome, before November 1580,
Poems by Jan KochanowskiâWarsaw, published after 14 January and before 21 February 1580.50
In addition to these texts, works were created that were not directly inspired by the chancery, namely Daniel Hermannâs epithalamium that contained a description of the capture of Polatsk (Vilnius 1579),51 Georg Mackâs German pamphlet (1579),52 and a poem by Basilius Hyacinthius of Vilnius (Padua 1580).53 It is possible that this last text was inspired by the PachoÅowiecki, Polatsk. The description of the city and the deployment of Lithuanian, Polish, German, and Hungarian troops in Basilius Hyacinthiusâs text corresponds to the view drawn by PachoÅowiecki.54
The king and chancellor were so pleased with the publication of the Atlas of the Principality of Polatsk that they considered issuing further maps. The king mentions plans to publish Sulimowskiâs map of Livonia. It was sent to Rome, but never published.55 Presumably, with Zamoyskiâs permission, some of the military maps were given to Gerardus Mercator. Two of them appeared in his Atlas in 1595. These were Maciej Strubiczâs map of Livonia and a map of the area between Muscovy and Navahrudak (Russiae pars amplificata), as well as a geographical description of Livonia prepared by Strubicz and published only in 1727.56
The publication of subsequent maps was to be part of a second massive propaganda campaign. This was carried out in the years 1582â1584. During this time, more texts about the entire Livonian War were issued. These included historical works, poetry, speeches, music, medals, and maps.57 Even in these later texts there are references to the 1579 war. We can find them, for example, in the Italian collection Viridarium poetarumâGiardino deâ poeti published in 1583 and in Kochanowskiâs Jezda do Moskwy (The Raid on Muscovy) printed in 1582:
4 Human Network of the Authors of the Atlas
Thanks to direct and indirect sources we are able to answer two questions, that is, who took part in the creation of such a set of propaganda maps, and what was the role of the individual participants in this undertaking. The preparation and execution of such a complex project required the involvement of many people with different competencies. The Atlas makes it possible to reconstruct the network of human connections. However, the maps were part of a larger propaganda campaign, so the network should be extended to include people who were not directly involved in the creation of the Atlas (Fig. 9.1).
Human network of the authors of the Atlas
drawn by J. Niedźwiedź
The members of this network can be divided into four main groups:
Politiciansâthe main actors and beneficiaries of the project,
Secretariesâauthors of texts and maps,
External subcontractors and clients,
People not engaged in the propaganda action but who witnessed it.
In the first group, we should first and foremost include the king as the patron and Chancellor Jan Zamoyski as the commissioner and âeditor-in-chiefâ. It also includes Bishop Piotr Wolski, the Polish envoy in Rome, the publication intermediary, as well as Nuncio Giovanni Andrea Caligari, and Cardinal Gallio. They wanted to have access to the cartographic materials, as evidenced by Zamoyskiâs letter.
The second group consists mainly of royal secretaries, among them cartographers. They worked under the direct supervision of Chancellor Zamoyski, who was responsible for cartographic services. Apart from Petrus Francus and StanisÅaw PachoÅowiecki, Maciej Strubicz should also be mentioned here. The correspondence between the chancellor and Strubicz, who was preparing maps for the war with Muscovy,59 has survived. Jan Kochanowski and Andrzej Patrycy Nidecki were also royal secretaries. Although they no longer worked in the chancery, they still held the title of secretary and, above all, performed various tasks for Zamoyski. Nidecki and Kochanowskiâs texts were a literary complement to the existing accounts and maps.
The third group includes the producers of the final versions of the maps. These are primarily Treter and Cavalieri. As well as them, we should mention Walenty Åapka, the head of the mobile printing house that published official royal documents and poems by Kochanowski. The other printer was Jan Januszowski, a printer from Cracow who published works by Nidecki and Kochanowski.
