When the process of compilation of this volume started in 2014, migration was without doubt already a âhotâ topic. Yet, it were only the events of 2015, 1 which put migration on top of the discussion about the Euro and the economic crisis in the agenda of politicians, the wider public and the media. In this heated debate, the events of past migrations have been employed in a biased manner as arguments against a new âVölkerwanderungâ destined to disintegrate Europe as it did with the (Western) Roman Empire. Thus, the present volume could be seen, among other things, also as an effort to provide a corrective to such oversimplifying recourses to the ancient and medieval period. 2 It should be noted, however, that it was planned and drafted before the events.
The volume emerged from a series of papers given at the European Social Science History Conference in Vienna in April 2014 in two sessions on âEarly Medieval Migrationsâ organized by Professors Dirk Hoerder and Johannes Koder. Their aim was to integrate the migration history of the medieval period into the wider discourse of migration studies and to include recent research.The three editors have added contributions by specialists for other periods and regions in order to cover as wide an area and a spectrum of forms of migration as possible. Still, it was not possible to cover all regions, periods and migration movements with the same weight; as one of the anonymous reviewers properly pointed out, the âworkâs centre of gravity is (â¦) between the Eastern Mediterranean region and the Tigris/Euphratesâ, with Africa not included in a similar way as Asia or Europe. Therefore, the following sections of the introduction aim first to provide some methodological considerations and then
1 Medieval Migration History and its Study
Migration can been defined as permanent or long-term dislocation of the place of residence, both by individuals and by groups of any size.
4
Earlier research on the medieval period focused on the upper end of this scale, such as the assumed mass migration of peoples during the âVölkerwanderungâ of the 4thâ6th centuries a.d. and its impact on the Late Roman Empire and its territorial and âculturalâ integrity.
5
This approach found its basis in the Latin and Greek historiography of late antiquity, which actually described a âlandslideâ of âbarbariansâ affecting the Imperium Romanum, especially starting with the âarrivalâ of the Huns in 375.
6
This culminated in a first shocking defeat of the Roman imperial army at Adrianople (modern-day Edirne in Turkey) in 378.
7
However, scholars of the 18thâ20th centuries were equally interested in these migrating peoples as potential founding fathers of various âmodernâ nation-states such as France or Germany. These efforts in historiographical ânation-buildingâ spread from Western Europe into Eastern Europe and beyond, creating similar discourses onto other early medieval migrations such as the one of the Slavs (in the 6thâ9th centuries) or of the Magyars/Hungarians (in the 9thâ10th centuries).
8
Written evidence was increasingly enriched with archaeological findings, which, however, were also primarily interpreted within the framework of ancient and medieval historiography, trying to identify ethnic groups named in the sources with specific material cultures. Thereby, it was attempted to trace migration routes back beyond the horizon of the Latin and Greek sources to Scandinavia, Eastern Europe, Central Asia or â in the case of the Huns â even to East Asia, where connections were sought with ethnic labels
These attempts at grand linear narratives, aiming at âhistories of originâ of modern-day peoples and their entitlements to ânation-hoodâ within specific geographical borders, obscured the actual complexity of archaeological and written evidence and its inconsistencies and obstreperousness against simpleinterpretations. When the massacres of World War ii at least partly de-legitimised the nationalist history writing of the previous decades, more nuanced interpretative models gained currency. It became evident that there is almost never a one-to-one equivalence of archaeological findings and historiography, and that the latter implied a high flexibility of ethnic identities. Ethnic labels as well as individuals and groups could move from one social formation to another, and some groups not only became visible for the first time in Roman, Persian or Chinese historiography but they actually took shape on the frontiers of these imperial spheres or even on their soil. Assumptions on a fixed composition and ethnicity of these âpeoplesâ over centuries, symbolised through colourful balls or arrows moving across maps in historical atlases, were thus rejected. Migration as such was identified as decisive for group and identity formation. Furthermore, the settlement of these groups on new territories and their interaction with long-established populations and elites were now interpreted less as the results of conquest and subjugation but of negotiations and processes of accommodation and assimilation. As Walter Pohl has summed up: âUnfortunately, we do not know much about the ethnic identities beyond the borders of the empire. (â¦) It is not a people (â¦) who wandered, but various groups that re-formed themselves after multiple breaks, and which in doing so attached themselves to (ethnic) traditions. (â¦) The struggles for power in the Empire required large groups whose success strengthened their ethnic cohesionâ. 10 Similar models have then been adopted from the Late Roman case for other migration processes of the period, from 4thâ7th century China to the Arab conquest of the 7thâ8th centuries or the Seljuq invasion into Byzantine Anatolia in the 11th century. 11
The earlier research focus on early medieval phenomena of mass migration has been complemented with an attention on the mobility of smaller groups or even individuals and its potential impact on cultural change.
