Frank Aragbonfoh Abumere 2022. African Identities and International Politics. London: Routledge, xvi + 159 pp. ISBN: 978–1–032-01001-4 (hbk), £130.00; ISBN: 978–1–003-17673-2 (ebk), open access.
In the twenty-first century, the African continent and African states can no longer rely on analyses and theories produced in the previous century. This is the starting point made by Frank Aragbonfoh Abumere as he sets out in African Identities and International Politics to decipher the problems of Africa and propose a new course of action for Africans to live in the new century.1 The book is grounded in political theory and mobilises canonical work of international relations (IR) theorists. It contributes to debates about positive African identities, which Abumere argues should be the basis of shared values for Africans in the twenty-first century.
The author begins with the fact that divisions and differences are part of Africa’s problems in the twenty-first century. These are divisions such as ‘geopolitical differences’, ‘Anglophone versus Francophone’ differences, ‘Christianity versus Islam’, or even racial differences (pp. 5–6). He is not interested in gender or ethnic differences. Given that starting point, the book argues for a ‘normative international politics in which the divisions and differences are superseded by non-discriminatory, unifying, positive identities and shared values’, with cooperation as the organising principle (p. 3). Abumere’s method is to focus on a regional level of analysis where he neither concentrates on state dynamics nor on the interactions between Africa and the West (pp. 19–21).
The nine chapters cover various themes, including African theorisation of identities, political theory, and IR theories (i.e. realism, liberalism, and constructivism). In chapter 1, Abumere sets the stage for the ensuing discussions and lays out his argument for normative international politics. In chapters 2
In chapters 5 to 8, Abumere focuses on IR theories, and he questions the adoption of either order or justice in the international system to propose an equilibrium path for positive interactions in Africa. Chapter 5 showcases what realism and institutionalism could look like in Africa if analysts take the context in which African states operate seriously. Depending on the context, African states could be realists or liberals. Chapters 6 and 7 concentrate on human rights as one aspect of the liberal international order. Abumere proposes that the question of the human rights should not solely be left to states. Dealing with human rights issues could be a regional matter and work through the subsidiarity principle. The author makes his case for not choosing order over justice in the international system, as the subsidiarity principle can accommodate different cases to balance order and justice. Chapter 8 describes a constructivist view of African regional relations, claiming that ‘it is possible to transcend the divisions and differences on the continent if African states and Africans are willing to form positive identities and adopt positive values that enhance continental relations’ (p. 124). Chapter 9 concludes the book.
The book’s strength lies in its combination of political theory, ethics, and IR, which make it interesting for political analysts and ethical philosophers of the African condition in the twenty-first century. It would also be of interest to general IR scholars and specialists of philosophical ethics, as well as for African policy-makers. The general argument is well thought through and appealing. However, for a book that centres on African identities, other African conceptions of identity that could be worked out to act as the basis of cooperation have been left out of the discussion. Pan-Africanism is discussed but has not been given due space throughout the book, noting that there are several strands of pan-Africanism with global connections and implications for cooperation in Africa. Moreover, when the author discusses human rights and subsidiarity, the debates about the responsibility to protect (R2P) are not reflected upon. That the African Union (AU) has adopted a norm of non-indifference
Canonical authors in political theory and IR were carefully considered in all the chapters, while African theorists were only considered in the first chapter. Abumere mobilises obvious African theorists such as Ali Mazrui (Kenyan, 1933–2014), Valentin Yves Mudimbe (Congolese [Democratic Republic of Congo], born 1941), Kwame Anthony Appiah (British, born 1954), or Achille Mbembe (Cameroonian, born 1957), among others. In the ensuing chapters, it is difficult to understand why only theorists such as Thomas Hobbes (English, 1588–1679), Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Swiss, 1712–1778), Immanuel Kant (German, 1724–1804), Hedley N. Bull (Australian, 1932–1985), Hannah Arendt (German-American, 1906–1975), or Alexander Wendt (German-American, born 1958) were considered to discuss the African condition. Moreover, the work of African women such as Adom Getachew, who has theorised about African’s willingness to remake African nations, or Mahmood Mamdani’s latest work have not been examined. The author missed the opportunity to shed light on the excellent work of many Africans who are thinking about the current African condition, even in regional terms as he chooses to do. In fact, Abumere skilfully downplays such contributions, claiming that a lot of literature on Africa is focused on national issues (p. 3). For him, when African literature tackles continental issues it is ‘without considering the broader issue of continental relations’ (ibid.). Through this framing, Abumere sidelines African contributions to the topic he sets out to discuss. That appears to be the African condition in the twenty-first century.
When it comes specifically to IR, many African and black IR theorists, such as Siba Grovogui or Robbie Shilliam, to name but a few, have worked to shift the focus of that discipline from its white-centred focus and lay the groundwork to theorise the world from an African and black perspective. In that sense, focusing on Rousseau, Hobbes, and Kant to show how their work on the social contract could be rethought and be useful in the twenty-first-century African condition is difficult to understand without more critical engagement. Of course, there is nothing wrong with relying on canonical authors. But one main question remains: how can the same authors (Hobbes, Rousseau, and Kant) – who have been, historically the intellectual basis on which Africa was divided – remain at the centre of an African theorisation that will serve to ‘creat[e] identities and values that can unite Africa as a continent and Africans as a people’ (p. 3)? It seems that for such reconceptualisation, the departure point should have been radically different for Africans to see themselves through and in this work.
Abumere is an adjunct professor at Arrupe Jesuit University in Harare and the 2021–2023 Zuzana Simoniova Cmelikova visiting international scholar at the Jepson School of Leadership Studies, University of Richmond, VA.