The fourth group includes people who did not take part in the propaganda campaign. This is the outer circle of people who were in direct contact with the authors of the Atlas. They should be taken into account as they left behind a number of sources that provide the context for the publication. Most often they were politicians or officials with a keen interest in the course of the war. Among them are Hieronim Rozdrażewski,60 Marcin Kromer, and StanisÅaw Reszka. We could also include Antonio Martinelli, the secretary of the nuncio, if we assume that he was the one to have transported the maps to Rome. Martinelli wrote the Italian report on the course of warfare in 1579.61
In addition, this group includes persons indirectly involved in the propaganda campaign. Some of the maps and accounts were later distributed in the Holy Roman Empire, although we do not know whether their authors and distributors worked for Zamoyski. The official propaganda was complemented by Daniel Hermannâs Latin epithalamium (autumn 1579) and Georg Mackâs German pamphlet, both presenting the circumstances of capturing Polatsk to German readers. Paulus zum Thurn prepared a copy of a drawing depicting the siege of the city for them. This view was probably originally drawn by Petrus Francus or another cartographer.62 The last person worth mentioning here is Basilius Hyacinthius of Vilnius, the author of Panegyricus in excidium Polocense. His text was probably inspired by the Calvinist RadziwiÅÅs. It was dedicated to Hetman MikoÅaj RadziwiÅÅ âthe Redâ. The RadziwiÅÅs competed with Zamoyski for the winnersâ laurels. In the early 1580s, they joined in the propaganda campaign, which resulted in several excellent poetic works, including Jezda do Moskwy by Jan Kochanowski (1582). Like Basilius Hyacinthiusâs work, they highlight the merits of the king and the RadziwiÅÅs, but pass over the role of the chancellor in silence.
Direct and indirect links had existed previously or were being established during the campaign between the aforementioned people. We know about these relationships mainly from extant correspondence and official documents. They allow us to draw a map of relations between the participants and witnesses of the propaganda campaign of 1579 and 1580. This map allows us to understand the scale of the undertaking.
5 Conclusions
The Atlas of the Principality of Polatsk was part of a larger propaganda campaign on the part of the Polish crown chancery. For this reason, the maps by StanisÅaw PachoÅowiecki should be studied in the broader context of texts produced at that time. These are texts inspired by the Chancellor Zamoyski, namely royal edicts published in September and October 1579, Nideckiâs speech published in December 1579, and Jan Kochanowskiâs poems from January 1580.
The publication of the Atlas was a singular undertakingâone of a kind in the history of Polish political propaganda in the 16th century. Similar cartographic publications inspired by the crown chancery did not appear until the next century. And they never took the form of an atlas.
The Atlas was intended primarily for the international public (mainly in Italy and German-speaking countries). This is why it should be put in the context of foreign publications based on the above-mentioned sources issued by the chancery, including the reprint of the Cologne edicts and the Czech and English versions of Edictum de supplicationibus. The decision to publish the maps was made in September 1579, but it was not until October or November that the decision to publish them abroad was taken. At the same time, it was decided to reissue all the previous royal edicts concerning the campaign. The person responsible for the publication was primarily Chancellor Zamoyski. He edited the maps before publication and actually decided on their release. The Atlas was published as a cartographic supplement to the prose narrative about the capture of Polatsk (Edictum de supplicationibus). Its role was also to emphasize that the Principality of Polatsk belonged to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
Manuscript maps were delivered to Rome in early 1580. It is possible that they were brought from Warsaw by Antonio Martinelli, secretary of the papal nuncio. They were published in print in October of that year at the latest; a copy of the PachoÅowiecki, Ducatus and perhaps of other maps were sent to Chancellor Zamoyski. The publication of the maps in Rome was supervised by the Polish envoy Piotr Wolski, bishop of PÅock. They were completed on site by Canon Tomasz Treter, and then engraved and published by his colleague Giovanni Battista Cavalieri. The issue of maps was a complex logistical process. It was made possible by the existing human network. At the same time, the preparation of the publication strengthened existing connections and produced new ones. This network ensured the effectiveness of Stephen Báthoryâs propaganda.
