Who, if you happen to find a suitable narrator, could tell you of the virtues of the queen Lady Violant, wife of my lord, here present? I do not consider myself fit for the task, but I will tell you briefly […] what I can. […] I do not think that anyone in the world can surpass her singular subtlety, her intelligence, her understanding and her daring in embarking on great enterprises; and I should know this better than others, since with my feeble strength I served her at length. If from now on you hear talk of conjugal love and no special mention of her is made to you, do not hold the one speaking to you as an expert or good historian, for you shall know that there are few who are equal to her.
bernat metge, Lo Somni, c. 13991
These words, addressed to Queen Violant of Bar by her most eminent secretary, may sound somewhat exaggerated due to their obvious laudatory tone, but, from our point of view, they are a fine representation of some of the main virtues of Queen Violant, one of the most prominent figures of medieval
These missives lead the way in helping us to access the voice, sight, experience and feelings of the figure at the centre of our interest. Letters that will become the central axis of this analysis, after drawing a biographical sketch in the first instance that will enable us to place the historical figure in context.6
1 Early Life, Education and Cultural Interests
Violant of Bar was born around 1365, most likely in Bar-le-Duc, which was the then-capital of the duchy of Bar in the historic region of Lorraine. While very little is known about her childhood and early years, she is believed to have been the eldest daughter (out of eleven siblings with whom she always had a warm relationship)7 of Robert i, a member of the Montbéliard house, and Mary of Valois. Violant was educated in the illustrious court of the dukes of Bar
Her commitment is further demonstrated by her keen intellectual curiosity, a characteristic shared with her husband, John of Aragon (1350–1396),10 a sickly and superstitious individual, over whom she exerted a major influence, to the extent that she has often been branded by those who have studied her as “the owner of the king’s will,” “the real lady leading public affairs” or “the active guardian of the royal thalamus.”11 The handpicked entourage with which she surrounded herself, made up of distinguished members,12 as well as her role as a relentless supporter of literature (an avid reader of books encompassing secular and religious themes) and of the arts (perhaps as a result of her devotion, or of her apparent desire to become world-renowned) attested her interests.13
2
Towards the end of 1379, when Violant was barely fourteen years of age, she became engaged to prince John of Aragon, barely a year after his first wife, Matha of Armagnac, had died. This was a controversial engagement that, at the request of the royal prince, was taken up by the king of France himself, who believed that such a marriage would provide him with a new ally, among other things, to help him defend the rights of the Pope of Avignon.14
This momentous decision was contrary to the will of the king of Aragon, Peter the Ceremonious, who was hoping that his widowed son would remarry, this time with the king’s granddaughter, Mary of Sicily, in an attempt to deploy Catalan-Aragonese influence over that kingdom. In fact, the very same day that he received his son’s letter informing him of Matha’s death,15 the monarch responded by writing to the prince’s advisors and chamberlains so they could try to convince him that “the kingdom of Sicily is not to be let out of our hands.” On the contrary, their ownership of this kingdom represented the will of divine providence.16
The prince’s refusal to accede to his father’s requests was seen as an act of disdain and rebellion which he tried to justify by alleging that they were related by blood through a much-too-close family relationship (Mary was his half-niece)17 and remarking on the religious issues associated with the
Despite the sovereign’s apparent opposition and the lengthy discussions that took place,19 a wedding date was finally set for mid-October 1379. An initial wedding ceremony was held in France by means of procurators after John had obtained the waiver from the pope needed because of the distant blood ties between him and his fiancée.20
Before the year came to an end, the prince wrote to the duchess of Bar pleading with her to send her daughter as soon as possible, reassuring her that she would be made to feel “welcome and treated with respect, appreciated and loved.”21
Finally, the ceremony and reception did not come about until the worst of the winter had passed, with the subsequent postponement of the formalities and consummation of the marriage. On her way to Perpignan, Violant stopped in the domains of her uncles, the dukes of Burgundy and Berry at their request. In addition, Pope Clement vii suggested to the soon-to-be queen to divert through Avignon and visit him in an attempt to convince her of the importance of garnering the support of the Crown of Aragon on the issue of the Great Western Schism.22
After overcoming all obstacles, Violant reached Perpignan on the afternoon of Sunday, 29 April 1380. Her arrival was celebrated and in the following days, the wedding festivities took place. When these came to an end, the duchess of Girona informed both the king of Aragon and her parents, with greater introspection, about her reception and the celebrations following her arrival by expressing her heartfelt joy. She wrote, “the warm and cordial reception and the deep love that my dearest husband, the duke, has given to me, makes me feel jubilant, therefore your heart can rest joyful and comforted.”24
Our very dear daughter, today being Tuesday, at the time of Vespers, we have received your letter in which you inform us that you have entered our realm […] and that on Monday you attended wedding mass with our beloved eldest son. […] Whereby, our very dear daughter, we wish to reply that we are delighted and pleased to learn about your arrival and your marriage […] and may God give you his grace and blessing.25
3
It was not long before the monarch and his fourth wife set the prescribed formalities aside and began to express their true feelings. Queen Sibila of Fortià was incapable of hiding her feelings of jealousy resulting from the reception that the cities had granted the duchess on her way to Barcelona, a city that had failed to organise any festive celebrations or to show any form of acceptance towards her.26
Although the finer details of the arrival are unknown, Violant was delighted that the monarch came out to welcome her with open arms far from such a noble city. They had many joyful moments of all sorts with the solemnity of honours, and precious gifts lavished upon her. To the young princess this represented a demonstration of the great joy and sense of delight that both the king and his subjects felt in response to her arrival, making this event a source of his happiness, as expressed in some of her letters.27
To reassure his wife, the monarch chose to organise her crowning in Saragossa, a ceremony not attended by his sons, whose excuses caused outrage among the royals.28 Such disdain and disagreement were blamed on the influence that the new member of the royal family was exerting on the heir to the throne.