12
Migrations
Already in the 1880s, E.G. Ravenstein classified mobile individuals by distance and time into local migrants, short-journey migrants, long-journey migrants, migrants by stages and temporary migrants. His âLaws of Migrationâ identified economic factors as main causes of migration within a framework of âpush and pullâ, where socio-economic or political conditions in the place of origin motivate mobility while the character of these conditions in the place of destination attracts mobility. Of course, this framework underwent several modifications since then, but core concepts are still applied today, especially within economic theories of mobility. 15
A âglobal perspectiveâ on mobility was developed based on the âWorld-System Theoryâ as established by Immanuel Wallerstein and as adapted by Janet Abu-Lughod for the âlate medieval World Systemâ. A âworld systemâ is characterised by a differentiation between highly developed core areas, less developed peripheries and semi-peripheries in between, connected via âlabour supply systemsâ, within which mobility takes place. Especially for âcore centresâ such as Venice, attracting work force from nearby and far away âperipheriesâ across the Eastern Mediterranean, the value of such an approach can be illustrated for the late medieval period (see especially the chapter of Charalampos Gasparis). 16
Such a macro-perspective, however, pays little attention to the agency of individuals, while recent research on migration has very much focused on the
To what extent such theoretical approaches in general can be applied on the periods and regions under consideration in the present volume of course depends on the amount and character of source evidence.
25
Across all centuries, we have to deal with âthe disadvantages of scanty information and virtual non-existence of worthwhile statisticsâ, as one of the anonymous reviewers pointed out. We are of course informed best on individuals of an elite background, âcosmopolitan nobles and their householdsâ, as Dirk Hoerder has called them, but sometimes we also encounter âitinerant administratorsâ and other office holders or military commanders in the service of one of the empires or polities dealt with in the following pages. The same is true for âpilgrims and clericsâ, not least because of the often close connection of religious function and âwrittennessâ. The later was also relevant for âmerchants and tradersâ who were mobile as âeconomically informed actorsâ, although with some exceptions â such as the Cairo Genizah documents starting already in the late 9th century â the bulk of our evidence in this regard comes from the 13thâ15th centuries. During this period, we sometimes encounter individual representatives (and individual agency) of the ârural people, labourers and servantsâ, while before that time they are often aggregated under ethnic or socio-economic umbrella terms in the sources, and their mobility is frequently described as coerced by the state or forced due to warfare or other catastrophes. The extreme form of forced mobility is of course slavery, which will also feature prominently in some of the chapters of the present volume. Nevertheless, Dirk Hoerder has suggested keeping at least at the back of oneâs mind the probably often-considerable degree of âagencyâ of individuals within non-elite strata of societies also in those cases when it does not become visible in our sources.
26
The longitudinal perspective on more than a millennium of migration history in the present volume should therefore also help to explore possibilities for individual agencies when comparing different periods and regions within the so-called âMiddle Agesâ.
2 An Overview of Migration History in the Afro-Eurasian Transition Zone (4thâ15th Century)
Already the original selection of papers had focused on what we called âAfro-Eurasian Transition Zoneâ, the vast area between the Arctic Sea and the Indian Ocean, and the Mediterranean and Central Asia, where the three continents of the âOld Worldâ meet. The high density of overlapping routes (of commerce, pilgrimage or other forms of mobility), of imperial as well as religious and cultural spheres, made it a most promising area for the exploration of past migration. 27 In what follows, we will present a short chronological overview of the history of these migration processes from the 4th to the 15th century a.d., addressed to non-specialist readers in particular. 28 Such a macro-perspective of necessity prioritises larger-scale migration movements and often resorts to the (especially ethnic) âumbrella termsâ, which often hide the actual complexity of the emergence, composition and cohesion of these groups, as discussed above. Nevertheless, the following pages allow for a glimpse at the multiplicity of mobilities across various spatial ranges within the selected period and area and provide a historical embedding of the chapters in this volume.
The two centuries after the year 375 a.d. (the âarrivalâ of the Huns in Eastern Europe) have been identified as the period of âBarbarian invasionsâ into the Roman sphere. It transformed the Western Roman Empire into a mosaic of âGermanicâ kingdoms from Anglo-Saxon England via the Frankish Merovingian realms and the Visigoths in Spain to the Ostrogoths in Italy and the Vandals in North Africa.
29
The latter two polities, however, were âre-conqueredâ in the 530s to 550s by the Eastern Roman Empire, which continued the imperial tradition from Constantinople, the âNew Romeâ. Yet, large parts of Italy were again lost after 568 to the invasion of the Lombards, which was interpreted as the âlastâ of the Germanic migrations of Late Antiquity.