Sources, i.e. the extant copies of The Atlas, translations, and foreign editions of edicts, as well as publications of other works that supported King Stephen in the war with Muscovy, testify to the success of this enterprise. This success encouraged King Stephen and Chancellor Zamoyski to plan the publication of other maps from the military campaign. Following these decisions, some of these maps were made available to Gerardus Mercator. Two of them were published in his atlas in 1595.
Originally published as J. Niedźwiedź, âPolska szesnastowieczna propaganda wojenna w dziaÅaniu: przypadek Atlasu KsiÄstwa PoÅockiego (1580)â, Terminus 19 (2017), 3(44), pp. 477â510; DOI 10.4467/20843844TE.17.014.8881.
Åapkaâs printshop was a branch of MikoÅaj Szarffenbergâs publishing house in Cracow and operated on the basis of a special charter of Stephen Báthory of 1577. From that year on, Åapka accompanied the Crown chancery until 1582 and published royal orders and other texts (including Jan Kochanowskiâs propaganda poems). For his activity and participation in warfare he was ennobled in 1581. See A. Kawecka-Gryczowa, âDzieje âDrukarni latajÄ cejâ. DziaÅalnoÅÄ i wÄdrówkiâ, Rocznik Biblioteki Narodowej 1971, pp. 355â357, 361â363. Alodia Kawecka-Gryczowa supposes that the edict published in Polatsk could also have its Polish version.
A proof is a letter of Kuyavian Bishop Hieronim Rozdrażewski to Bishop of Warmia Marcin Kromer. It was dated on 4 September 1579 in Vilnius but finished later but not later than before 18 September. Rozdrażewski wrote that he sent Kromer a copy of the printed edict on the conquest of Polatsk. This means that the print must have been created in the first half of the month, and probably in its first days. See Korespondencja Hieronima Rozrażewskiego, vol. 1, p. 297 (item 227).
A True reporte of the taking of the great towne and castell of Polotzko ⦠See Introduction, footnote 6.
See N. Mears, Queenship and Political Discourse in the Elizabethan Realms, Cambridge 2005, p. 151; D. Randall, Credibility in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Military News, LondonâNew York 2015, pp. 84â85, 112â113.
Ibidem, p. 84.
Edictum regium de supplicationibus ob rem bene adversus Moschum gestam, Cracow 1579 (see chapter 11, footnote 17). Although the print was printed in Warsaw, Cracow was given as the place of publishing, as that was the main seat of the Szarffenberg publishing house.
The English text is a typical example of early modern translation. The anonymous translator approached the original text rather freely. The original Latin account was written in the first-person singular, as the king was the narrator. The narrative in the English version is in the third person. The translator slightly abridged the original, but the content of both forms is essentially identical. Most toponyms in the text are given in German, e.g. Vilnius, the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which appears in the Latin original as Vilna, is here spelled as Wilde. The name of Polatsk is written in German too. In the Latin version there is Polotia, in the English version the spelling is German: Polotzko. The spelling of the toponyms is testimony to the fact that despite direct contacts between the English and the Muscovites, it was German-speaking merchants from the Baltic and North Sea ports that remained the main source of English knowledge about eastern Europe.
A. Jenkinson, Nova absolutaque Russiae Moscoviae et Tartariae descriptio, London: Clement Adams, 1562. The only copy of editio princeps that has survived: WrocÅaw University Library, catalogue number 9590-IV.C, https://www.bibliotekacyfrowa.pl/publication/40164 (accessed 20.07.2024).
H. Lane, âA Letter of M. Henrie Lane to M. Richard Hakluit, concerning the first ambassage to our most gracious Queene Elizabeth from the Russian Emperour anno 1567, and other notable matters incident to those places and timesâ, in: R. Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, vol. 1, London 1809, p. 421.
Ibidem, p. 421.