The tortuous and antagonistic relationship between Violant and her parents-in-law echoed as far as France. The news distressed the duchess of Bar, to the extent that she felt impelled to write to the duke of Girona to express her deepest concerns and demand that he send her daughter back in the case she was the leading cause of these problems.29
Far from restoring peace, the hatred and disagreements steadily worsened, particularly with her mother-in-law, Queen Sibila.30 This was even though Violant had, on odd occasions, written to the queen (starting the letter with a cold and succinct “Lady”) requesting her to mediate to lessen the strong
However, apart from the good intentions that did not quite materialise, the relationship between the monarch and his heir and daughter-in-law became increasingly tarnished, and just a few months before King Peter’s death, he wrote a letter literally addressed “to the wife of Prince John of Aragon.”32 In this letter, he blamed her for not having done, nor doing, anything for him that would entitle her to receive his grace and mercy. He angrily warned Violant that he intended to mistreat both her person and her goods with all his might.33
Even though the duchess felt as if her honour had been attacked by his intimidation and her heart had been left remorseful and deeply grief-stricken, she refused to inform her husband of these threats. She was convinced that the duke of Girona would not take it lightly. However, by means of an emissary, she decided to forward a copy of the threatening letter to her cousin, the king of France, her uncles, the dukes of Burgundy and Berry, and lastly her mother. She wanted them to be aware of King Peter’s treatment of her, suggesting that those who falsely and treacherously went against her, whether publicly or secretly, had no regard for the “great and powerful relatives and friends” who protected her.34
During the turbulent period that began when the death of King Peter was seen to be imminent (the early days of 1387), Queen Sibila, not yet widowed, felt obliged to flee, along with her relatives and supporters, being pursued by several knights and besieged in the Castle of Sant Martí Sarroca, where they were ultimately imprisoned and accused of the crime of lèse-majesté as well as theft. Furthermore, the heir to the throne commanded his younger brother, Martin, to have her jewellery and goods confiscated in exchange for a yearly income in order for them to be handed
4 Conjugal Love
The study of Violant of Bar’s correspondence, whether during her time as duchess or as ruler, reveals (extraordinarily as it may sound for this period) not only the affinity and mutual understanding, but also the love, that she maintained with her husband throughout her life.36
Indeed, it does seem that the initial promise made by the then-prince to his mother-in-law, the duchess of Bar, that her daughter would be treated as well and loyally as she was loved was fulfilled. In any case, to this day, there are no reports of John taking lovers or having illegitimate children and everything seems to indicate that the feeling was mutual. Consequently, beyond some converging political interests and the taste for luxury and culture that the couple shared (as corroborated by different sources),37 the young princess revelead her most intimate thoughts with her parents about the true and great love that the duke, her husband and most beloved, expressed and continued to do so, stating that she felt very loved by her husband and the people. All these reasons led her to write to her uncle, the king of France, to inform him that “I feel very comfortable in this land.”38
Through the selected letters, Violant always refers to her partner as “our very beloved husband,”39 which is believed to be no mere rhetorical formality. Among all this correspondence, perhaps the item that allows us to place the affection, respect and complicity (as well as the love) that the couple had for one another in perspective is the letter dated 22 September 1381 that Violant wrote to John from Tarragona. In this, the duchess shares with her husband the
They both offer each other constant signs of affection and worry about each other’s state of health (including the odd chiding for failing to act as advised by the doctors). They share their experiences and secrets (be they public affairs of the highest level or the most trivial occurences in their private lives) and express their earnest desire to be together soon. For his part, John catered to his wife’s whims as far as possible, lavishing all kinds of gifts and presents upon her, ranging from a small bouquet of carnations to the most valuable diamonds and jewels, or the most richly illuminated books.42
5 The Queen’s Public Voice
Just as in his private life, John also confided in Violant when it came to governmental affairs and delegated issues and tasks to her that entailed great responsibility and which she carried out actively and efficiently. In this public sphere, the queen expressed herself in accordance with a model of subsidiarity more than subordination, leading to a hierarchy of equals. Their marriage was guided by a principle of conjugal isonomy in the process of deliberation and, most likely, in decision-making in which both participated on most occasions, to such an extent that it is often difficult to distinguish Violant’s voice from the king’s when she acts as his spokesperson. This relationship produced a royalty embodied in both of them on an egalitarian plane that tends to cancel out the differences between them.43
If we could only bring you harmony and reconcile you both […] three main things have prompted us: firstly, we have a duty to God […]; secondly, this is the job that we have been asked to do, which involves working incessantly to minimise disagreements between such lord and yourself hoping to turn it into harmony […]; thirdly, which would represent great dishonour for the lord king and yourself if you did not get along […], to the point that it would be offensive towards the royal honour as well as your very own nature and loyalty. […] For all these reasons, as we put our hands together and our knees on the floor, in the most devout and humble way, we pleaded with the lord king that he, by his grace and mercy, chooses, as a result of our contemplation, to open his door to kindness which had been shut out because of the actions of some, in the same way that the gate to paradise had been shut as a consequence of Eve’s sin.44
If we venture beyond her speeches, we can also glimpse the queen’s strong personality through the missives she addressed to people at a high level. In these, she showed no fear of making accusations and reproaches or using a remarkably threatening tone. A prime example of this can be found in the letter that she sent to the Archbishop of Tarragona on 31 May 1394. In this, she expressed with displeasure how she was surprised and aggrieved by the actions that he had launched to the detriment of the king and herself, to their estate, privileges and rights, which resulted in the damage and offences that she proceeds to list. Threats, slander, seizure of property, retributions, assaults, breaches of privileges and agreements, as well as other infinite unwarranted and serious deeds: all of these were intolerable and harmful, an expression of contempt
Hanging circular seals made of red wax containing the effigy of Queen Violant of Bar and King John i of Aragon (detail of front), 14th June 1395. Tarragona, Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat de Tarragona, parchment No. 30
photo: © eduard juncosa bonet
Detail of a parchment which confirms the privileges awarded by Queen Violant and King John i to the city of Tarragona. Two barbels (emblem of the queen) are depicted on the capital letter (N), 14th June 1395. Tarragona, Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat de Tarragona, parchment No. 30
photo: © eduard juncosa bonet
6 Pain Caused by Death
The reign of John and Violant suddenly collapsed as a result of a fatal wound which provoked the death of the monarch.49 The devastating event took place on 19 May 1396 while hunting in the woods of Foixà. The abrupt and unexpected loss of her husband was a tragedy for the queen, who expressed on more than one occasion “this is and this will be the cause of continued sorrow in our heart for as long as we live.”50 In the face of such deep turmoil, the
During that same fateful year for Violant of Bar, one of her most beloved brothers, Philip,52 lost his life while fighting in the Crusade of Nicopolis and shortly afterwards, her other brother, Henry of Bar, also died after being captured while fighting in that same battle. As a result of this sequence of events, Violant often signed her letters as “the sad and grieving Queen Yolant.”53
7
The unforeseen death of King John meant an inevitable loss of the power Violant had enjoyed until then. As no male children resulting from their marriage had survived, the crown was hastily passed on, despite some hesitation,58 to the youngest brother of the deceased monarch, Martin (known as the Humane), who was residing in Sicily at the time, and his wife, Mary of Luna.