30
Around the same time (and originally as allies of the Lombards), the Avars established themselves as heirs of the 5th century Steppe Empire of the Huns in the Carpathian Basin. Their arrival in the steppes to the north of the Black Sea in 557, however, indicates more far-reaching political upheavals beyond Europe. Most probably (although this identification is still contested), a core element of the people
In the west, the Sasanian Empire was competing with the Roman Empire across the Afro-Eurasian transition zone from the Caucasus via the Middle East to South Arabia and East Africa, also through proxy wars between regional powers allied with the one or the other imperial centre. One of these conflict zones emerged between the Kingdom of Aksum in modern-day Ethiopia and Eritrea and the Kingdom of Himyar in modern-day Yemen, especially after the former became Christianised and therefore got into closer contact with Constantinople from the 330s onwards. As George Hatke, however, demonstrates in his chapter, already the previous centuries had been characterised by intensive mobility across the Red Sea, in particular with groups from Aksum migrating to Southwest Arabia and intervening into the wars between the competing polities of the region before Himyar achieved hegemony. Warfare and migration got especially intensive again in the 6th century, with Himyar becoming a client state of Aksum for some time before Sasanian Persia intervened with an army around 570 â an intervention which led to the settlement of Iranian troops and workers in that area. 33
The two predominant empires of Western Afro-Eurasia, (Eastern) Rome and (Sasanian) Persia mutually undermined their power with long and devastating wars (especially in the years 571â590 and 602â628) before they were shattered by the newly emerged community (âummaâ) of Islam. Under its banner, the now unified Arab tribes occupied the richest Roman provinces in Syria, Palestine and Egypt between 632 and 642 and conquered the Persian Empire up to Central Asia in its entirety by 652. These campaigns included also large-scale movements of people into the new territories (see below).
Moreover, in the European provinces of Eastern Rome, since the 6th century, groups of Slavs had migrated across the entire Balkans as well as into eastern Central Europe. This process intensified with the establishment of Avar power in the Carpathian Basin after 568 (see above), which additionally weakened Constantinopleâs control over the Danube frontier. 34 Johannes Koder discusses in his chapter the Slavic immigration in the Balkans as âthe most relevant population movement for the present ethnic composition of south eastern Europeâ, extending to the southernmost parts of the Peloponnesian peninsula. Koder mostly follows a âtraditionalâ approach based on written and onomastic evidence, which has been used to favour an interpretation of large-scale Slavic migration into the Balkans since the second half of the 6th century. In contrast, Florin Curta provides a more critical analysis of the current state of debate of migrations in the archaeology of Eastern and Southeastern Europe during the Early Middle Ages, which casts doubt on the thesis that Slavic migrations across the Danube took place at large already in the 6th century. 35 Most problematic in his view is the relation between written and archaeological sources and their attempted combination in unsuitable models. 36 This also extends to a field, which has become even more prominent in the last years: the use of ancient dna and other natural scientific indicators. 37 Therefore, the chapters of Koder and Curta can be read as illustrative case studies for these possible tensions between historiography and archaeology.
The situation on the Balkans was further complicated for Byzantium with the establishment of the polity of the Bulgars. Some of the steppe formations under this name making up a (short-living) empire north of the Black Sea from ca. 680 onwards occupied territories at both banks of the Lower Danube to the north of the Balkan Mountains, integrating Slavic groups into their realm.
38
Since the 660s (after the collapse of the Western Turkic Khanate), the steppes to the north of the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea were dominated by a federation of various ethnic groups under the hegemony of the Khazars, whose political centre was first located to the northeast of the Caucasus in modern-day
One factor intensifying these various crises in the late 6th and 7th century may have been climate change. The âLate Antique Little Ice Ageâ between 536 and 660 brought about significantly cooler and more adverse climatic conditions across Afro-Eurasia. These also promoted the outbreak and diffusion of a major global plague epidemic that returned in waves between 542 and 750 especially in the west of Afro-Eurasia and possibly led to demographic depression in various areas. 40 Around the time when the plague disappeared, an Arab army and Chinese troops of the Tang dynasty clashed in the Battle of Talas (in modern-day Kyrgyzstan) in July 751, thus also symbolising the new geopolitical framework of Afro-Eurasia of the 8thâ9th centuries. 41
The expansion and maintenance of imperial rule across Afro-Eurasia included the âoccupationalâ mobility and migration of elites at large.
42
The rapid expansion of the caliphate from the Mediterranean to North Africa and Spain as well as to Iran, Central Asia and the borders of India in the 7th and 8th centuries, for instance, was accompanied by large migrations of elites and their followers from the Arabian Peninsula to these areas, which also allowed for the spatial diffusion of Islam. The new arrivals did not represent a homogeneous mass, but consisted of different, even competing groups, mostly linked by tribal loyalties, who by no means always acted according to central planning.
43
The Islamic expansion set also other ethnic groups in motion, such as the Berbers from North Africa who played a decisive role in the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in 711 where they settled alongside the Arabs.
44
The new Abbasid dynasty in the mid-8th century found supporters among regional elites in Eastern Iran and Central Asia. In the following century, several members of these groups migrated in waves as retinues of the Abbasids to Iraq and their newly founded capital of Baghdad in 762 as well as into other regions of the Caliphate.
