Of the thousands of speeches and sermons recorded by the sources, the vast majority in our period are by men. Given that orations were delivered by individuals in authority, and since leadership roles were held for the most part by men, it is to be expected that men typically had the lionâs share of the public voice. However, a few significant orations are attributed to women. So who were these women orators, and what circumstances prompted them to break the silence? Moreover, what were the special characteristics, if any, of their public address? In previous chapters, I have analyzed characteristics of various aspects of oratory by looking at a large number of texts collectively and identifying patterns. Since we have few texts to draw on for this chapter, I transcribe three full and famous orations, by FÄá¹imah bint Muḥammad, Ê¿Äʾishah bint AbÄ« Bakr, and Zaynab bint Ê¿AlÄ«, and analyze them alongside other texts to tease out issues of subject, style, identity, and power, especially compared to the orations of men. While we find that womenâs orations are similar to menâs in terms of orality, structure, style, and some of their themes, we also find two fundamental points of singularity, viz., much more than men, women oratorsâ authority derives from kinship, and their orations are grounded in trauma. Against the grain of the cultureâs mores, we find that a handful of high-born women in our period delivered public speeches at moments of societal rupture.
1 The Identity of Women Orators and the Subject and Context of Their Orations
The sources record piecemeal a limited number of womenâs orations. In pre-Islamic times, the quasi-oratorical genre of soothsayer rhymes was engaged by male soothsayers as well as by female oracles, such as ZabrÄʾ, ṬarÄ«fat al-Khayr, SalmÄ al-ḤamdÄniyyah, Ê¿UfayrÄʾ, and ShaÊ¿thÄʾ.1 As seen earlier, they are typologically distinct from other kinds of Arabic speeches, while internally they show no significant gender-based difference; for these reasons, they are not discussed in this chapter. From the era before Islam, we have just one record, in Syriac translation, of a non-soothsayer Arabic speech, delivered by the female ḤÄrithid Christian martyr Ruḥaymah bint Ê¿Aáºamah, in the marketplace of NajrÄn, just before her execution by the Jewish Ḥimyarite king of Yemen.2
From the early Islamic period, a cluster of womenâs orations are compiled in the unique anthology of womenâs orations, poetry, descriptions, and reparteeâtitled BalÄghÄt al-nisÄʾ, âWomenâs eloquent verbal productionsââby the 3rd/9th-century author, Ibn AbÄ« ṬÄhir ṬayfÅ«r. Interspersed with other literary materials attributed to women, the anthology records the reports and texts of a total of twelve orations for eleven female orators, some of whom have been mentioned in earlier chapters. The following inventory lists them according to context and sequence:
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An oration (in three versions) by the Prophet Muḥammadâs daughter FÄá¹imah al-ZahrÄʾ, in the assembly of AbÅ« Bakr and other Companions, arguing for her right to inherit the lands of Fadak and the right of her husband, Ê¿AlÄ« ibn AbÄ« ṬÄlib, to succeed the Prophet.3
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Eulogy orations by daughters of the first three Sunni caliphs (the first two also wives of the Prophet), Ê¿Äʾishah bint AbÄ« Bakr, Ḥafá¹£ah bint Ê¿Umar, and Ê¿Äʾishah bint Ê¿UthmÄn, at the death of their fathers; a fourth by Ê¿UthmÄnâs wife NÄʾilah bint al-FarÄfiá¹£ah, for her husband; and a fifth by an Iraqi TamÄ«mÄ« tribeswoman named á¹¢afiyyah bint HishÄm al-Minqariyyah, for her cousin Aḥnaf (ibn Qays).4
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A further oration by Ê¿Äʾishah bint AbÄ« Bakr urging her supporters to fight against Ê¿AlÄ« in the Battle of the Camel.5
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Orations by the Iraqi tribeswomen ZarqÄʾ bint al-Ê¿AdÄ« al-HamdÄniyyah, Umm al-Khayr bint al-ḤarÄ«sh al-BÄriqiyyah, and Ê¿Ikrishah bint al-Aá¹ash, urging their tribesmen to fight for Ê¿AlÄ« against MuÊ¿Äwiyah in the Battle of á¹¢iffÄ«n.6
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Orations in captivity by the Prophetâs granddaughters Umm KulthÅ«m bint Ê¿AlÄ« and Zaynab bint Ê¿AlÄ«, after the Umayyadsâ killing of their brother Ḥusayn and other male kin at Karbala, chastising the Kufans who had betrayed their pledge to him and challenging the Umayyad leadership.7
If early Muslim women did not generally hold public positions, how did they learn the skills of oratory? For ancient Greek society, Michael Gagarin argues that because women did not study rhetoric or participate in court, the handful of forensic speech texts attributed to women are likely produced or at least heavily doctored by their male logographers.8 In the society studied in the present volume, we have no reason to assume weaker authenticity for womenâs orations than menâs, purely on the basis of gender. In our society too, women did not typically speak in public address, and thus were not practiced public speakers. Yet in contrast to ancient Greece, they were regularly exposed to orations, for as we have seen, they were not infrequently part of the male oratorâs audience. This point is noteworthy, because neither male nor female orators in our context studied oratory formally. In addition to on-the-job practice, passive learning by participating in the audience was the chief method by which most male speakers in early Islamic society also learned the art of public speaking.