Infuriated by the succession of misfortunes and in an act of spite, Violant chose to add further confusion to the succession process by declaring that she was pregnant “with male symptoms.”59 The news caused a major commotion and she requested that the appointment of the new king be postponed until the posthumous child of John, which she claimed to be expecting, was born. A matter of such magnitudeneeded to be certified, to determine whether the dowager queen’s claims were true or false. To this effect, it was decided that four good and wise ladies were to watch over her day and night standing by her side to avoid her becoming pregnant if she was not really expecting.60 Time showed that the pregnancy failed to develop and consequently, Violant was compelled to recognise her brother-in-law and his spouse as the legitimate monarchs.61
Similarly, Violant became increasingly isolated as she became embroiled in the process previously initiated against her own advisors, servants, courtiers and officers, as well as those of her husband, who were accused of being responsible for the depressing, sad and miserable state of the kingdom.62
Despite the many hurdles that she had to overcome and being relegated to the background, her political ambition did not wane. Following the death of his brother-in-law, King Martin i, which took place on 31 May 1410, and due to the lack of a direct and legitimate successor, the dynasty of the House of Barcelona on the throne of the Crown of Aragon came to its end. From then on, a long and conflictive period of interregnum began, which was brought to an end two years later. Over the course of those months, Violant of Bar took advantage of the opportunity to resume a clear role of defending herself and promoting her grandson Louis’s right to the throne, and proposing herself as regent until the infant reached adulthood.65
Her efforts did not receive sufficient backing from her daughter, Violant of Aragon, (the only one to outlive her) and son-in-law, Louis ii of Naples, or at least that was how the widowed queen felt. That was further demonstrated by the recriminatory letter that she sent them on 26 April of the same year in which she accused them of “gross negligence and lack of care […] about the succession of this kingdom, […] for which you should not rest for even a day.” She regretted the opportunity that they were letting escape and feared the calumny and scorn that they would be subjected to as a result of their choices; and even more so for “the honour of the house of France, where I come from” as she considered that “they will not need to find new conquests if this one, being a clear and prime example, is lost”; to end up declaring that “justice is on our side.”66
8 Mediation and Fame
In reality, the widowed queen did not completely give up public life given that she never lost awareness of her importance, referring to the “sceptre that we have had.”69 Neither did she cease to expect special treatment from the ruling monarchs. This is clearly demonstrated by her intense and changing relationship with Pope Luna (Benedict xiii),70 the letters defending the honour of her officials,71 her stern position on the forced conversion of Jews,72 or her requests to Queen Mary of Castile to act as mediator in securing peace, harmony and friendship between the sovereign, Alfonso the Magnanimous, and his grandson, Louis iii, duke of Anjou and Calabria, in a dispute over the throne of Naples.73
In the letter to her niece Mary asking her to carry out the petition, the reasons Violant alludes to are service to God, peaceful rest for the king and his vassals as well as clearing their consciences. By doing so, not only would she be complying with her duties as queen (“I fully understand it as I have had to go through it myself,”74 the royal widow states), but she would also gain wider
A considerable part of her subsequent epistolary collection provides a wide range of examples of resentment as a result of feeling detached from the circles of power. She made this clear to her nephew, Alfonso, when she reminded him that, “we have been queen and we have owned the sceptre of this kingdom by representing the image and flesh of the lord king, your uncle, of glorious memory.”75
Violant of Bar passed away on 3 July 1431 in the tower of Bellesguard (Barcelona). She was first buried next to the main altar in the Cathedral of Barcelona but, three decades later, her remains (as well as those of Martin, her brother-in-law) were moved with simplicity to the royal pantheon in the Monastery of Poblet (Tarragona). Thanks to a brief record of death, we learn that when the corpses were examined, the queen’s body could not be easily identified since, when she died, a lot of cypress sawdust was put inside the coffin, and this had stuck to her body and face. The sentence used by the scribe to bring their account to a close is very unsettling: “let their souls rejoice in glory and let those of evil kings and queens mourn; I know who I am referring to when I say this.”76
9 The Judgement of Time: The Figure of Violant as Drawn by Historiography
Traditional historiography is torn between those who identify Violant of Bar as a noblewoman with delicate feelings and with whom it was easy to get along, but who was lacking in significance,77 and those who, focusing on the more negative aspects, accuse her of being too much a friend of pageants and balls, fond of luxury and a trivial lifestyle, with a strong character, fickle, someone who could not care less about her subjects and who was responsible for opulence, nepotism, corruption and embezzlement in the Catalan-Aragonese
With few exceptions, the figure of Violant has undergone a process of reinterpretation in recent times, thanks to more methodical and rigorous studies. It offers a considerably more complex and multifaceted picture that emphasises the positive values of the queen and her preeminent political action.79
The analysis of her rhetorical development allows us to label her as someone who managed to impose her own independent voice, which was not limited to advice or pacification of conflicts. On the contrary, she took it upon herself to carry out all the responsibilities of a queen and deputy who seeks the truth, respects negotiated approaches and fends for herself against her adversaries by progressively moving from reconciliation to the most assertive reproaches, always showing herself as prepared to wield power.80 She always showed interest in public matters, which is an obvious reflection of her relentless quest to make her voice heard through repeated incursions into a male-dominated world and which meant a rupture with traditional gender-specific stereotypes, leading her to being branded as “a woman who passed as a man.”81
However, as we have observed on these pages, the immense treasure yielded by the correspondence of Violant of Bar is a rich vein that can be widely exploited to reveal details of her personality and her emotions.82
To sum up, the Serenissima Yolans, Regina Aragonum was a woman who, despite the many adversities she faced, did not back down from any personal or political challenge. She made a constant show of her strength, determination, understanding and influence, not just during complex and turbulent times, but also during crucial moments.
“Qui·t porie dir ne ésser suficient relador de les virtuts de la reyna dona Yolant, muller de mon senyor qui açí és? No m’i tench per bastant, però dire-te’n breument […] ço que poré. […] De suptilitat singular d’entendre, de compendre e de gosar empendre grans fets, no pens que persona vivent li’n port avantatge; e jo deig-ho saber entre·ls altres, qui de mon flach poder la he servida longament. Si hoyràs parlar d’açí avant d’amor conjugal e d’aquesta no·t serà feta singular mençió, no hajes per bon istorial ne disert aquell qui·n parlarà, car sàpies que poques en nombre són a ella stades eguals.” Bernat Metge, Lo Somni, ed. Stefano M. Cingolani (Barcelona, 2006), pp. 243–244.
The present chapter is part of the research project “Pacto, negociación y conflicto en la cultura política castellana (1230–1516)” (aei/10.13039/501100011033) funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities; and of the Consolidated Research Group funded by Generalitat de Catalunya (2021-sgr-01151).
Despite this, we still do not have a full and systematic biography extending beyond specific issues, some of which will be developed in this essay. Special mention should be made of the manuscript written by Francesc de Bofarull, Violant de Bar, Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, ms 1697, which makes it an essential piece as it contains a large number of excerpts taken from the Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó in Barcelona. This manuscript was published by Salvador Sanpere under the title Las Damas d’Aragó (Barcelona, 1897). The most remarkable contribution is the monumental but unpublished doctoral thesis from Claire Ponsich: Claire Ponsich, Réseaux et gouvernement d’une femme de pouvoir: l’exemple de Yolande de Bar (1365–1431) (Ph.D. Dissertation, Université Paris-8, 2021).
In the Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó (Barcelona) there are up to 46 volumes among the Chancellery registers (1807, 1815–1824, 2027, 2029–2062) of letters written by Violant of Bar, each volume containing over one hundred and fifty pages, written more often than not in Catalan, but also in Latin, Aragonese, Spanish and French.