45
For the case of Iranians in 9th century Egypt, Lucian Reinfandt
Yet, besides the military sector, slave trade mobilized at large individuals and communities across western Afro-Eurasia. Slavic-speaking groups from Eastern and Southeastern Europe now became an important âsourceâ of unfree labour from the 7th century onwards. Latin texts called these groups âslaviâ, Greek ones âsklaviniaiâ and Arabic authors âsaqalibaâ. The modern word âslaveâ derives most likely from these terms. The Slavs became the victims of military campaigns and slave hunts by the Frankish kingdom, the Italian maritime cities, the Bulgarian Empire, Byzantium, the Vikings, and the Khazars, as well as by competing Slavic neighbours who sold prisoners to traders from these realms. Trade routes ran in the west from the Frankish Kingdom and Italy to Spain and North Africa, in the eastern Mediterranean from the Balkans to Egypt and Syria, in the Caucasus from the Khazar Empire to Armenia and Mesopotamia and across Central Asia from Eastern Europe to eastern Iran and to Iraq. This trade over the centuries probably âmobilizedâ tens of thousands of people against their will over long distances, given the number of Arab silver coins partly traded in return for slaves to Eastern and Northern Europe.
47
Another main source of slaves was (East) Africa, whose coastal cities since the 9th century in general became focal points of mercantile and missionary activity from the Islamic world, leading to the emergence of the later so-called âSwahiliâ. In a similar way, Islamic mobility also affected the kingdoms of West Africa to the south of the Sahara.
48
The slaves becoming one of the commodities
Youval Rotman in his chapter examines how the Byzantines resorted to âforced migration and slaveryâ, which âwere (â¦) two sides of the same coinâ. He equally demonstrates how shifting religious borders became decisive for the (re)location of areas of provenance of slaves. The Byzantine Empire, in turn, attracted the movement of Syrian and Palestinian populations from these regions after the Arab conquest of the 630sâ640s, as Panagiotis Theodoropoulos surveys in his chapter in comparison with other migrations within the Caliphate.
51
A similar pattern of migration can be equally observed for the Armenians, who had contributed especially to the military work force of the Eastern Roman Empire already before the Arab conquest, as Johannes Preiser-Kapeller explores in his chapter. Besides elite and military mobility, also (deliberate, coerced and forced) migrations of Armenians at large as well as commercial, occupational and religious mobility can be observed between the 5th and the 11th century.
52
For the same period, Yannis Stouraitis establishes in his chapter
With the Varangians, a new group of migrants arrived in Byzantium in various capacities (merchants, mercenaries, but also looters) from the early 9th century onwards. They came from Scandinavia via the rivers of Eastern Europe and the Black Sea to the Bosporus. Together with Slavic groups, they founded the princedom(s) of the âRusâ in Eastern Europe that were Christianised from Constantinople after 988. 54 Alongside new steppe groups, emerging in the sources as âMagyarsâ (in Byzantine Greek texts actually first called âTourkoiâ) and as âPechenegsâ (in Byzantine Greek âPatzinakitaiâ) and migrating along the north of the Black Sea from East to West, the Varangians contributed to a de-stabilisation of the Khazar Empire as well (whose elite in the early 9th century converted to Judaism, probably under the influence of itinerant Jewish merchants as described in Arab sources under the term ar-RÄdhÄniyya). The Khazar Empire eventually collapsed due to attacks by the Rus in the 960s. By that time, the Magyars had established themselves in the Carpathian Basin (since the 890s) and the Pechenegs to the north of the Black Sea. 55 In his introductory essay, Dirk Hoerder discusses various facets and motives of mobility between Scandinavia, Eastern Europe and Byzantium from the 9th to the 15th century such as âmigrationâ, âtravelâ, âcommerceâ, or âcultural transferâ. His methodological considerations on the enduring effects of human mobility in the long term as well as on the short-term dynamics of the networks and spatial axes of migration set the tone for the entire volume.
After the crisis of the 7thâ8th century, the Byzantine Empire recovered economically, demographically and finally also territorially in the 9thâ11th century. This process attracted also merchants from the growing Italian cities of Amalfi, Venice, Genoa and Pisa in increasing numbers
56
as well as migrants of Syrian and Armenian backgrounds. On the other hand, Syriac- and Armenian-speaking population became subjects of Constantinople with the expansion in
The year 1204 (despite the Byzantine âre-conquestâ of Constantinople in 1261) marked the end of the politically united and centralized East Roman world. The same period saw the end of the (competing) Islamic Caliphates of the Abbasids (with the Mongol conquest of Baghdad in 1258) and the Fatimids in Egypt and Syria (with the downfall of the dynasty in Cairo in 1171). Instead, the Mongol expansion during the 13th century resulted in the establishment of the new large-scale imperial formations of the Golden Horde in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, and the Ilkhanids in Iran, Iraq and Anatolia. The complete conquest of all core regions of the Eastern Islamic World by the Ilkhanids was prevented by the MamlÅ«k Sultanate. The latter was a regime of warrior-slaves mostly stemming from the Black Sea and the Caucasus regions, who
Thus, even before their more permanent conquests in the Middle East and Eastern Europe, the campaigns of Genghis Khan and his successors provoked large-scale movements of displaced populations and troops within these areas. A telling example is the last ShÄh of the KhwÄrazm-Empire in Eastern Iran and Central Asia, JalÄl al-DÄ«n, who after his defeat against the Mongols in 1221 plagued the Middle East and Caucasia with the remains of his original retinue and new followers in the search for a new realm until his death in 1231. The Ayyubid Sultan of Egypt, who used them to reconquer Jerusalem from the Crusaders in 1244, later hired parts of his troops. Around that time, the Mongols had already conquered larger parts of Eastern Europe and advanced into the core provinces of the former Abbasid Caliphate, where they captured Baghdad in 1258.