2 Oration by FÄá¹imah bint Muḥammad: Text and Translation
When the Prophet Muḥammad died and AbÅ« Bakr became the first Sunni caliph in 11/632, he revoked FÄá¹imahâs ownership of the lands of Fadak bequeathed to her by Muḥammad, announcing that he had heard him say, âWe prophets have no heirs; whatever we leave behind is charity.â9 In the following celebrated speech, FÄá¹imah establishes her right to inherit Fadak from her father, and her husband Ê¿AlÄ«âs right to the caliphate. She addresses her oration âfrom behind a curtainâ to AbÅ« Bakr and the companions gathered around him:10
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«A messenger from your community came to you, one who felt for your sufferings and was concerned for your wellbeing, who was compassionate and merciful toward believers.»11 If you know him, you know that he is my father, not yours, my cousin [and husband Ê¿AlÄ«]âs brother, not yours.12 |
â®ï´¿ ÙÙÙÙد٠جÙآءÙÙÙ٠٠رÙسÙÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙÙ٠أÙÙÙÙسÙÙÙ٠٠عÙزÙÙز٠عÙÙÙÙÙÙÙ Ù Ùا عÙÙÙتÙÙÙ Ù ØÙرÙÙص٠عÙÙÙÙÙÙÙ٠٠بÙÙ±ÙÙÙ ÙؤÙÙ ÙÙÙÙÙ٠رÙØ¡ÙÙÙ٠رÙÙØÙÙÙ Ù Ûï´¾. Ùإ٠تعرÙÙ٠تجدÙ٠أب٠دÙ٠آبائÙÙ Ùأخا ٱب٠ع٠Ù٠دÙ٠رجاÙÙÙ .â¬â |
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He delivered warning, announced the message, blocked the polytheists, crushed their backs, seized their necks, smashed their idols, and severed their skulls, until he had defeated them and they showed their backs to him in flight. Night gave way to morning, truth gleamed forth, religionâs voice dominated, and Satanâs camel-frothings subsided. At that time, you had been at the precipice of the fire, a draught for the drinker, an opportunity for the covetous, booty easily grasped by the swift, trampled underfoot. You had been drinking water urinated in by camels and eating leaves from trees. You were lowly and humble, fearful that neighboring nations would swoop down to attack. |
â®ÙبÙÙغ اÙÙذارة صادعÙا باÙرساÙØ© ٠اثÙÙا عÙ٠٠درجة اÙ٠شرÙÙ٠ضاربÙا ÙثبجÙ٠آخذÙا بÙظ٠ÙÙ ÙÙش٠اÙأصÙا٠ÙÙÙÙØ« اÙÙا٠. ØتÙÙ Ùز٠اÙج٠ع ÙÙÙÙÙا اÙدبر ÙتعرÙ٠اÙÙÙÙ٠ع٠صبØÙ ÙأسÙر اÙØÙ٠ع٠٠Øض٠ÙÙط٠زعÙ٠اÙدÙÙ Ùخرست Ø´Ùاش٠اÙØ´ÙاطÙÙ. ÙÙÙت٠عÙÙ Ø´Ùا ØÙرة ٠٠اÙÙار Ù Ø°ÙØ© اÙشارب ÙÙÙزة اÙطا٠ع ÙÙبسة اÙعجÙا٠ÙÙ Ùطئ اÙØ£Ùدا٠تشربÙ٠اÙطر٠ÙتÙتاتÙ٠اÙÙر٠أذÙÙØ© خاشعÙ٠تخاÙÙ٠أ٠ÙتخطÙÙÙ٠اÙÙاس Ù Ù ØÙÙÙÙ .â¬â |
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God saved you through his messenger. This, â¨after the small calamity and the big one.â©13 He was attacked by strong warriors, Bedouin wolves, and turncoat Jews. Each time they kindled «a battlefire, God extinguished it.»14 Whenever the horn of error appeared over the horizon, whenever a polytheist maw opened wide, [Muḥammad] threw his brother into its jawsâand [Ê¿AlÄ«] would not return until he had stamped its ear with his soles, dampened its blaze with his blade. His intention was only to serve God. He was intimate with Godâs messenger, a leader among Godâs elect. All this toil, while you remained calm and secure in ample circumstances. |
â®ÙØ£ÙÙØ°Ù٠اÙÙ٠برسÙÙ٠بعد اÙÙÙتÙÙا ÙاÙÙت٠Ùبعد ٠ا Ù ÙÙ٠ببÙ٠اÙرجا٠Ùذؤبا٠اÙعرب Ù٠ردة Ø£Ù٠اÙÙتاب. ÙÙÙ٠ا ØØ´Ùا ï´¿ÙÙارÙا ÙÙÙÙØÙرÙب٠أÙØ·ÙÙÙØ£ÙÙÙا﴾ ÙÙج٠Ùر٠ÙÙضÙا٠ÙÙغرت Ùاغرة ٠٠اÙ٠شرÙÙÙ Ùذ٠بأخÙÙ ÙÙ ÙÙÙاتÙا ÙÙا ÙÙÙÙئ ØتÙÙ Ùطأ ص٠اخÙا بأخ٠ص٠ÙÙخ٠د ÙÙبÙا بØدÙÙ Ù ÙدÙدÙا Ù٠ذات اÙÙÙ ÙرÙبÙا ٠٠رسÙ٠اÙÙ٠سÙÙدÙا Ù٠أÙÙÙاء اÙÙÙ ÙØ£Ùت٠Ù٠بÙÙÙÙÙÙØ© ÙادعÙ٠آ٠ÙÙÙ.â¬â |
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When God took back his prophet to the abode of the prophets, hypocrisyâs thorns showed themselves among you. Religionâs robes frayed, the covetersâ anger broke free, the murky shadows emerged, and the vicious camel bellowed and wagged his tail in your courtyard. Satan raised his head from sleep. He shrieked at you and found you quick to answer his call, attentive to his deception. He roused you and found you swift to rise. He incited you and found you easy to anger. You rose up to brand camels that are not yours, and bring them to drink at a watering hole that is not yours. Even though the Prophetâs passing is recent, the gash vast, the wound unhealed. |