Dawn Bratsch-Prince, “‘Dones que feyan d’homens:’ The Construction of Gender in the Writing of Medieval Catalan History,” La Corónica 32/3 (2004), 42–45.
María Eugenia Lacarra, “Notes on Feminist Analysis of Medieval Spanish Literature and History,” La Corónica 17 (1988), 14.
Mainly with those closer in age to her: Henry and Philip. Dawn Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar (1365–1431) (Madrid, 2002), pp. 17–18.
Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, p. 18; M. Rosa Terés, Violant de Bar i Maria de Castella (Barcelona, 2015), pp. 14–15; Claire Ponsich, “Un témoignage de la culture en Cerdagne, la correspondance de Violant de Bar,” Études Roussillonnaises 21 (2005), 169. About her literary culture, see: Isabel de Riquer, “Los libros de Violante de Bar,” in Las sabias mujeres: educación, saber y autoría, ed. María del Mar Graña Cid (Madrid, 1994), pp. 161–73.
It is highly likely that Violant moved to the court of her uncle, from whom she asserts to have learned by his “advice and commandments.” Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Cancelleria, reg. 1821, fol. 15v (29 June 1380).
Traditionally, historiography has presented a rather negative image of this king, John i the Hunter or the Musician, the Lover of Courtesy or the Careless, resulting from his approach to leisure and his lack of interest in holding the reins of power. This was so much so that scholarship dating from the nineteenth century and the first few decades of the last century accused him of “fleeing from the society of warriors and politicians in order to live in that of the histrions and hunters,” to the point that he was described as “effeminate.” See, for example: Josep Coroleu and Josep Pella, Las Cortes catalanas (Barcelona, 1876), p. 17; Josep Maria Roca, “Johan i d’Aragó,” Memorias de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 11 (1929), 1–467; Rafael Tasis, Joan i. El rei caçador i músic (Barcelona, 1959), p. 285; Antoni Rubió, “Joan i humanista i el primer període de l’humanisme català,” Estudis Universitaris Catalans 10 (1917–1918), 1–117; Rafael Olivar-Bertrand, Bodas reales entre Francia y la Corona de Aragón (Barcelona, 1947), p. 178; Rafael Tasis, Pere el Cerimoniós i els seus fills (Barcelona, [1957] 1991), pp. 153–154 and 192. More recent studies have questioned this perspective.
“Mestressa de la voluntat del rei” / “la veritable senyora dels afers públics” / “activa defensora de la dignidad del tálamo real.” Tasis, Joan i, p. 285; Coroleu and Pella, Las Cortes, p. 406.
See, for instance: Francesc Eiximenis, Bernat Descoll, Antoni de Vilaragut, Pere d’Artés, Antoni Canals, Vicent Ferrer, Guillem de Copons, Jaume d’Aragó or Bernat Metge. To this effect, see: Terés, Violant de Bar, pp. 15–16; Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, pp. 25–26.
aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2052, fol. 106v (6 June 1421). With regard to the queen’s literary pastimes, see: Terés, Violant de Bar, pp. 15–18; Claire Ponsich, “Des lettres, le livre et les arts dans la correspondance de Violant de Bar et de Gaston Fébus vers 1388–1389,” in Froissart à la cour de Béarn, ed. Valérie Fasseur (Turnhout, 2009), 277–304; Ponsich, “Un témoignage,” 169–77; Riquer, “Los libros de Violante,” 161–174; Lluis Cabré, Montserrat Ferrer, “Els llibres de França i la cort de Joan d’Aragó i Violant de Bar,” in Knowledge and vernacular languages in the age of Llull and Eiximenis, ed. Anna Alberni, Lola Badia, Lluís Cifuentes, Alexander Fidora (Barcelona, 2012), pp. 217–228. Concerning her role as an artistic advocate, see: Maria Rosa Terés, “Violant de Bar: les inclinacions artístiques d’una reina francesa a la Corona d’Aragó,” in Capitula facta et firmata (Valls, 2009), pp. 9–70; Joan Domenge, “‘Iocalia ornamentaque cappellae et alia pretiosissima bona.’ Orfebreria a Catalunya a l’entorn del 1400,” in Catalunya 1400. El gòtic Internacional, ed. Rafael Cornudella (Barcelona, 2012), pp. 65–79; Joan Domenge, “Argenters i marxants de ‘coses de grans preus’ a la cort d’Aragó,” in Mercados del lujo, mercados del arte, ed. Sophie Brouquet, Juan Vicente García Mansilla (Valencia, 2015), pp. 359–398.
Meanwhile, the cardinal of Aragon had acted to arrange the marriage with a daughter of the count of Geneva (and not of Genoa as had been wrongly stated), sister of the aforementioned pontiff, but which did not materialise: aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1657, fol. 25r-v (21 April 1379); see: Sanpere, Las Damas, p. 112; Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, pp. 19–21.
See: appendix doc. 1.
“lo regne de Sicília no·ns pot fugir.” aca, Cancelleria reg. 1263, fol. 37r-v (4 November 1378); fol. 198r-v (8 August 1379). See also: Sanpere, Las Damas, pp. 108–109 and 116.
Mary was the daughter of Constance of Aragon (resulting from the marriage between King Peter the Ceremonious and Mary of Navarre) and Frederick the Simple (brother of the third wife of The Ceremonious, Eleanor of Sicily).
It is worth recalling that John’s first marriage was supposed to have taken place between him and Joanna of France, posthumous daughter of Philip vi and aunt of Mary of Valois, who passed away in Béziers in 1371 while on her way to Perpignan where she was travelling to celebrate the engagement, an event that took its toll on the heir to the throne of Aragon. See: Eduard Juncosa, “En busca de princesa,” in Diplomacia y cultura política en la península ibérica, ed. José Manuel Nieto Soria, Óscar Villarroel González, (Madrid, 2021), pp. 109–128.
This explains his absence from the wedding in the same way as the letters he wrote to his son with “suffering and heartache,” accusing him of aligning himself with the king of France. He even wrote some couplets loaded with reproach, exasperation and sarcasm with respect to the “errors” made by the prince. See: aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1265, fols. 64v-65r (13 November 1379); Eduard Juncosa, “Las amenazas de una reina,” in Cartas de mujeres en la Europa medieval, ed. Jean-Pierre Jardin, José Manuel Nieto Soria, Patricia Rochwert-Zuili, Hélène Thieulin-Pardo (Madrid, 2017), pp. 90–91. In regards to these issues, see also: aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1263, fol. 198r-v; reg. 1265, fols. 131v and 192r-v.
Jeanne Vielliard, “Yolande de Bar, reine d’Aragon,” Revue des questions històriques 63/1 (1935), 40.
“Ben venguda e ben tractada, preada e amada.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1746, fol. 55v (22 December 1379). See: appendix doc. 2.
Sanpere, Las Damas, pp. 122–37; Roca, “Johan i,” 104–21; Vielliard, “Yolande de Bar,” 39–41.