66
Besides the displacements caused by their wars, the Mongols like other empires before them resorted to the relocation of troops recruited in the conquered areas and the resettlement of population at large, which acquired a new âtrans-Eurasianâ dimension due the immense extent of their realm. Thousands of soldiers from Russia and the Alans, who had lived north of the Caucasus and of the Black Sea, took part in the Mongol conquest of China and served in the armies of the Yuan dynasty there until the end of Mongol rule in 1368. In addition, Russian peasants and skilled workers from Eastern Europe (including German miners from Transylvania, for instance) were transferred into the Steppes of Central Asia.
67
In the other direction, thousands of Oirats warriors with the families from the upper Yenissei region (together with Chinese artillerymen) took part in the Mongol conquest of Persia and Iraq and settled their. In 1296, reportedly 10,000 of them defected to the MamlÅ«ks in the aftermath of domestic struggles in the Ilkhanate. They were settled as a welcome reinforcement at the Mediterranean coast of the Palestinian province. As Thomas T. Allsen summed up, the Mongol rulers as âherders of human beingsâ brought
At the fringes of the Mongol empires, however, large areas of Eastern Europe, Asia Minor and the Balkans were characterised by political fragmentation. At the same time, especially the Venetians and Genoese integrated the cities of the Eastern Mediterranean as hubs and nodes into their commercial networks and into the Mediterranean subsystem of the late medieval âWorld Systemâ.
69
This contributed to the emergence of a multitude of overlapping zones of power and commerce as well as of various religious, ethnic and linguistic backgrounds. Between the 13th and the 15th century, âno other region of Europe or the Mediterranean became a cynosure of so many ethnicities in such a small placeâ.
70
The Eastern Mediterranean was the stage of intensive contacts between Mongols, Byzantines, Armenians, Turks, Persians and Arabs, Slavonic-, Albanian- and Vlach-speaking people, âLatinsâ or âFranksâ, and a large number of further ethnicities, members of which were of course also mobile across political borders;
71
moreover, between Orthodox, Oriental and Western Christian Churches as well as Islam (in its various denominations) and (within the Mongol Sphere) also Buddhism.
72
During that period, the first groups of people later known as âGypsiesâ also appear in the records of Southeastern Europe, whom modern research since the 18th century tentatively has tried to connect with various groups originating in India.
73
Beyond traditional supra-regional contacts of members of medieval religious elites and nobilities which always had crossed borders within and beyond cultural-religious frontiers,
74
the increase in the number of contact zones, especially on the basis
The medieval âWorld Systemâ emerging from the Mongol expansion, however, also created the pre-conditions for its demise; the increased connectivity and mobility across Afro-Eurasia allowed for the diffusion of the plague epidemic of the Black Death from East and Central Asia into Western Eurasia in the 1340s, with all its devastating effects. Even before the outbreak of the epidemic, political instability and internecine wars had contributed to the decline of the Mongol imperial formations and their eventual downfall or fragmentation.
80
The epidemic of the Black Death also motivated another wave of pogroms against the Jews. This intensified the already on-going shift of the core
The 14th century saw equally the rise of a new imperial project with the establishment of the Ottoman dynasty, originally one of several Turkish groups who had started to conquer and migrate into Byzantine territories in Western Asia Minor due to Mongol pressure from the East since the second half of the 13th century.
82
From 1352 onwards, Ottoman armies expanded into Southeastern Europe. Some of the indigenous nobilities resisted but others joined the Ottoman elite, which remained open for various ethnic and religious backgrounds. In addition, non-Muslim populations were integrated into the service of the Ottoman state since the 1360s by force via the so-called devÅirme, the collection of Christian boys from conquered territories as tax who were converted to Islam and later served as Janissaries in the army or administration.
83
By 1400, the Ottomans had become the pre-dominant power in Southeastern Europe and Anatolia and already laid siege to Constantinople. The city was only saved by a last outbreak of Mongol expansionism under Timur Leng. From his basis in Samarkand, he afflicted since the 1360s large parts of Central Asia, Eastern Europe, India, Iran, Iraq and Anatolia, where he defeated the Ottomans near Ankara in 1402. Timurâs military campaigns caused large-scale displacements of populations across the entire region from Eastern Europe to India and from Central Asia to the Aegean.