â®ØتÙ٠إذا ٱختار اÙÙÙ ÙÙبÙÙ٠دار Ø£ÙبÙائ٠ظÙرت Ø®ÙÙØ© اÙÙÙا٠Ùس٠٠جÙباب اÙدÙÙ ÙÙØ·Ù Ùاظ٠اÙغاÙÙÙ ÙÙبغ خا٠٠اÙØ¢ÙÙÙÙ ÙÙدر ÙÙÙ٠اÙ٠بطÙÙÙ Ùخطر Ù٠عرصاتÙÙ ÙأطÙع اÙØ´Ùطا٠رأس٠٠٠٠غرز٠صارخÙا بÙÙ ÙÙجدÙÙ Ùدعائ٠٠ستجÙبÙÙ ÙÙÙغرÙØ© ÙÙÙ Ù ÙاØظÙÙ ÙٱستÙÙضÙÙ ÙÙجدÙÙ Ø®ÙاÙÙا Ùأج٠شÙÙ ÙØ£ÙÙاÙ٠غضابÙا ÙÙس٠ت٠غÙر إبÙÙÙ ÙØ£Ùردت٠ÙÙا غÙر شربÙÙ Ùذا. ÙاÙعÙد ÙرÙب ÙاÙÙÙ٠رØÙب ÙاÙØ¬Ø±Ø ÙÙ ÙÙد٠Ù.â¬â |
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Beware and make haste! You claim that you did what you did from fear of discord. «Listen! They have fallen into the pit of discordâdisbelievers will go to hell!»15 May you be flung afar! Where do you go?! Why do you lie?! Godâs book is before you, its warnings unmistakable, its proofs bright, its commands clear! Do you turn away from it because you donât like what it says? Or do you have another book by which you judge? «What an evil trade for oppressors!»16 «Whosoever seeks a religion other than Islam, it will not be accepted from him, and he will be among the losers in the hereafter.»17 |
â®Ø¨Ø¯Ø§Ø± زع٠ت٠خÙ٠اÙÙتÙØ© ï´¿Ø£Ùا Ù٠اÙÙتÙة٠سÙÙÙØ·ÙÙÙا ÙØ¥ÙÙ٠جÙÙÙÙÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙÙ ÙØÙÙÙØ·Ùة٠بÙاÙÙÙÙاÙÙرÙÙÙÙÛï´¾. ÙÙÙÙات Ù ÙÙÙ ÙØ£ÙÙ٠بÙÙ ÙØ£ÙÙ٠تؤÙÙÙÙ. ÙÙذا Ùتاب اÙÙ٠بÙ٠أظÙرÙÙ ÙزÙاجر٠بÙÙÙØ© ÙØ´ÙاÙد٠ÙائØØ© ÙØ£Ùا٠ر٠ÙاضØØ©. أرغبة عÙ٠تدبرÙ٠أ٠بغÙر٠تØÙÙ Ù٠﴿بÙئÙس٠ÙÙÙظÙÙاÙÙÙ ÙÙÙ٠بÙدÙÙا٠Ûï´¾ ï´¿ÙÙÙ ÙÙ ÙÙبÙتÙغ٠غÙÙÙر٠ٱÙØ¥ÙسÙÙاÙ٠٠دÙÙÙا٠ÙÙÙÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙبÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙÙÙ ÙÙÙ Ù±ÙآخÙرÙØ©Ù Ù ÙÙÙ Ù±ÙÙØ®ÙاسÙرÙÙÙÙ Ûï´¾.â¬â |
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You did not wait for griefâs boiling to subside.18 â¨You drank in big gulps, hiding your intentions and pretending to sip froth,â©19 while we endured your slashing daggers. And now you claim that I cannot inherit. «Do you mete out a judgment from the age of ignorance? Who is a more favorable judge than God, for those who possess conviction!»20 Woe to you, Emigrants! Am I to be stripped of my fatherâs inheritance?! Does the book say you can inherit from your father and I cannot inherit from mine? «What you say is a lie!»21 Take it then! Muzzled and saddled, it will meet you on the day of your resurrection. God is the best judge, Muḥammad is the best leader, and the day of reckoning will come! At that hour, impostors will suffer defeat. «Every tiding will be fulfilled at its appointed time, as you will come to know.»22 |
â®Ø«Ù Ù Ù٠ترÙØ«Ùا Ø¥ÙÙا رÙØ« أ٠تسÙÙ ÙغرتÙا تشربÙÙ ØسÙÙا ÙتسرÙÙÙ Ù٠ٱرتغاء. ÙÙصبر Ù ÙÙ٠عÙÙ Ù Ø«Ù Øز٠اÙ٠د٠ÙØ£Ùت٠اÙآ٠تزع٠Ù٠أ٠Ùا إرث ÙÙا. ï´¿Ø£ÙÙÙØÙÙÙ٠٠اÙÙجÙاÙÙÙÙÙÙÙة٠تÙبÙغÙÙÙÙÙ ÙÙÙ ÙÙ٠أÙØÙسÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙ٠اÙÙÙÙ ØÙÙÙÙ Ùا ÙÙÙÙÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙÙÙÙÙÙÙÙÙÙÛï´¾. ÙÙÙÙا ٠عشر اÙÙ ÙاجرÙ٠أأبتز٠إرث أب٠أÙ٠اÙÙتاب أ٠ترث أبا٠ÙÙا أرث أب٠﴿ÙÙÙÙد٠جÙئÙت٠شÙÙÙئÙا ÙÙرÙÙÙÙاÛï´¾. ÙدÙÙÙÙا ٠خطÙÙ Ø© ٠رØÙÙØ© تÙÙا٠ÙÙÙ ØشرÙ. ÙÙع٠اÙØÙ٠اÙÙÙ ÙاÙزعÙÙ Ù ØÙ Ùد ÙاÙÙ Ùعد اÙÙÙا٠ة ÙعÙد اÙساعة Ùخسر اÙ٠بطÙÙÙ Ùï´¿ÙÙÙÙÙÙÙ ÙÙبÙØ£Ù Ù ÙسÙتÙÙرÙÙ ÙÙسÙÙÙÙ٠تÙعÙÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙÛï´¾.â¬â |
3 Oration by Ê¿Äʾishah bint AbÄ« Bakr: Text and Translation
When Ê¿AlÄ« became caliph in 35/656, Ê¿Äʾishah and two of the Prophetâs Companions, Ṭalḥah and Zubayr, rallied the people of Basra to fight him, claiming he was complicit in killing the previous caliph, Ê¿UthmÄn. The result was the Battle of the Camel, so called after the camel Ê¿Äʾishah rode onto the battlefield. In the following famous speech, she urges her supporters to fight Ê¿AlÄ«, defending her stance and proclaiming her maternal right:23
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I have the right of motherhood over you and the privilege of counsel. Any who chastise me have disobeyed their lord. Godâs messenger died with his head on my chest, and I will be one of his wives in paradise. God has put me aside for him and safeguarded me from having any other mates. Through me he differentiated believers among you from hypocrites,24 and because of me God gave you license in AbwÄʾ to [do the lesser ablution with] earth.25 |