“Matrimoni altre alcú no faríem sinó aquell.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1656 fols. 89v y 90r (5 April 1380).
“L’aculliment graciós e vertader e gran amor que lo senyor duch, marit e senyor meu molt car, a mi ha fet e fa, de què yo me tinch fort per contenta, e vostre cor ne pot reebre alegria e consolació.” aca, Cancellera, reg. 1821, fol. 2r (7 May 1380). The missive of King Peter can be read in fol. 1r of the cited register (Mateu Rodrigo, ed., Col·lecció documental de la Cancelleria de la Corona d’Aragó. Textos en llengua catalana (Valencia, 2013), p. 743 [doc. No. 676]).
“Molt cara filla, reebuda havem vostra letra, huy que és dimarts, hora de Vespres, per la qual nos fets saber com entràs en nostra senyoria […] e lo diluns següent hoýs missa nupcial ab nostre molt car primogènit. […] On, molt cara filla, vos responem que havem gran plaer e gran consolació de vostra venguda e de vostre matrimoni […] e plàcia a Déu que·us dó la sua gràcia e benedicció.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1268, fol. 32v (8 May 1380); see: Sanpere, Las Damas, p. 137. The congratulatory letter from Queen Sibila to Duke John and his spouse may be found in: aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1586, fols. 123v-124r (9 May 1380); ed. Col·lecció documental, pp. 743–744 (doc.No. 677).
See: Roca, “Johan i,” 121–124; Sanpere, Las Damas, pp. 80–82.
aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1821, fol. 15r-v (see: appendix doc. 3). Sanpere, Las Damas, pp. 138–140. A recurring joy and delight that she would share with her loved ones with the birth of each of her children: aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2053, fol. 96r (19 March 1389); ed. Brastch-Prince, Violante de Bar, p. 62.
Sanpere, Las Damas, pp. 147–148.
Vielliard, “Yolande de Bar,” 43.
The rocky relationship between both women was immortalised in the literary drama by: Frederic Soler, Batalla de reynas (Barcelona 1887).
“Senyora” / “e que dits senyors sien concordes […] en perseverança d’aquella amor que·s pertany de pare a fill.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1817, fol. 79r-v (18 April 1383); ed. Col·lecció documental, p. 773, (doc. No. 702). Because of its great relevance, this letter is also transcribed in the appendix doc. 5.
“a la muller de l’infant en Johan d’Aragó.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1819, fol. 47v (20 February 1386).
aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1819, fols. 47v–48r (20 February 1386); Pere iii el Cerimoniós, Epistolari, ed. Stefano M. Cingolani (Barcelona, 2019), pp. 416–418 (doc. No. 320).
“grans e poderosos parents e amichs.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1819, fol. 47v (5 March 1386). See: appendix doc. 6.
Alberto Bòscolo, La reina Sibil·la de Fortià (Barcelona, 1971), pp. 125–130; Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, p. 28; Juncosa, “Las amenazas,” p. 92.
Vielliard, “Yolande de Bar,” 44.
aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2053, fol. 48r (8 January 1388); ed. Col·lecció documental, p. 804 (doc. No. 737).
“yo me trop fort bé en aquesta terra.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1821, fol. 18r (5 July 1380). See: Roca, “Johan i,” 124. From early on, Violant chose to learn Catalan and she even used this language to address her family.
“marit nostre molt car.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1821, fol. 169v (22 November 1381). John usually refers to Violant as “our dearest companion” (“nostra molt cara companyona”) or as “our dearest consort” (“consors nostra carissima”): aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1674, fol. 107v (18 August 1386); reg. 1829, fol. 13v (18 August 1387).
aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1821, fol. 129r (22 November 1381); ed. Col·lecció documental, p. 767 (doc. No. 692). See: appendix doc. 4.
“pahor que no m’hajats oblidada.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2054, fol. 101r-v; Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, pp. 64–65.
Many examples can be found in: Roca, “Johan i.”
Claire Ponsich, “De la parole d’apaisement au reproche,” Cahiers d’Études Hispaniques Médiévales 31 (2008), 81–117.
“Que poguéssem concordar e avenir vosaltres […] han-nos-hi induhida tres principals coses; la primera, que·n som tenguda a Déu […]; la segona, que és offici que·ns ha comanat, lo qual és que tots temps que veiam discòrdia entre lo dit senyor e vosaltres, incessantment treballem per reduir-ho en concòrdia […]; la terça, que gran infàmia seria del senyor rey e de vosaltres que no us concordàssets […], tant que seria ofesa la dignitat reyal e vostra naturalesa e leyaltat. […] Per què, tan devotament e humil com havem pogut, ab les mans junctes e genolls en terra, havem lo dit senyor rey supplicat que ell, per sa gràcia e mercè, la sua porta de benignitat qui era tancada per mèrits d’alguns, axí com fo aquella de paradís per lo pecat de Eva, vulla per contemplació nostra obrir.” aca, Generalitat, Serie General (N), n. 958, fol. 128r-v.
“vostre príncep e senyor e senyora.” aca, Cancelleria, Processos Judicials en foli, 114/12, fol. 5v. The essence of the conflict between the prelate and the crown was the jurisdictional dominion of the city and territory of Tarragona.
“sentint-nos agreujada, tant que més no poríem.” aca, Cancelleria, Processos Judicials en foli, 114/12, fol. 5v.
“nós provehirem ab lo senyor rey sobre açò en tal manera que vós veurets e sintrets per obra quant és greu cosa fer e temptar alscunes coses temeràries en detracció e contra les regalies e drets antiquats.” aca, Cancelleria, Processos Judicials en foli, 114/12, fol. 5v.
“segons nos és estat dat entenent, vós ne reportets deguda correcció e paga.” aca, Cancelleria, Processos Judicials en foli, 114/12, fol. 6r. See: Eduard Juncosa, Estructura y dinámicas de poder en el señorío de Tarragona (Barcelona, 2015), pp. 454–455; For an analysis of the context in greater depth in, see: Juncosa, “Las amenazas,” pp. 99–105.
With regard to the rumours and machinations resulting from the king’s death, see: Flocel Sabaté, Lo senyor rei és mort! (Lleida, 1994), pp. 21, 24–25, 130, 182–183 and 248–251; Flocel Sabaté,“El poder soberano en la Cataluña medieval,” in Coups d’État à la fin du Moyen Âge?, ed. François Foronda, Jean-Philippe Genet, José Manuel Nieto Soria (Madrid, 2005), pp. 505–507; Stefano M. Cingolani, El somni d’una cultura (Barcelona, 2002), pp. 85–86; Bernat Metge, Lo somni, ed. Stefano M. Cingolani (Barcelona, 2006), pp. 39–48 and 261–277.