84
The Ottomans, however, were able to re-establish their empire, to conquer Constantinople in 1453, and within the next 100 years to integrate all territories from the Black Sea to Egypt and from Northwest Iran to Algeria into a new Islamic Empire. This provided the framework for a new chapter of intensified migration and mobility (including the immigration of many Jews expulsed from Spain in 1492) which is beyond the scope of the present volume.
85
Despite the impressive number of forced or voluntary migrations described in the papers of this volume, we have to be aware that many extensive population movements remained below the âradarâ of state authorities or the interest of official historiography. 86 As an example, we may mention the long-distance migrating movements of nomadic groups who appear in various combinations and with different names in the records of neighbouring empires, such as the Chinese, then disappear from them and eventually re-appear in new composition and with new names, for instance in Roman historiography. The exact connections between these âpeoplesâ, such as the Xiongnu and the Huns in the 4th century or the Rouran and the Avars in the 6th century, as well as the âpre-historyâ of the Magyars before they âemergedâ in Byzantine and Latin sources inthe late 9th century, remain unclear. A further example of âhiddenâ migrations are the movements of Bantu-speaking groups across most of Sub-Saharan Africa in the first millennia b.c.e and a.d. 87 Yet, as one of the anonymous reviewers pointed out, we have to reckon not only âwith the possibility of sizable movements occurring without being mentioned in our literary sourcesâ. On the other hand, âthere is the possibility of migrations recorded in medieval sources which did not actually occur!â For the latter case, one may reference the medieval âstories of originâ of peoples (in Latin âorigo gentisâ). They were often composed centuries after the âarrivalâ of groups in their âpredetermined homelandsâ and traced their emergence and migrations across long distances many centuries back to biblical or âmythicalâ times, when totem animals such as a hind led the Huns or later the Bulgars across the Sea of Azov, for instance. Earlier research has attempted to âextractâ remnants of the âactualâ events and to draw these supposed routes of migration on maps. For present-day scholars, these texts hint rather at the significance of (actual or imagined) migrations for identity-constructions now and then. 88
3 Conclusion
All papers in this volume point to the heterogeneity and complexity of the phenomenon of migration. They thus caution against simplistic approaches to migration processes in pre-modern times, which tend to draw moving blocks ofpeople on historical maps (as, for instance, in the case of the âVölkerwanderungâ)
Against this background, the present volume hopes to contribute to and to motivate further research in the field of migration history beyond the modern era, by focussing on the medieval period and redirecting attention from Western Europe and the Atlantic
Acknowledgement
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Now even on Wikipedia called the âEuropean migrant crisisâ, cf. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_migrant_crisis. For a short overview, see Luft, Die Flüchtlingskrise.
Cf. also Pohl, Die Völkerwanderung.
On the issue of periodization, see now Le Goff, Faut-il vraiment découper lâhistoire en tranches?
Harzig/Hoerder, Migration History.
Demandt, Der Fall Roms, pp. 467â490; Halsall, Barbarian Migrations, pp. 10â25; Aberth, Contesting the Middle Ages, pp. 1â34.
Cited after Stickler, Hunnen, p. 47.
Stickler, Die Hunnen, p. 49.
Curta, Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages, pp. 28â38.
Kim, The Huns; Halsall, Barbarian Migrations, pp. 10â15; Curta, Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages, pp. 21â28.
Pohl, Die Völkerwanderung, pp. 20â39; Halsall, Barbarian Migrations, pp. 15â19.
Lewis, China between Empires; Tannous, The Making of the Medieval Middle East; Beihammer, Byzantium and the Emergence of Muslim-Turkish Anatolia.
Borgolte, "Einführungâ, pp. 17â18.
Cohen, Global Diasporas.
Padberg, Christianisierung im Mittelalter; Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, pp. 59â91.
Cf. Hahn, Historische Migrationsforschung, pp. 27, 30â32, and Schwenken, Globale Migration, pp. 70â73, with further references.
Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony; Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, pp. 28â30; Schwenken, Globale Migration, pp. 82â97. For a world-system approach to earlier periods, see Beaujard, Les mondes de lâocean indien.
McLeman, Climate and Human Migration, p. 27.
Harzig/Hoerder, Migration History, pp. 78â114; Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, pp. 15â21; Hahn, Historische Migrationsforschung, pp. 21â36; Schwenken, Globale Migration, pp. 87â91.
Harzig/Hoerder, Migration History, pp. 92â98.
Harzig/Hoerder, Migration History, pp. 102â110.
Harzig/Hoerder, Migration History, pp. 78â80.
Tilly, âTransplanted Networksâ, pp. 90 and 92; Hahn, Historische Migrationsforschung, p. 29.
Cited after Schwenken, Globale Migration, p. 89.
Schuppert, Verflochtene Staatlichkeit.