â®Ø¥ÙÙ Ù٠عÙÙÙÙ ØÙ٠اÙØ£Ù ÙÙ Ø© ÙØÙ٠اÙÙ Ùعظة. Ùا ÙتÙÙÙ Ù٠إÙÙا ٠٠عص٠ربÙÙ. Ùبض رسÙ٠اÙÙ٠بÙ٠سØر٠ÙÙØر٠ÙØ£Ùا Ø¥Øد٠Ùسائ٠Ù٠اÙجÙÙØ©. Ù٠ٱدÙخرÙ٠ربÙÙ ÙØصÙÙÙÙ Ù Ù Ù٠بضع. Ùب٠٠ÙÙز ٠ؤ٠ÙÙÙ Ù Ù Ù ÙاÙÙÙÙ . Ùب٠أرخص اÙÙÙ ÙÙÙ Ù٠صعÙد اÙأبÙاء.â¬â |
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My father is the second of two, whose third is God. My father is the fourth of the earliest four Muslims and the first to be called âtrue believerâ (á¹£iddÄ«q). Godâs messenger died happy with him, and entrusted him with leading the prayer. Then faithâs rope strained, and he held it together. He patched together its strengths, crushed hypocrisy, contained the flood of apostate revolts, and extinguished the fires lit by Jews. |
â®Ø«Ù ٠أب٠ثاÙ٠ٱثÙÙ٠اÙÙ٠ثاÙØ«Ù٠ا أب٠رابع أربعة ٠٠اÙ٠سÙÙ ÙÙ ÙØ£ÙÙ٠٠٠س٠Ù٠صدÙÙÙÙا ٠ض٠رسÙ٠اÙÙÙ ÙÙ٠عÙ٠راض ÙÙد Ø·ÙÙÙÙ ÙÙ٠اÙإ٠ا٠ة. ث٠٠ٱضطرب Øب٠اÙدÙÙ Ùأخذ بطرÙÙÙ Ùرت٠ÙÙ٠أثÙاء٠ÙÙÙد اÙÙÙا٠Ùأغاض Ùبع اÙردÙØ© ÙأطÙØ£ ٠ا ØØ´Ù ÙÙÙد.â¬â |
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In those days, while you were looking on in shock, viewing the treachery and hearing the shouts, he contained the sedition, put ropes back on the handleless bucket, dug you out of the pit, and eradicated the root of the illness. |
â®ÙØ£Ùت٠ÙÙ٠ئذ جØظ اÙعÙÙ٠تÙظرÙ٠اÙعدÙØ© Ùتس٠عÙ٠اÙصÙØØ© Ùرأب اÙثأ٠ÙØ£Ùز٠اÙعطÙØ© ÙÙ±Ù ØªØ§Ø Ù Ù Ø§ÙÙ ÙÙاة ÙٱجتØ٠دÙÙ٠اÙداء.â¬â |
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Your community became unified, tied to his rope, then he appointed over your affairs a man who was harsh in Godâs path, quick to obey him, expansive like the space between the two stony tracts [encompassing the city of Medina], tolerant and forbearing. Then God took himâa man who had crushed the skulls of hypocrisy and lit battlefires against polytheists, who spent his nights wakeful, protecting Islam, who was patient in the face of ignorant folksâ jabs, and humble of character and disposition. He walked the path of those who had preceded him. |
â®Ø«Ù Ù Ù±Ùتظ٠ت طاعتÙ٠بØبÙÙ ÙÙÙÙ٠أ٠رÙ٠رجÙÙا شدÙدÙا Ù٠ذات اÙÙ٠عز٠ÙجÙ٠٠ذعÙÙا إذا رÙ٠إÙÙ٠بعÙدÙا ٠ا بÙ٠اÙÙÙابتÙ٠عرÙØ© ÙÙأذاة بجÙبÙ. ÙÙبض٠اÙÙ٠إÙÙÙ ÙاطئÙا عÙÙ Ùا٠ات اÙÙÙا٠٠ذÙÙÙا Ùار اÙØرب ÙÙ٠شرÙÙÙ ÙÙظا٠اÙÙÙÙ ÙÙ Ùصرة اÙإسÙا٠صÙÙØÙا ع٠اÙجاÙÙÙ٠خشاش اÙ٠راة ÙاÙ٠خبرة. ÙسÙ٠٠سÙ٠اÙسابÙÙÙØ©.â¬â |
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I take refuge in God from a calamity that has unified the front of sedition, and splintered the community brought together by the Qurʾan. |
â®ØªØ¨Ø±Ùأت Ø¥Ù٠اÙÙ٠٠٠خطب ج٠ع ش٠٠اÙÙتÙØ© Ù٠زÙ٠٠ا ج٠ع اÙÙرآÙ.â¬â |
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As for why I have marched this marchâI have not sinned, nor caused sedition, nor brought you to revolt. I say this in truth and justice, with warning and counsel. I ask God to bless Muḥammad, his servant and messenger, and to give you a leader who is worthy of succeeding Godâs messengers. |
â®Ø£Ùا Ùصب اÙ٠سأÙØ© ع٠٠سÙر٠Ùذا. Ø£Ùا ÙØ¥ÙÙÙ Ù٠أجرÙد إث٠Ùا أدرع٠ÙÙ٠أدÙس ÙتÙØ© Ø£ÙطئÙÙ ÙÙا. Ø£ÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙ Ùذا صدÙÙا ÙعدÙÙا ÙٱعتذارÙا ÙتعذÙرÙا Ùأسأ٠اÙÙ٠أ٠ÙصÙÙ٠عÙÙ Ù ØÙ Ùد عبد٠ÙرسÙÙÙ ÙØ£Ù ÙØ®ÙÙÙÙ Ù٠أ٠Ùت٠بأÙض٠خÙاÙØ© اÙ٠رسÙÙÙ.â¬â |
4 Oration by Zaynab bint ʿAlī: Text and Translation
When Ḥusaynâs womenfolk were brought to YazÄ«dâs court in Damascus in 60/680, YazÄ«d stood them before him shackled and unveiled, and had Ḥusaynâs decapitated head placed in a basin. Grasping a cane, he struck Ḥusaynâs mouth saying mockingly, âYou have such beautiful teeth!â Then he recited some verses:26
⦠I wish my venerable forefathers at the Battle of Badr had witnessedThe panic of the Khazraj in the face of our spears â¦They would have declaimed: Praise God and shine forth in joy!And said: YazÄ«d, may your hands never wither!Iâve avenged my elders at BadrThe ledger is balancedI would not be the son of my great forebearsIf I did not kill Aḥmadâs sons in vengeance.