“és e serà tristor continuada en nostre cor mentre viscam.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2056, fol. 62v (18 June 1396); ed. Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, p. 76. Communication of the royal death to her parents in: aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2051, fols. 45r-46r (5 June 1396). These missives will be published in the work directed by Stefano M. Cingolani (Més enllà de la mort). I would like to thank the author for kindly agreeing to allow me to include one of them in the appendix, see doc. 7. See also: La muerte en la Casa Real de Aragón (Barcelona, 2018).
aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1818, fol. 82v (31 August 1386); reg. 2034, fol. 96r-v (12 November 1418).
In one of the letters Violant sent him shortly after being separating, she claimed to “be looking forward to seeing you in the same way as you are looking forward to seeing me.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1821, fol. 16r (14 May 1386); Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, pp. 56–57.
“La trista e dolorosa reyna Yolant.”
An abortion partly blamed on her cousin Charles, prince of Navarre, for forcing her to dance too much: aca, Cancelleria, reg. 1818, fol. 75v; ed. Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, p. 66.
Dawn Bratsch-Prince, “A Queen’s Task: Violant de Bar and the Experience of Royal Motherhood in Fourteenth-Century Aragón,” La Corónica 27/1 (1998), 25–26; Vielliard, “Yolande de Bar,” 45–48.
“Gran et greu turbació et transcendent dolor.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2056, fol. 108r-v (13 September 1389).
aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2053, fol. 73v (11 September 1388); fols. 89v-90r (27 January 1389).
Both Joanna of Aragon – from the first marriage between John and Matha of Armagnac – and her husband Matthew i, count of Foix, claimed a right to the throne. On this regard, see: Núria Silleras, “‘Queenship’ en la Corona de Aragón en la Baja Edad Media,” La Corónica 32/1 (2003), 120–29; Sabaté, “El poder soberano en la Cataluña medieval,” pp. 504–509.
“Con síntomas masculinos.” This was the view of Emili Morera, Tarragona cristiana, 2 (Tarragona, 1982 [1899]), p. 688, with no mention of the original source. In the words of Violant herself: “we believe and trust in God that we will give birth to a male that will rule over the kingdom of Aragon.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2051, fol. 44r (3 June 1396).
Josep Blanch, Arxiepiscopologi de la Santa Església Metropolitana i Primada de Tarragona (Tarragona, 1985 [1664]), p. 88; Cingolani, El somni d’una cultura, p. 105.
Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, p. 36.
With regard to this depiction during this tumultuous period, see: Marina Mitjà, “Procés contra els consellers, domèstics i curials de Joan i,” Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 27 (1957–1958), 375–417; as well as the more critical and recent perspective in: Cingolani, El somni d’una cultura, pp. 83–125. See also: Cristina M. García, Elites, monarquía y conflicto en la Corona de Aragón. La crisis política del reinado de Juan i (1387–1396) (Ph.D. Dissertation, Universidad de Zaragoza, 2022).
“de què·ns volen despullar per potència absoluta.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2052, fols. 166v-167r (11 October 1422).
Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, p. 37.
Francisca Vendrell, Violante de Bar y el Compromiso de Caspe (Barcelona, 1992), especially pp. 31–34 and doc. No. 12; Josep M. Madurell, “La reina Violante de Bar y el pleito sucesorio de la Corona de Aragón,” Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 19 (1946), 205–224. See also: aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2055, fols. 20v-21v (14 April 1410); ed. Col·lecció documental, pp. 977–978 (doc. No. 913).
“la gran negligència e pocha cura […] sobre la successió d’aquest regne […] per rahon de la qual no devíets un dia reposar” / “la honor de la casa de França, d’on són exida” / “no·ls calrrà cercar duymés altres conquestes, si aquesta tan clara que huy és, sens dubitació, lexen per no res perdre” / “la justícia és de nostra part.” aca, Cancelleria reg. 2055, fols. 26r-28r (26 April 1410); ed. Col·lecció documental, pp. 978–981, doc. No. 915).
According to Violant, due to “her work and intercession, he managed to obtain the crown of the kingdom.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2052, fols. 166v-167r; ed. Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, p. 83.
These two passages can be taken as contrasting elements: Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, p. 39; Jaume Sobrequés and Mercè Morales, Comtes, reis, comtesses i reines de Catalunya (Barcelona, 2011), p. 141.
“Ceptre que nós havem tengut.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2052, fol. 166v.
Claire Ponsich, “La correspondance de Yolande de Bar, reine veuve d’Aragon: une source sur Benoît xiii et le concile de 1408,” Études Roussillonnaises 24 (2009), 93–105.
aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2052, fol. 39r (3 January 1417).
aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2052, fols. 31v-32r (23 September 1417).
aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2052, fol. 106r-v (6 May 1421). See: appendix doc. 8 and Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, pp. 88–90.
“Sabem-ho nós qui·n som passada.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2052, fol. 106r-v (6 May 1421).
“Nós som stada reyna e havem tengut lo ceptre d’aquest regne, representans la ymage e carn del senyor rey, vostre oncle, de gloriosa memòria.” aca, Cancelleria, reg. 2052, fols. 166v-167r; Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, p. 83.
“Bona glòria hajen lurs ànimes e mala les ànimes dels mals reys e de les males reynes, jo sé per qui·u dich.” Dietaris de la Generalitat de Catalunya, ed. Josep Maria Sans Travé (Barcelona, 1994), 1:153.
bc, ms. 1697 (Francesc de Bofarull, Violant de Bar), fol. 80v.
Several examples of this negative perspective can be found in the classic works of Sanpere, Las Damas, pp. 178–194; Tasis, Joan i; Tasis, Pere el Cerimoniós. This continues to appear in much more recent publications: Sobrequés and Morales, Comtes, reis, p. 141.
Claire Ponsich, “Violant de Bar (1365–1431). Ses liens et réseaux de relations par le sang et l’alliance,” in Reines et pricesses au Moyen Âge, ed. Marcel Faure (Montpellier, 2001), 233–276; “Les notions de conseil et de lieutenance chez Violant de Bar,” in Femmes de pouvoir, pouvoirs des femmes dans l’Occident médiéval et moderne, eds. Armel Nayt and Emmanuelle Santinelli (Valenciennes, 2009), pp. 195–222.
Ponsich, “De la parole d’apaisement,” 81–117; Juncosa, “Las amenazas,” p. 94.
“dona que feya d’home.” Dawn Bratsch-Prince, “The Politics of Self-Representation in the Letters of Violant de Bar,” Medieval Encounters 12/1 (2006), 2–25; Bratsch-Prince, Violante de Bar, p. 49.
Dawn E. Prince, “A Reappraisal of the Correspondence of Violant de Bar,” Catalan Review 8/1–2 (1994), 295–312.
Doc. 1
Barcelona, 4 November 1378
King Peter the Ceremonious to his eldest son, Prince John of Aragon. He expresses his condolences on the passing of his wife and advises him on different ways to find comfort as experienced by him, to avoid sadness and anger for his own sake. He also informs him that he will to try to provide him with a new opportunity for marriage that pleases everyone.
Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Cancelleria, reg. 1263, fol. 37r.
Lo rey.
Molt car primogènit, vostra letra havem resebuda, per la qual nos havets significada la mort de la duquessa vostre muler, nostre filla molt cara, a la qual letra vos responem que […] de mort d’aquella, la qual en nostre cor molt amàvem, havem haüt e havem, encare, gran despleer; màs emperò pansant en qual manera Nostre Senyor nos ha fets tots mortals e com presencialment fos en tera, presa carn humane de la Verge Maria, volch soferir mort per reembre misericordiosament tot l’umenal linatge, e entès encare la dita duquessa, axí com a vera e catòlicha christiana, haver reebuts tots los sagraments divinals e, en altra manera, haver bé finats sos dies, havem-ne per ço presa en nós matèria de consolació. D’on fill molt car, axí com pus carement podem, vos pregam que, pensades les coses desús dites, e car segons que diu la Santa Escriptura per los morts no deu hom molt plorar, màs recórrer als sufragis sperituals, curan-vos de fer-li dir misses e altres devotes oracions per la sua ànima, semblantment ne prenats en vós tal remey de consolació que·n siats digna de laor devés Déu e que vostra persona en res no·n puxa menys valer, car si vós, per ventura, vos en metíets alguna ira o tristor en vostre cor, vostra persona, ço que Déu no vulla, se poria valer menys e offendríets-ne nostre Senyor, com les coses que Ell fa, totes les deu hom haver per bé fetes e no sse’n deu hom ahirar, e val més que vós viscats a servey de Déu e que puxats regir los pobles que ell vos ha comenats que si era lo contrari […]. Nós, molt car fill, ne som ja pessats, axí com sabets, ·iii· vagades, e jassia cascun, axí com nós fahíem, deja plànger sa companyia, emperò nós nos en aconortàvem als mils que podíem e guardàvem que per alò no·ns metíem tristor en nostre cor, d’on s’és seguit que nostra vida no se n’és minvada, e val més que haiam viscut e que haiam regits nostres pobles que si·l contrari fos, e axí preguam-vos que vós, axí metex, vos hi guardets. E nós, si a Déu plau, contínuament e curosa entendrem e vetlerem en procurar-vos tal matrimoni que a Déu serà plasent, e a nós e a vós e a nostres sotsmeses honrós e profitós, e a vós serà agredable.
Dada en Barchelona, sots nostre segell secret, a iiii dies de noembre, en l’any de la Nativitat de nostre Senyor mccclxxiii. Rex Petrus.
Perpignan, 22 December 1379
Prince John of Aragon to his mother-in-law, the duchess of Bar. He implores her to send her daughter as soon as possible and reassures her that she will be treated well, appreciated and loved even more than the queens of Aragon and the wives of the heirs to the throne that came before her.
Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Cancelleria, reg. 1746, fols. 55v-56r.
A la molt alta dona Maria, filla del rey de Ffrança, duquessa de Bar, a nós molt cara com a mara.
Molt alta e cara mara, vostres generoses letres havem reebudes […], e entès ço que per aquelles nos fahíets saber, havem haüt sobiran plaher, com per aquella havem sabuda vostra sanitat e bon stament, de vós e de la duquessa nostra sposa e filla vostra, la qual vos pregam que haiats recomanada e que la·ns trametats al pus tost que porets, com bé podets e devets pansar, molt cara mare, que vostra filla serà ben venguda e ben tractada, preada e amada, con bé sap la vostra magnificència que les reynes passades d’Aragó e mullers de primogènits són stades ben tractades e honorablement tots temps, e axí n’és stada la duquessa nostra muller, a qui Déus perdó, e sís serà vostra filla, si a Déu plau, e molt millor. Pregants-vos, affectuosament, que com pus sovén porets nos scrivats de la salut e bon stament vostre e de vostres fills e filles, con serà cosa de què haurem molt gran plaer. De nós, cara mare, per tal con sabem que n’haurets plaher, vos fer (sic) saber que som sans e en bona disposició de nostra persona. […] E lo Sant Spirit, cara mare, sia en vostra guarda.
Dada en Perpenyà, sots nostre segell secret, a xxii dias de deembre, de l’any mccclxxix. Primogènit.
Doc. 3
Barcelona, 28 June 1380
Violant of Bar to the duchess of Bar, her mother. She reveals her feeling of happiness for the warm welcome and excellent treatment given by her husband and she informs her mother of the subsequent reception by King Peter and his subjects in Barcelona. She assures her that she cannot forget her advice and the mandates she received and promises to fulfill them. She lets her know how well looked after she is and she sends several gifts.
Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Cancelleria, reg. 1821, fol. 15r-v.
A ma cara mare e senyora, la senyora duquessa de Bar.
Ma cara /mare\ e senyora, a la vostra senyoria per altra letra mia scriví […] sobre l’aculliment graciós e verdader e gran amor que lo senyor duch, marit e senyor meu molt car, m’avie fet e fahia, segons que en la dita letra […] pus llargament se contenie. En aprés, per altra letra a vós tramesa, a vós, ma cara mare
Scrita en Barchelona, a xxix de juny l’any mccclxxx.
Doc. 4
Tarragona, 22 November 1380
Duchess Violant of Bar to her husband John. She writes to share with him how much she has been missing him since he left by letting him know about her suffering.
Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Cancelleria, reg. 1821, fol. 129r.
Al molt alt senyor e marit nostre molt car, lo senyor duch.
Molt alt senyor e marit nostre molt car, a la vostra magnifficència signifficam que si nós, per degun partit del món, haguésem imaginat que del vostro partiment deguéssem haver tant de enyorament, nós vos prometem, senyor, que no fóram romasa açí. Mas en veritat, senyor, nós nos guardarem bé que d’açí avant no·ns pendrà senblant joch. Lo Sant Spirit, senyor, sie tots temps guarda de vós.
Scrita de /nostra\ mà en Tarragona, a xxii de noembre de l’any mccclxxxi.
Humil companyona vostra, la duquessa.
Xerta, 18 April 1383
Princess Violant of Bar to her mother-in-law, Queen Sibila. She asks her to attempt to initiate mediation with a view to restoring the relationship between King Peter the Ceremonious and his son John.
Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Cancelleria, reg. 1817, fol. 79r-v.
A la molt alta senyora reyna.
Senyora, vostra letra he reebuda, responsiva a una altra letra mia, per la qual, e en altra manera, só certa del gran bon voler e sobirana diligència que vós havets en endreçament dels afers del senyor duch, e de tenir totes aquelles bones maneres que podets que lo senyor rey e lo dit senyor duch sien concordes, e en veritat, senyora, lo dit senyor duch e yo havem gran plaer e us grahim sobiranament, com per obra conexem vostre bon voler; e no dubte yo, senyora, que puis vós axí ab tan gran diligència e bon voler vos hi metets que los dits senyors no [scil. ne] romanguen concordes e en perseverança de aquella amor que·s pertany de pare a fill. Sobre tot açò, senyora, lo dit senyor duch e yo havem llargament parlat ab l’infant en Martí, mon frare, e ab lo comte d’Urgell, mon cosí, los quals vos recomptaran la intenció que·l dit senyor duch ha sobre les dites coses e, axí matex, la diligència que yo hi he, pregants-vos, senyora, carament, que continuets vostra bona diligència de instar ab lo dit senyor rey los dits afers, car sí·m faç yo e faré ab lo dit senyor duch, per tal manera que lo vostre bon voler e meu ne sien complits. E sie tots temps, senyora, lo Sant Espirit vostra guarda.