Ibidem, p. 421.
âSkoro król zsiadÅ z koczego do namiotu, aliÄ Dzierżek przybieżaÅ od Moskiewskiego, oddaÅ jakÄ Å wielkÄ hramotÄ, jak sztukÄ koloÅskiego pÅótna; dwiema pieczÄciami wielkiemi zapieczÄtowana byÅa (â¦). ÅmiaÅ siÄ król, patrzÄ c na pieczÄci: âNigdy nam jeszcze tak dÅugiego listu nie przysÅaÅ, zapewne opisuje wypadki, od pierwszego Adama poczynajÄ câ. Wojewoda wileÅski rzekÅ: âPodobno, miÅoÅciwy królu, wypisane wszystko, co siÄ jedno od poczÄ tku tej wojny toczyÅo.ââ J. Piotrowski, Dziennik wyprawy â¦, pp. 21â22. Transl. J.N.
âPan kanclerz [Jan Zamoyski] kilka dni teraz w drodze, że nic wiÄcej, jedno replikuje na list Moskiewskiemu. O Jezus! ToÄ go jeździ: każdÄ sentencyjÄ , każdy artykuÅ a contrario pervertit. BÄdzie miaÅ kniaź co ruminowaÄ. BÄdzie ten list po Åacinie, do Rzymu go poÅlem, żeby byÅ po wszytkim Åwiecie, bo też znaÄ on listy swe, co do nas pisze i odpisy nasze po Niemczech rozsyÅa.â Ibidem, p. 36. Transl. J.N. See J. Niedźwiedź, âŹródÅa, konteksty i okolicznoÅci â¦â, pp. 384â386.
Albert Schlichtingâs famous account of the atrocities of Ivan the Terrible was written in Polish in 1571 and widely distributed thanks to its Latin version in Europe. It was one of the most successful propaganda campaigns of the Polish chancery in the 16th century. See A. Kappeler, Ivan Groznyj im Spiegel der ausländischen Druckschriften seiner Zeit: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des westlichen Russlandbildes, BernâFrankfurt am Main 1972, pp. 55â56; H. Graham (ed. and transl.), â« A Brief Account of the Character and Brutal Rule of Vasilâevich, Tyrant of Muscovy » Albert Schlichting on Ivan Groznyiâ, Canadian-American Slavic Studies, Special Edition: Muscovite Russia (III), Pittsburgh 1975, pp. 204â272 (commented English translation of Schlichtingâs Latin version); H. Grala, âWokóŠdzieÅa i osoby Alberta Schlichtinga (przyczynek do dziejów propagandy antymoskiewskiej w drugiej poÅowie XVI w.)â, Studia ŹródÅoznawcze 38 (2000), pp. 35â37, 42, 48;
See J.B. Harley, âMaps, Knowledge, and Powerâ, in: idem, The New Nature of Maps â¦, p. 63.
See J. van Putten, Networked Nation: Mapping German Cities in Sebastian Münsterâs âCosmographiaâ, LeidenâBoston 2017, pp. 44â88. Maps of fortifications were presented despite the risk of them being used by enemies. See K. Åopatecki, âRola map i planów â¦â, pp. 633â642.
See H. Graav, K. Faber, Francofordiae ac emporii Germaniae ⦠(British Library, Maps KTop C-24âg18).
See Ph. Benedict, Graphic History: The Wars, Massacres and Troubles of Tortorel and Parrissin, Genève 2007, pp. 75â121, and M. Pollak, Cities at War in Early Modern Europe, New York 2010, pp. 109â153; see also chapter 10 of this book.
See J. Evans, âThe Silver Medal or Map of Sir Francis Drakeâ, The Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Royal Numismatic Society, 4(1906), 6, pp. 348â350. Description and photo of the medal on the website of the British Museum: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/H_1891-0905-12 (accessed 21.07.2024).
See Buczek, Kartografia, pp. 69â70.