Zaynab stepped forward to challenge YazÄ«dâs actions. She addressed her speech overtly to YazÄ«d, but simultaneously to all people present in his court, lamenting Ḥusayn, castigating YazÄ«d, and using sacred texts to profess the authority of the Prophetâs family.27
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God and his messenger spoke the truth, YazÄ«d: «Evildoers obtain an evil end, for they reject Godâs signs and ridicule them.»28 Do you think that because we have been driven as captive slaves, and forced to traverse the far reaches of the earth with no shelter but the sky, we are insignificant in Godâs eyes and you have honor? That all this happened because of your immense stature? You raise your nose and look about you, gay and happy, seeing the whole world flocking to you and under your control. Truly, this is nothing but a respite and a lull. God says, «Let not disbelievers think that our respite is a good thing for them. Indeed, we give them respite so that they may increase in trespass, and a shameful punishment awaits them.»29 |
â®ØµØ¯Ù اÙÙÙ ÙرسÙÙÙ Ùا ÙزÙد ï´¿ Ø«ÙÙ ÙÙ ÙÙاÙ٠عÙاÙÙبÙØ©Ù Ù±ÙÙÙØ°ÙÙÙ٠أÙسÙاءÙÙا Ù±ÙسÙÙÙۤأÙÙÙ° Ø£ÙÙ ÙÙØ°ÙÙبÙÙا بÙØ¢ÙÙات٠ٱÙÙÙÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙاÙÙÙا بÙÙÙا ÙÙسÙتÙÙÙزÙئÙÙÙ Ûï´¾. أظÙÙت Ùا ÙزÙد Ø£ÙÙÙ ØÙ٠أخذ عÙÙÙا بأطرا٠اÙأرض ÙØ£ÙÙا٠اÙس٠اء ÙأصبØÙا Ùسا٠Ù٠ا Ùسا٠اÙأسار٠أÙ٠بÙا ÙÙاÙÙا عÙ٠اÙÙÙ Ùب٠عÙÙÙ Ùرا٠ة ÙØ£ÙÙ Ùذا ÙعظÙ٠خطرÙ. Ùش٠خت بأÙÙÙ ÙÙظرت Ù٠عطÙÙ٠جذÙاÙÙا ÙرØÙا ØÙ٠رأÙت اÙدÙÙا ٠ستÙسÙØ© ÙÙ ÙاÙØ£Ù Ùر ٠تÙسÙØ© عÙÙÙ. ÙÙد Ø£Ù ÙÙت ÙÙÙÙست ÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙ ï´¿ÙÙا ÙÙØÙسÙبÙÙÙÙ Ù±ÙÙÙØ°ÙÙÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙرÙÙÙا Ø£ÙÙÙ٠ا ÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙÙ Ù Ø®ÙÙÙر٠ÙÙØ£ÙÙÙÙÙسÙÙÙ٠٠إÙÙÙ٠ا ÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙÙÙزÙدÙادÙÙا إثÙÙ Ùا ÙÙÙÙÙÙ٠٠عÙØ°Ùاب٠٠ÙÙÙÙÙÙÛï´¾.â¬â |
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Is it just, O freedmenâs son, for you to veil your women and concubines, while you drive forward Godâs messengerâs daughters thus, veils torn, grieving, voices hoarse with weeping? Jolted by speeding camels, herded from town to town by rancorous enemies, unguarded and undefended? Those near and far speaking to them directly, without shame? For they have no male protector to shield them! How to stop those who stare at us with coveting and rancor, hatred and malice! |
â®Ø£Ù ٠اÙعد٠Ùٱب٠اÙØ·ÙÙاء تخدÙر٠Ùساء٠Ùإ٠اء٠ÙسÙÙ٠بÙات رسÙ٠اÙÙÙ Ùد ÙتÙت ستÙرÙÙÙ ÙأصØÙت صÙتÙÙÙ Ù Ùتئبات تخد٠بÙÙ٠اÙأباعر ÙÙØد٠بÙÙ٠اÙأعاد٠٠٠بÙد اÙ٠بÙد Ùا ÙراÙب٠ÙÙا ÙؤÙÙÙ ÙتشÙÙÙÙÙ٠اÙÙرÙب ÙاÙبعÙد ÙÙس ٠عÙÙÙ ÙÙÙ٠٠٠رجاÙÙÙÙ. ÙÙÙÙ Ùستبطأ Ù٠بغضتÙا Ù Ù Ùظر Ø¥ÙÙÙا باÙØ´ÙÙ ÙاÙØ´ÙÙØ¢Ù ÙاÙØ¥ØÙ ÙاÙأضغاÙ.â¬â |
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Do you dare to say, â¨I wish that my venerable forefathers at the Battle of Badr could have witnessed Ḥusaynâs killing!â© Do you not understand that it is a sin, a major transgression? You dare to strike AbÅ« Ê¿AbdallÄh [Ḥusaynâs] teeth with your cane! But all this can happen, for you have picked the wound and extirpated the root by spilling the blood of the messengerâs children, stars of the earth from the line of Ê¿Abd al-Muá¹á¹alib. But wait. Soon you too shall come before God, as they have done, and you will wish that you had been born blind and dumb, that you had never intoned, âPraise God and shine forth in joy!â |
â®Ø£ØªÙÙÙ â¨ÙÙÙÙت٠أشÙÙÙاخÙ٠بÙبÙدÙر٠شÙÙÙدÙÙÙا⩠غÙر ٠تأثÙÙ ÙÙا ٠ستعظ٠ÙØ£Ùت تÙÙØ« Ø«ÙاÙا أب٠عبد اÙÙ٠ب٠خصرتÙ. ÙÙÙ Ùا تÙÙÙ ÙØ°ÙÙ ÙÙد ÙÙأت اÙÙرØØ© ÙٱستأصÙت اÙشأÙØ© بإÙراÙ٠د٠اء ذرÙÙÙØ© رسÙ٠اÙÙÙ ÙÙجÙ٠اÙأرض ٠٠آ٠عبد اÙÙ Ø·ÙÙب. ÙÙتردÙ٠عÙ٠اÙÙÙ ÙØ´ÙÙÙا Ù ÙردÙÙ ÙÙتÙدÙÙ٠أÙÙ٠ع٠Ùت ÙبÙ٠ت ÙØ£ÙÙÙ Ù٠تÙÙ â¨ÙÙٱسÙتÙÙÙÙÙÙÙا ÙÙØ£ÙÙÙÙÙÙÙا ÙÙرÙØÙاâ©.â¬â |
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God, grant us our rights, and give us vengeance from those who oppressed. By God, [YazÄ«d], you have pared naught but your own skin, incised naught but your own flesh. You shall come before Godâs messenger, despite yourself. His children, his family, will be with him in the garden. That day, God will bring them together, gathered after long separation. That is Almighty Godâs pledge, «Donât think that those killed in the path of God are dead. They are alive and sustained in their lordâs presence.»30 The man who put you in this place and gave you charge over the lives of believersâ[MuÊ¿Äwiyah]âwill learn his lesson. The day will come when God will be your judge, Muḥammad will be your adversary, and your own limbs will bear witness against you. «What a terrible barter the oppressors get!»31 [You will learn] «who gets the most terrible abode, and who has the weakest army.»32 |