On this issue, see also Baker/Takeyuki, Migration and Disruptions.
Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, pp. 59â91.
See also Hoerder, Cultures in Contact; Kulke, Das europäische Mittelalter.
For a systematic survey, see also Borgolte, Migrationen im Mittelalter. Very useful (with many illustrative maps) are equally Cunliffe, By Steppe, Desert, and Ocean, and Cunliffe, On the Ocean.
Pohl, Die Völkerwanderung.
Christie, The Lombards.
Pohl, The Avars; Pohl, Die Völkerwanderung.
Ferrier, L´Inde des Gupta, pp. 180â206; Kulke/Rothermund, Geschichte Indiens, pp. 120â122; Baumer, The Age of the Silk Road, pp. 94â96; Alram, Das Antlitz des Fremden, pp. 89â96; Rezakhani, ReOrienting the Sasanians, pp. 97â99, 104â124; Schmiedchen, "Indienâ, pp. 67â69.
See also Hatke, Aksum and Nubia; Avanzini, By Land and by Sea; Power, The Red Sea from Byzantium to the Caliphate; Beaujard, Les mondes de lâocean indien i, pp. 506â524.
Pohl, The Avars; Kardaras, Byzantium and the Avars; Gandila, Cultural Encounters; Hardt, âSlawenâ, pp. 171â180.
Cf. also Curta, The Making of the Slavs.
On this issue, see also Härke, âArchaeologists and Migrationsâ; Burmeister, âArchaeology and Migrationâ.
See also Bösl, Doing Ancient dna ; Feuchter, "Ãber die Herausforderung der Geschichtswissenschaft durch die Genetikâ; Pohl, The Genetic Challenge to Medieval History and Archaeology. For a popular introduction into this research see now Krause, Die Reise unserer Gene.
Ziemann, Vom Wandervolk zur GroÃmacht.
Golden/Ben-Shammai/Róna-Tas, The World of the Khazars; Zhivkov, Khazaria.
Büntgen et al., âCooling and societal change during the Late Antique Little Ice Ageâ; McCormick et al., âClimate Change during and after the Roman Empireâ.
See also Preiser-Kapeller, Jenseits von Rom und Karl dem GroÃen, pp. 38â62.
See also Schuppert, Verflochtene Staatlichkeit.
Orthmann, Stamm und Macht; Preiser-Kapeller, âComplex Processes of Migrationâ; Berger, "Muslimische Weltâ, pp. 131â135.
Marboe, Von Burgos nach Cuzco, pp. 57â70; Wickham, The Inheritance of Rome, pp. 338â341; Sénac, Charlemagne et Mahomet, pp. 113â127; di Branco/Wolf, "Berber und Araber im Maghreb und Europaâ, pp. 149â159.
Preiser-Kapeller, âComplex Processes of Migrationâ; Preiser-Kapeller, Jenseits von Rom und Karl dem GroÃen. For the westernmost extent of this migration, see now Dold-Ghadar, Pers-Andalus.
See also Gordon, The Breaking of a Thousand Swords.
Rotman, Byzantine Slavery, pp. 59â76; McCormick, âNew Light on the Dark Agesâ; Lombard, Blütezeit des Islam, pp. 198â202; Hardt, âSlawenâ, pp. 177â180; Schiel, âSklavenâ, pp. 255â256; Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, pp. 40â42.
Middleton, World of Swahili; Horton/Middleton, The Swahili; Hawkes/Wynne-Jones, âIndia in Africaâ; Beaujard, Les mondes de lâocean indien i, pp. 101â126. On medieval Muslim merchant communities across the Indian Ocean, see also now Beaujard, Les mondes de lâocean indien ii, pp. 48â71; Prange, Monsoon Islam, and Chaffee, The Muslim merchants of Premodern China. For Muslim migrations across the Sahara, cf. Bechhaus-Gerst, "Afrikaâ; Fauvelle, Das Goldene Rhinozeros, pp. 60â90; Fauvelle, LâAfrique ancienne; Gomez, African Dominion.
Popovic, The Revolt of African Slaves in Iraq, pp. 14â22; Power, The Red Sea, pp. 92â95, 141â143; Heers, Les négriers en terres d´islam, pp. 27â33; Lombard, Blütezeit des Islam, pp. 202â204; Schiel, "Sklavenâ, pp. 253â255.
Popovic, The Revolt of African Slaves, pp. 22â23, 33â43; Heers, Les négriers en terres d´islam, pp. 231â240; Lombard, Blütezeit des Islam, pp. 33â34, 160â162.
Cf. also now Tannous, The Making of the Medieval Middle East.
The chapter also discusses the problem of earlier research identifying individuals as âArmenianâ even generations after the migration of their forefathers and âmothers despite clear indications of their assimilation into the Byzantine elite, a phenomenon recently called by Anthony Kaldellis âThe Armenian fallacyâ, cf. Kaldellis, Romanland, pp. 155â195.