âChorographica atque alia quae effigari curavimus coram Reverendissimae Dominationi Vestrae communicabo.â J. Zamoyski to G.A. Caligari, Dzisna 20 IX 1579, in: Archiwum Jana Zamoyskiego â¦, vol. 1, p. 362 (transl. J.N.); Buczek, Kartografia, p. 81; see chapter 5 of this book.
See Buczek, Kartografia, pp. 81â82.
See chapter 7 of this book.
âQuod cum nobilis et egregius Petrus Francus Italus geometra noster nonnulla nobis industriae suae specimina, sequendo nos in eam, ex qua revertimur, expeditionem bellicam exhibuisset, inter alia delineatio verissima situs arcis Polocensis eiusque obsidionis et expugnationis, quam uti et expugnationem arcis Sokol et alias delineationes ad expeditionem nostrum pertinentes in cupro exculpere et complere, eius exemplaria imprimere et divulgare habet in animos: nos faventes illius industriae, privilegio praesenti id illi tantum mittendum duximus [â¦].â Akta Metryki Koronnej co ważniejsze â¦, pp. 66â67 and chapter 7 of this book. Karol Åopatecki points out that the letter to Caligari mentioned above was written the day after Francus received the right to publish the mapsâsee chapter 5 of this book.
See Zum Thurn Map made by Paulus zum Thurn in Cracow and a woodcut of Georg Mack the Elder, Die Eroberung von Polatsk in Litauen, Nuremberg 1579, Czartoryski Library, catalogue number XV-R. 6813. See K. Kozica, âCharakterystyka prac kartograficznych â¦â, pp. 52â53.
See chapter 8 of this book.
EDICTUM SVIRENSE.
Edictum Serenissimi Poloniae Regis ad milites, ex quo causae suscepti in Magnum Moscoviae Ducem belli cognoscuntur: Item edictum eiusdem de suplicationibus ob captam Polociam habendis; cum epistola qua ordines ad comitia conuocantur et rerum post captam Polociam gestarum narratione; Hisce adiecta sunt quaedam de Magni Moscoviae Ducis genere, quod se nescio qua autoritate ab Augusto Caesare ducere iactitat, Cologne 1580; De rebus gestis Stephani I (â¦) contra Magnum Moschorum Ducem narratio, Rome 1582. The full list of editions and translations of the edicts is provided in chapter 11, footnote 28.
See Relacje nuncjuszów apostolskich i innych osób o Polsce od roku 1548 do 1690, vol. 1, ed. E. Rykaczewski, BerlinâPoznaÅ 1864, pp. 307â331. The difference in the spelling of toponyms in prints and in Vatican copies may indicate that the nuncios received handwritten versions directly from the chancery and did not use printed editions.
Novina jista a pravdiva o dobyti znameniteho zamka a pevnosti velihego mesta (â¦) Polocka, Prague 1580 (see chapter 11, footnote 28). It is possible that Novina jista and A True Reporte were translations from the first edition published in September, and not from the Warsaw edition.
The report refers to the Sejm in the future tense, which means that the document was prepared before 22 November.
See Buczek, Kartografia, p. 82.
See chapter 7 of this book.
âIl vescovo di Plozca haverà tutti li disegni delle fortezze espugnate dal Re lâanno passato, et anco il modo et lâordine dellâassedio di Polozco; credo lo mostrarà a V.S. Illima.â G.A. Caligari, I.A. Caligarii nuntii â¦, p. 389 (no. 207). See G. Brunelli, âGallio Tolomeoâ, in: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 51, Rome 1998; http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/tolomeo-gallio_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/ (accessed 20.07.2024).
See A. Obremski, âWstÄpâ, in: Volsciana: Katalog renesansowego ksiÄgozbioru Piotra Dunin-Wolskiego, biskupa pÅockiego, ed. A. ObrÄbski, Cracow 1999, p. 5.