Data en Xerta, sots mon segell secret, a xviii de abril de l’any mil ccclxxxiii. La duquessa.
Doc. 6
Saragossa, 5 March 1386
Duchess Violant of Bar to her husband’s advisor, Ramon of Perellós. She asks him to communicate to her cousin, the king of France, her uncles, the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, and her mother, the duchess of Bar, the information contained in a threatening and abusive letter sent by her father-in-law, King Peter the Ceremonious, which she did not want to share with her husband for fear of the consequences that this may have.
Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Cancelleria, reg. 1819, fol. 47v.
Al noble e amat nostre mossèn Ramon de Perellós, vezcomte de Roda, conseller e camarlench del senyor duch.
La duquessa. Vezcomte, una letra havem rebuda del senyor rey, la qual no havem gosada mostrar al senyor duch e marit nostre per ço com som çertes que no ho prenguera pacientment, lo translat de la qual vos enviam. E com nostre cor sia mogut e fort punyit de aquella, havem deliberat a vós ésser notifficat
Data en Saragoça, sots nostre segell secret, a V dies de març, l’any mil ccclxxxvi.
Doc. 7
Barcelona, 5 June 1396
Queen Violant of Bar to Duke Robert of Bar, her father. She informs him with great sorrow of the death of her husband, John i.
Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Cancelleria, reg. 2051, fol. 45r.
Al molt car e molt amat pare e senyor meu, lo senyor duch de Bar.
Molt car e molt amat pare e senyor, a mi cové notifficar a vós lo cas dolorós a mi sdevengut de la mort del molt excel·lent príncep, marit e senyor meu molt car, lo senyor rey d’Aragó, qui divendres, que hom comptava a xix dies del mes de maig prop passat, passà d’aquesta vida. E jatsia, molt car pare e senyor, yo callàs volenters scriure de açò, emperò car en gotgs ha covengut vós ésser stat participant, no puix scusar a vós scriure la dita mort, per la qual romanch molt trista e desconortada, e seré tosts temps de ma vida. E qui pot pensar, molt car pare e senyor, quanta dolor és en mon cor romasa per la privació de tan alt marit, príncep e senyor, no ho puch, senyor, scriure ne per letra sprimir, mas suplich-vos, tan humilment com pusch, la ànima del dit senyor vullats en oracions haver recomenada, manan a mi totes coses a vostre volentat. Molt car pare e senyor, lo Sant Spirit sia tosts temps guarda vostra.
Scrita en Barchelona, sots mon segell secret, a V de juny l’any mcccxcvi.
Senyor, vostre humil filla que humilment en gràcia e benedicció vostra se recomane, la /molt\ trista et dolorosa reyna d’Aragó.
Doc. 8
Barcelona, 6 May 1421
The widowed Queen Violant of Bar to Queen Mary of Castile. In order to fulfill her duties and earn renown across the world, she asks her to mediate to establish peace between King Alfonso the Magnanimous and his grandson, Louis iii, duke of Anjou and Calabria over the throne of Naples.
A la molt excel·lent princessa, molt cara e molt amada neboda, la senyora reyna.
Molt excel·lent princessa, molt cara e molt amada neboda, […] per letres de nostra molt cara filla, la reyna, per report dels portadors de la present, sos ambaxadors, havem vist e entès com la dita nostra filla, la reyna, tramet a vós los dits portadors e ambaxadors, e açò per lo gran desig que ha que entre nostre car nebot, lo rey, marit vostre, e nostre car fill e de la dita reyna, nostra filla, lo rey Luis, hagués pau, amistat e concòrdia, segons deu haver e·s pertany entre dues persones de una casa e de una sanch procehins; e no contrastant, molt cara e molt amada neboda, que l’enemich antich haie treballat e treballe ab sobirana vigília sembrar zizànias e discòrdias entre los dits reys per mantenir la injustícia de una dona fora de parentiu e no coneguda, ne zelant la honor d’aquesta casa d’Aragó, segons experiència ha demostrat en nostres dies, més solament per son propri interès e barat, nós e la dita reyna, nostra filla, confiam en Déu, qui és deffenedor de justícia e del qual tots béns proceeixen, que Ell, pervertint l’orde diabolical, no permetrà que la dita zizània sí metrà rahils entre los dits dos reys, ans per sa infinida clemència farà aquells de un cor e de un voler, segons dicten rahó e justícia. Per ço, molt cara e molt amada neboda, nós, qui les dites coses desijam superlativament, segons sab Déu, e lo rey, nostre car nebot, e vós, e tot lo món han e haveu pogut veure e conèxer, vos pregam, ab tanta affecció com dir se pot ne scriure, que, oynt los dits ambaxadors, vos plàcia, virtuosament e per obra, treballar que entre los dits dos reys haie pau, concòrdia e amistat, segons deu e és rahonable. En açò, molt cara e molt amada neboda, deveu-vos ab sobirà voler e studi treballar per molts esguarts, ço és, per servei de Déu, a qui pau és acceptable entre los altres sacrificis, e per esguard del dit rey, vostre marit, a qui de la dita pau se segueix repòs, e la qual ell e tots reys deuen abraçar per descàrrech de llurs conscièncias e per repòs de llurs vassalls. Açò, molt cara e molt amada neboda, és propi offici vostre, e és àbit molt bé ornant totes reynes, e sabem-ho nós qui·n som passada. E per aquesta rahó, nós e la dita reyna, nostra filla, volens-nos vestir lo dit àbit, volem les dites coses manifestar e notificar a vós, e de aquellas comunicar tant \com/ possible nos serà, pregans, requerins e amonestans-vos altra e altra vegada, ab aquella instància que·s pertany, que per los dits esguarts, e per repòs de tantes persones, e per edifficació e institució de tants benificis qui a present no·s poden preveure, com penses e ulls humanals no sien bastans, en açò vols plàcia prestament pensar e treballar, e entre les altres cures que havets de la governació d’aquest regne, ajustar-hi aquesta, la qual serà a Déu molt acceptable e per la qual aconseguirets gran renom en lo món. Si algunes coses, molt cara e molt amada neboda, vos plaen que nós façam, nós les farem de molt bon cor. E haie-us lo beneyt Fill de Déu en sa comanda.
Dada en Barchelona, a vi dies de maig en l’any de nostre Senyor de mccccxxi. La reyna Y[olant].