On populations transfers in the Byzantine Empire, see also Ditten, Ethnische Ver-schiebungen.
Scheel, Skandinavien und Byzanz; Raffensperger, Reimagining Europe.
Zhivkov, Khazaria; Bowlus, The Battle of Lechfeld; Pálóczi-Horváth, Pechenegs, Cumans, Iasians; Róna-Tas, Hungarians and Europe; Spinei, The Romanians and the Turkic Nomads; Gil, âThe Radhanite Merchantsâ.
See for instance Skinner, Medieval Amalfi; Lilie, Handel und Politik.
Stephenson, Byzantiumâs Balkan Frontier; Preiser-Kapeller, "Byzantinische Geschichte, 1025â1204â.
Kaldellis, Streams of Gold, Rivers of Blood.
Theotokis, The Norman Campaigns.
MeÅ¡ko, âPecheneg groups in the Balkansâ, with further literature; Pálóczi-Horváth, Pechenegs, Cumans, Iasians; Spinei, The Romanians and the Turkic Nomads.
Peacock, The Great Seljuk Empire. For possible climatic factors in these migrations from the steppe cf. Ellenblum, The Collapse of the Eastern Mediterranean, and (for a more critical view) Preiser-Kapeller, âA Collapse of the Eastern Mediterranean?â.
See also Beihammer, Byzantium and the Emergence of Muslim-Turkish Anatolia.
Bartlett, The Making of Europe; Ellenblum, Frankish Rural Settlement; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives; Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, pp. 45â48.
Preiser-Kapeller, "Byzantinische Geschichte, 1025â1204â.
Korobeinikov, âA broken mirrorâ; Halperin, âThe Kipchak connectionâ; Loiseau, Les Mamelouks; Vásáry, Cumans and Tatars; Shukurov, The Byzantine Turks.
Jackson, The Mongols and the Islamic World; Amitai-Preiss, Mongols and Mamluks.
Reichert, Begegnungen mit China.
Allsen, âPopulation Movements in Mongol Eurasiaâ; Beaujard, Les mondes de lâocean indien ii, pp. 145â159. On the consequences of Mongol conquest see also the contributions in Krämer/Schmidt/Singer, Historicing the âBeyondâ. For an illustrative individual female life story during this period, see Eastmond, Tamtaâs World.
Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony; Fleet, European and Islamic Trade, pp. 1â12; Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, 28â30.
Epstein, Purity Lost, pp. 110â111.
For some examples, cf. the contributions in Balard/Ducellier, Migrations et diasporas méditerranéennes, and Malamut/Ouerfelli, Les échanges en Méditerranée médiévale.
Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony; Fleet, European and Islamic Trade, pp. 1â12; Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, pp. 28â30.
Fraser, The Gypsies.
Cf. Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, pp. 60â62; Preiser-Kapeller, âNetworks of border zonesâ, and for the example of the Seljuq-Byzantine border in Anatolia Yıldız, âReconceptualizing the Seljuk-Cilician Frontierâ, and Yıldız, âManuel Komnenos Mavrozomesâ.
See now Preiser-Kapeller/Mitsiou, âMercantile and religious mobilityâ.
Fleet, European and Islamic Trade, p. 141. For examples of labour mobility in this period, see Mitsiou/Preiser-Kapeller, âMoving Handsâ.
Flood, Objects of Translation, pp. 11, 61â85; Wardwell, âPanni Tartariciâ; Mack, Bazaar to Piazza; Jacoby, âSilk Economics and Cross-Cultural Artistic Interactionâ; Burns, Sea of Silk.
Kahane/Kahane/Tietze, The Lingua Franca of the Levant; Makris, Studien zur spätbyzantinischen Schiffahrt, pp. 112â117.
On migration into the city of Venice itself, see Ravid, âVenice and its Minoritiesâ.
Campbell, The Great Transition; Ciocîltan, The Mongols and the Black Sea Trade; Jackson, The Mongols and the Islamic World; Jackson, The Mongols and the West; Aberth, Contesting the Middle Ages, pp. 243â315.
Toch, The economic history of European Jews; Ben-Sasson, Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes, pp. 687â701; Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, pp. 42â44; Aberth, Contesting the Middle Ages, pp. 101â140.
Korobeinikov, Byzantium and the Turks.
Werner, Die Geburt einer GroÃmacht; Barkey, Empire of Difference; Kafadar, Between Two Worlds; Imber, The Ottoman Empire.
Nagel, Timur der Eroberer.
Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, pp. 108â117; Faroqhi, Travel and Artisans in the Ottoman Empire; Bossong, Die Sepharden.
See also Borgolte, âMigrationen im Mittelalter. Ein Ãberblickâ.
Eggert, âThe Bantu Problemâ; Bechhaus-Gerst, "Afrikaâ; Fauvelle, Das Goldene Rhinozeros, pp. 60â90; Fauvelle, LâAfrique ancienne.
Plassmann, Origo gentis.