â®Ø§ÙÙÙÙ٠٠خذ بØÙÙÙا ÙÙ±ÙتÙÙ ÙÙا Ù Ù Ù٠ظÙÙ Ùا. ÙاÙÙ٠٠ا ÙرÙت Ø¥ÙÙا جÙد٠ÙÙا Øرزت Ø¥ÙÙا ÙÙ ÙØÙ Ù. Ùسترد عÙ٠رسÙ٠اÙÙ٠برغ٠٠Ùعترت٠ÙÙØ٠ت٠ÙÙ ØظÙرة اÙÙدس ÙÙÙ Ùج٠ع اÙÙÙ Ø´Ù ÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙ ÙÙ Ù٠٠٠اÙشعث ÙÙÙ ÙÙ٠اÙÙ٠تعاÙÙ ï´¿ÙÙÙا٠تÙØÙسÙبÙÙÙÙ Ù±ÙÙÙØ°ÙÙÙÙ ÙÙتÙÙÙÙا٠ÙÙ٠سÙبÙÙÙÙ Ù±ÙÙÙÙÙ٠أÙÙ ÙÙÙاتا٠بÙÙ٠أÙØÙÙÙاء٠عÙÙد٠رÙبÙÙÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙرÙزÙÙÙÙÙ Ûï´¾. ÙسÙعÙ٠٠٠بÙÙØ£Ù ÙÙ ÙÙÙ٠٠٠رÙاب اÙ٠ؤ٠ÙÙ٠إذا Ùا٠اÙØÙ٠اÙÙÙ ÙاÙخص٠٠ØÙ Ùد ÙجÙارØ٠شاÙدة عÙÙ٠﴿بÙئÙس٠ÙÙÙظÙÙاÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙ٠بÙدÙÙÙا﴾ ï´¿Ø£ÙÙÙÙÙÙÙ Ù Ø´ÙرÙÙ Ù ÙÙÙاÙÙا ÙÙØ£ÙضÙعÙÙ٠جÙÙÙدÙاÛï´¾.â¬â |
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By GodâO enemy of God and son of his enemyâI find your stature small and your oppression great. But my eyes are full of tears, my breast burns with grief. And yet, that does nothing. For Ḥusayn has been killed. And here, Satanâs host has stood us before an assembly of fools, hoping to be rewarded from Godâs treasury for violating sanctities God has proclaimed. Your hands drip with our blood. Your mouths foam from our flesh. As for those pure bodies!âwild wolves approach them in the gloom. |
â®Ù ع Ø£ÙÙÙ ÙاÙÙÙ Ùا عدÙ٠اÙÙÙ Ùٱب٠عدÙÙ٠أستصغر Ùدر٠Ùأستعظ٠تÙرÙعÙ. غÙر Ø£Ù٠اÙعÙÙ٠عبر٠ÙاÙصدÙر ØرÙÙ Ù٠ا Ùجز٠ذÙÙ Ù٠ا ÙغÙ٠عÙÙا ÙÙد Ùت٠اÙØسÙÙ ÙØزب اÙØ´Ùطا٠ÙÙرÙبÙا Ø¥ÙÙ Øزب اÙسÙÙاء ÙÙعطÙÙ٠أ٠Ùا٠اÙÙ٠عÙÙ Ù±ÙتÙا٠٠Øار٠اÙÙÙ. ÙÙذ٠اÙØ£Ùد٠تÙØ·Ù٠٠٠د٠ائÙا ÙÙذ٠اÙØ£ÙÙا٠تتØÙÙب Ù Ù ÙØÙÙ Ùا ÙتÙ٠اÙجثث اÙزÙاÙÙ Ùعتا٠Ùا عسÙا٠اÙÙÙÙات.â¬â |
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You treat us as booty to be plundered, but when the hour comes and you hold nothing except the actions of your two hands, you will find you have hoarded sin. You will scream, âO son of MarjÄnah [Ê¿UbaydallÄh ibn ZiyÄd],â and he will scream for you. You, with your followers, will howl when you come to the celestial weighing scales, when you find that the best provision MuÊ¿Äwiyah left to you was the act of killing Muḥammadâs children! By God, I fear no one but God, and I complain to no one but him. Plot your plot, extend your efforts, and wage your war! By God, the shame of what you have done to us will never be washed away! |
â®ÙÙئ٠ٱتÙخذتÙا ٠غÙÙ Ùا ÙتتخذÙ٠٠غر٠Ùا ØÙÙ Ùا تجد Ø¥ÙÙا ٠ا ÙدÙ٠ت Ùدا٠تستصرخ Ùٱب٠٠رجاÙØ© ÙÙستصرخ ب٠ÙتتعاÙÙ Ùأتباع٠عÙد اÙÙ Ùزا٠ÙÙد Ùجدت Ø£Ùض٠زاد زÙÙد٠٠عاÙÙØ© ÙتÙ٠ذرÙÙØ© Ù ØÙ Ùد. ÙÙâاÙÙ٠٠ا ٱتÙÙÙت Ø¥ÙÙا اÙÙÙ ÙÙا Ø´ÙÙا٠إÙÙا Ø¥Ù٠اÙÙÙ. ÙÙد ÙÙد٠Ùٱسع سعÙÙ ÙÙاصب جÙد٠ÙÙâاÙÙÙ Ùا ÙرØض عÙ٠عار ٠ا أتÙت Ø¥ÙÙÙا أبدÙا.â¬â |
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I offer praise to God, who granted a felicitous culmination ornamented with his forgiveness to the chiefs of the youth of paradise,33 and stationed them in his garden. I ask God to raise their standing, and to grant them ever-increasing grace and blessing. He is loving, and powerful over all things. |
â®ÙاÙØ٠د ÙÙ٠اÙÙذ٠خت٠باÙسعادة ÙاÙ٠غÙرة Ùسادات شبÙا٠اÙجÙا٠ÙØ£Ùجب ÙÙ٠اÙجÙÙØ©. أسأ٠اÙÙ٠أ٠ÙرÙع ÙÙ٠اÙدرجات ÙØ£Ù ÙÙجب ÙÙ٠اÙ٠زÙد Ù Ù ÙضÙÙ ÙØ¥ÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙ ÙدÙر.â¬â |
5 Similarities with Menâs Orations in Orality, Structure, Style, and Theme
In their oral substrate, and thus in structure, style, and some themes, orations by women resemble those by men. In their structure, they follow the regular sequence of segments, with a formulaic praise opening, transition phrase, vocative address to the audience, various themes in the body of the oration, and a capstone ending of prayer or greeting. Although all components are not recorded for the three texts transcribed hereâas is also the case for menâs orationsâexamples of individual structural frame segments are copious in womenâs texts: ṬayfÅ«râs second version of FÄá¹imahâs oration includes an opening praise invocation and vocative address, NÄʾilah includes a praise opening, Umm KulthÅ«mâs and Ḥafá¹£ahâs orations contain taḥmÄ«d as well as a transition phrase, ZarqÄʾ includes a vocative, Ḥafá¹£ahâs and Zaynabâs orations end with prayer, Ê¿Äʾishah ends with the standard phrase, âI say these words â¦,â and prayer, and Umm al-Khayr with the greeting of peace.