See Z dworu StanisÅawa Hozjusza. Listy StanisÅawa Reszki do Marcina Kromera 1568â1582, intr., transl., commentaries J.A. Kalinowska, Olsztyn 1992, p. 230 (poz. 184).
See Korespondencja Hieronima Rozrażewskiego, vol. 1, p. 302 (poz. 232 and 234).
See ibidem, p. 290 (poz. 219).
See T. Chrzanowski, DziaÅalnoÅÄ artystyczna â¦, p. 19; G. Jurkowlaniec, SprawczoÅÄ rycin â¦, pp. 215, 216; A. Treter, A. Bielak, âSzkice emblematów Tomasza Treteraâ, Terminus 23 (2021), 3(60), pp. 365â402; chapters 5 and 10 of this book.
âQuoniam vero scimus Sinceritatem Vestram descriptionem regionis anno praeterito recuperatae impressam habere, postulamus, ut si videbitur eam quoque descriptionem Sulimovii per Sinceritatem Vestram correctam typis committi, nos certiores faciat.â Stephen Báthory to J. Zamoyski, Grodno 11 December 1580, in: Archiwum Jana Zamoyskiego â¦, vol. 2, p. 34; See Buczek, Kartografia, p. 82.
For provenance of maps see K. Kozica, âCharakterystyka prac kartograficznych â¦â, pp. 42â50. See also chapter 1 of this book.
See J. Nowak-DÅużewski, OkolicznoÅciowa poezja polityczna w Polsce: Pierwsi królowie elekcyjni, Warsaw 1969, pp. 110â177; A. Kappeler, Ivan Groznyj im Spiegel â¦, pp. 66â69.
See K. Morawski, Andrzej Patrycy Nidecki â¦, pp. 69â71.
See B.B. Awianowicz, âWstÄpâ, in: A. Patrycy Nidecki, Trzy mowy gratulacyjne z okazji zwyciÄstwa nad Moswicinami, ed. B.B. Awianowicz, Warsaw 2016, p. 18.
See ibidem, pp. 28â29.
Cf. J. Kochanowski, âSong XIIIâ, in: J. Kochanowski, Trifles, Songs, and Saint Johnâs Eve Song, translation, notes and introduction by Michael J. MikoÅ, edited and with a foreword by M. Hanusiewicz-Lavallee, Lublin 2018, pp. 129â130.
See P. Buchwald-Pelcowa, Dawne wydania dzieÅ Jana Kochanowskiego, Warsaw 1993, p. 90. The Polish song was later printed in the collection of PieÅni ksiÄ g dwoje (Two Books of Songs, 1585) as song II 13, while the Latin ode ends the collection Lyricorum libellus (1580). See J. Niedźwiedź, âŹródÅa, konteksty i okolicznoÅci â¦â, p. 362.
See A. Kawecka-Gryczowa, âDzieje âDrukarni latajÄ cejâ â¦â, pp. 363â364.
See P. Buchwald-Pelcowa, Dawne wydania â¦, p. 90.
See J. Nowak-DÅużewski, OkolicznoÅciowa poezja polityczna w dawnej Polsce: Pierwsi królowie elekcyjni, pp. 112â115.
See Alexandrowicz, Kartografia, p. 330, il. 44.
Basilius Hyacinthus Vilnensis, Panegyricus in excidium Polocense atque in memorabilem victoriam Stephani (â¦) ex potentissimo Moschorum Principe III: Calendis Septembris 1579 reportatam, Padova 1580; Bazilijus Hiacintijus iÅ¡ Vilniaus, Panegirika Polocko sugriovimo proga (1580), ed. and transl. D. AntanaviÄius, Vilnius 2021. See J. Nowak-DÅużewski, OkolicznoÅciowa poezja polityczna w dawnej Polsce: Pierwsi królowie elekcyjni, pp. 121â122, 224. Juliusz Nowak-DÅużewski suspects that Hyacinthius was a Jesuit, and that his work was commissioned by his superiors in Vilnius. They wanted to show gratitude to the king, who on 1 April 1579, during the preparations for the war, erected the Jesuit university, the Academy of Vilnius. See J. Nowak-DÅużewski, OkolicznoÅciowa poezja polityczna w dawnej Polsce: Pierwsi królowie elekcyjni, p. 224; L. Piechnik, Dzieje Akademii WileÅskiej, vol. 1, pp. 53â60. However, the print itself does not confirm Hyacinthiusâs membership in the Society of Jesus. Furthermore, it is dedicated to one of the leading Lithuanian Calvinists, to which the Jesuits would rather not agree.
See Basilius Hyacinthus Vilnensis, Panegyricus â¦, ff. C3vâC4r.
It is possible that Sulimowskiâs map was not published because most of the lands depicted on his map were not acquired by Lithuania.
Cf. M. Strubicz, Brevis atque accurata Livoniae Ducatus descriptio historico-geographica, ed. J.L. Diezius, Amstelaedami 1727. It is worth adding that Strubiczâs map of Livonia was first published in 1589 in Kromerâs Polonia. See K. Åopatecki, âWykorzystanie map w dziaÅaniach â¦â, p. 547; J. Niedźwiedź, âMercatorâs Lithuanian-Russian Borderlandsâ, pp. 151â172.
Among the more important texts, it is worth mentioning: J. Kochanowski, Ad Stephanum Bathorrheum regem Poloniae Moscho debellato et Livonia recuperata epinicion, Cracow 1582; G.M. Bruto (Flaminius Nobilius), De rebus gestis Stephani I regis Poloniae ⦠contra magnum Moschorum ducem narratio, Rome 1582; F. Gradowski, Hodoeporicon Moschicum, Cracow 1582; J. Kochanowski, Jezda do Moskwy, Cracow 1583; Viridarium poetarum, Venice 1583; Giardino deâ poeti, Venice 1583; R. Heidenstein, De bello Moscovitico â¦, Cracow 1584; A. Rymsza, Deketeros akroama, Vilnius 1585. In 1582, a medal commemorating the recovery of Polatsk and Livonia was mintedâsee chapter 12 of this book. Kochanowskiâs epinicion was performed to music during Jan Zamoyskiâs wedding in 1583.
âTam kniaź PoÅocko straciÅ, SokóŠz perzynami | Aż pod niebo wyleciaÅ wespóŠz obroÅcami. | Susza wyschÅa, Sytna zbyÅ, Krasne padÅy Åciany | Turowla już nie jego, Nieszczerda, Koziany.â J. Kochanowski, âJezda do Moskwyâ, in: J. Kochanowski, Poematy okolicznoÅciowe, ed. R. Krzywy, Warsaw 2018, p. 268 (lines 151â154). An English edition in: J. Kochanowski, Occasional Poems, ed. and transl. M.J. Mikos, intr. R. Krzywy, Bloomington 2023.
See Buczek, Dorobek, p. 14; Alexandrowicz, Kartografia, pp. 62â 63; K. Åopatecki, âWykorzystanie map w dziaÅaniach â¦â, pp. 548â549.
Rozdrażewski also had a keen interest in cartography and atlases. In 1599, Pietro Bertelli (c.1571â1621) published an atlas presenting Italian cities that was dedicated to a bishop who probably covered the publishing costs. See P. Bertelli, âIllustrissimo et reverendissimo domino domino Hieronymo comiti a Rozrazew episcopo Vladislaviensi et Pomeraniae Regni Poloniae senatoriâ, in: idem, Theatrum urbium Italicarum ad [â¦] Hieronymum comitem a Rozrazew episcopum Vladislaviensem et Pomeraniae Regni Poloniae senatorem, Venice: Pietro Bartelli, 1599, ff. A2râA2v.
See A. Martinelli, âNarratione del successo â¦â, pp. 10â68; chapter 12 of this book.
See chapter 4 of this book.