In their style too, womenâs orations use an aesthetic approximating that of men, being rhythmic and graphic, citing Qurʾan, poetry, and proverbs, and containing profuse audience engagement features, such as rhetorical questions and emphatic constructions. For example, FÄá¹imah uses structural parallelism in describing Muḥammadâs bringing of Islam, âNight gave way to morning, truth gleamed forth, religionâs voice dominated, and Satanâs camel-frothings subsided.â In these lines, and in numerous other places in the oration, she uses lifeworld imagery, particularly metaphors stemming from camel physiognomy and behavior: âWhen God took back his prophet to the abode of the prophets, hypocrisyâs thorns showed themselves among you. Religionâs robes frayed, the covetersâ anger broke free, the murky shadows emerged, and the vicious camel bellowed and wagged his tail in your courtyard ⦠You rose up to brand camels that are not yours, and bring them to drink at a watering hole that is not yours ⦠Take it then! Muzzled and saddled, it will meet you on the day of your resurrection.â In another example, Ê¿Äʾishah uses parallelism, assonance, and lifeworld imagery to praise AbÅ« Bakrâs actions following Muḥammadâs demise: â[H]e contained the sedition, put ropes back on the handleless bucket, dug you out of the pit, and eradicated the root of the illness.â
Qurʾan citationâa feature also common in menâs speechesâappears to be particularly prominent in womenâs orations, especially those delivered in a situation of trauma, such as those by FÄá¹imah, Zaynab, and Umm KulthÅ«m. Zaynab begins her Damascus speech with a verse from surah RÅ«m: âGod and his messenger spoke the truth, YazÄ«d: «Evildoers obtain an evil end, for they reject Godâs signs and ridicule them»,â34 as does FÄá¹imah, who opens her speech with the verse endorsing prophetsâ inheritance, and Umm KulthÅ«m, who begins with the verse condemning disloyalty.35 Their verbatim quotations of the Qurʾan across the rest of the speech are in addition to the many allusions to Qurʾanic concepts throughout, evoking Godâs omnipotence and the eventual triumph of good over evil. Furthermore, their Qurʾan citations are metonymical. By citing the surah RÅ«m verse for example, Zaynab also alludes to the previous, uncited verseâ«Have they never journeyed in the earth and seen what happened to those who lived before their time, who were stronger than they, cultivated the earth and built on it more widely than they? Their messengers brought them evidence of the truth. It was not God who wronged them, but it was they who wronged themselves»36âthereby linking the Umayyads with past communities who opposed Godâs prophets. Ê¿Äʾishah quotes no Qurʾan in her battle speech, but she references Qurʾanic material, such as the Prophetâs wives being mothers of the faithful (more on this shortly); in her earlier speech at AbÅ« Bakrâs death she uses a verbatim Qurʾanic quote.37
Rhetorical questions and other agonistic features, such as oaths and particles of emphasis, are sprinkled profusely throughout, reflecting their delivery in a situation of trauma. Zaynab poses a series of questions, saying for example to YazÄ«d, âDo you think that because we have been driven as captive slaves, and forced to traverse the far reaches of the earth with no shelter but the sky, we are insignificant in Godâs eyes and you have honor? That all this happened because of your immense stature?â She means here the womenfolk from the family of the Prophet, and her questions are rhetorical, meant not to elicit information but to drive home her point, to show that YazÄ«dâs earthly dominion and her own apparent helplessness are not the real measure of their worth. FÄá¹imah berates her audience, asking, âWoe to you, Emigrants! Am I to be stripped of my fatherâs inheritance?! Does the book say you can inherit from your father and I cannot inherit from mine?â
In addition to rhythm, imagery, and audience engagement features, womenâs speechesâlike menâs orations from the periodâcontain a significant amount of archaic vocabulary, such as FÄá¹imahâs shaqÄshiq (camel-frothings) and á¹arq (water urinated in by camels), Ê¿Äʾishahâs buá¸Ê¿ (mates) and awzama (put ropes back on a handleless bucket), and Zaynabâs shamakhta (you raised your nose) and yatashawwafuhunna (speak directly to them without shame). Also like male orators, we see that the texts of our female speakers maintain at all times a formal, direct, and eloquent language register.
Moreover, two types of oration prominent in ṬayfÅ«râs womenâs anthology are also a staple in speeches by men. The first of these gender-neutral orations are those inciting battleâsuch as the speech by Ê¿Äʾishah bint AbÄ« Bakr at the Battle of the Camel, and the orations by ZarqÄʾ, Umm al-Khayr, and Ê¿Ikrishah, at á¹¢iffÄ«n. All but Ê¿Ikrishah orate from the back of a camel (described further as red or ash-colored), while she and ZarqÄʾ, and perhaps also Ê¿Äʾishah, deliver their speeches in the thick of the fray, âbetween the two fighting armiesâ (bayna l-á¹£affayn). In terms of content, Ê¿Äʾishahâs speechâin which she mostly attempts to defend her action in fighting Ê¿AlÄ«âis atypical, in that it lacks overt battle themes, but it is also possible that such themes existed in the original speech and were dropped from ṬayfÅ«râs version. The speeches by women supporting Ê¿AlÄ« at á¹¢iffÄ«n have more traditional themes of battle. They each urge the audience to fight, praising Ê¿AlÄ«âs righteousness, castigating MuÊ¿Äwiyahâs pursuit of worldly ambition, citing Qurʾanic verses urging jihad, and promising the enemyâs quick routing. An earlier speech attributed to the two-period (mukhaá¸ramah) poet KhansÄʾ at QÄdisiyyah is similar in its theme of urging battle but is more circumscribed in audience, being addressed in private to her four sons.38
From a different genre, womenâs verse of battlefield goading (taḥrÄ«á¸) is commonly found in the sources. While she and other women beat drums behind their menfolk in the Battle of Uḥud, Hind bint Ê¿Utbah (MuÊ¿Äwiyahâs mother and AbÅ« SufyÄnâs wife) improvised lines of poetry urging the Meccans to fight against Muḥammad and promising physical intimacy as reward.39 She and other women recited the same and other similar verses on the Muslimsâ side at YarmÅ«k.40 Although the goal of urging battle is alike in Hindâs verses and our orations, their themes and settings appear to be wholly different. Perhaps the sources may yet yield pre-Islamic and earlier Islamic instances of womenâs orations urging battle, but I have not yet located such reports.
The second type of gender-neutral oration is the funeral eulogyâsuch as orations by the two Ê¿Äʾishahs, Ḥafá¹£ah, NÄʾilah, and á¹¢afiyyah, lamenting their dead kin and praying for them, and, in the case of Ê¿UthmÄnâs daughter and wife, also urging blood vengeance. á¹¢afiyyah and Ê¿Äʾishah bint Ê¿UthmÄn cite the Qurʾanic verse conventionally recited in the context of death, âWe are of God and to God we return.â41 á¹¢afiyyah, NÄʾilah, and Ê¿Äʾishah bint AbÄ« Bakr in one version, all end with verses of poetry. Zaynab and Umm KulthÅ«mâs orations also contain themes of eulogy for the slain Ḥusayn, but as we shall see shortly, their starker context of trauma, killing, and extended captivity sets them apart.
6 Womenâs Oratorical Authority Grounded in Male Kinship
One of two main aspects in which womenâs orations in this period are distinct from menâs is the nature of the authority they wield, which derives largely from lineage or marriage, and is bolstered by piety, learning, and political influence. The case is far from black and white, because political influence for both men and women itself derives in part from blood ties, and familial affiliation is also conspicuous as a path of legitimation in male oratorsâ speeches, especially those from the Prophetâs family. But kinship as the chief source of authority is especially prominent in speeches by women. The three women whose orations you have read were closely related to the Prophet as well as to other top leaders in the community: As mentioned earlier, FÄá¹imah was the Prophetâs daughter and Ê¿AlÄ«âs wife, Zaynab was the Prophetâs granddaughter and Ê¿AlÄ« (and FÄá¹imahâs) daughter, and Ê¿Äʾishah was the Prophetâs wife and AbÅ« Bakrâs daughter. Four others whose orations ṬayfÅ«r transcribes were similarly connected to the Prophet and/or the first historical caliphs: Umm KulthÅ«m was the Prophetâs granddaughter and Ê¿AlÄ« (and FÄá¹imahâs) daughter (also Ê¿Umarâs wife, but she does not reference him), Ḥafá¹£ah was the Prophetâs wife and Ê¿Umarâs daughter, Ê¿Äʾishah was Ê¿UthmÄnâs daughter, and NÄʾilah was Ê¿UthmÄnâs wife. Connections of lineage and marriage were the most significant bulwark of their oratorical authority.
In addition to the historical fact of their family network, statements women make in their speeches also support this claim, for they mention no source of authority except kinship. In ṬayfÅ«râs second version of FÄá¹imahâs speech, she begins by underlining her relationship to the Prophet, âI am FÄá¹imah and my father is Muḥammad.â42 The small, familiar audience of Muḥammadâs Medinan Companions presumably knew well who she was, so the statement is one of emphasis rather than information. In all three versions, she goes on to speak of the benefits her father had provided the community she is addressingâbeing the vehicle through which God sent the guidance of Islam and bestowed on his followers a life of plentyâand of her husbandâs unparalleled service in establishing the faith; in both cases, she underscores her relationship to them. The context of Ê¿Äʾishahâs speech delivered at the Battle of the Camel is more akin to speeches by male leaders, but what sets it apart is the presentation of her authority in a particularly female matrix as âa motherâs right over her children.â43 Going forward in the speech, she focuses on the Muslimsâ indebtedness to her husband, and after his passing, on her fatherâs efforts to preserve Islam. Establishing her own authority with these weighty connections, she declares that as the communityâs mother she has every right to expect their obedience.
Through the full length of their post-Karbala speeches, both of the Prophetâs granddaughters emphasize their lineage (as had their brother Ḥusayn, discussed in an earlier chapter). At the outset of Umm KulthÅ«mâs speech chastising the Kufans, she uses the formula of praise itselfââI begin with praise of God and benedictions on my grandfatherââto remind the audience that her family was the Prophetâs family; that Muḥammad, the man her audience believed to be Godâs messenger, was her grandfather. She continues in this vein for the rest of the speech. Zaynabâs speech is also entirely undergirded by statements about her lineage. In her chastisement of YazÄ«d for his dishonorable treatment of her family, she refers to them as the âmessengerâs daughters,â saying âIs it just, O freedmenâs son, for you to veil your women and concubines, while you drive forward Godâs messengerâs daughters thus, veils torn, grieving, voices hoarse with weeping? Jolted by speeding camels, herded from town to town by rancorous enemies, unguarded and undefended? Those near and far speaking to them directly, without shame.â44 In the pensive musing that follows, she again emphasizes the family connection, âBut all this can happen, for you have picked the wound and extirpated the root by spilling the blood of the messengerâs childrenââfleshing out the pedigree further in the next, descriptive phraseââstars of the earth from the line of [Muḥammadâs grandfather] Ê¿Abd al-Muá¹á¹alib.â In the next segment, Zaynab declares to YazÄ«d that the tables will be turned on the oppressors in the final accounting, by highlighting that Ḥusayn is Muḥammadâs grandson and she is his granddaughter, and that YazÄ«d will have Godâs messenger to answer to on judgment day: âYou shall come before Godâs messenger, despite yourself. His children, his family, will be with him in the garden. That day, God will bring them together, gathered after long separation.â The end of her speech puts the final stamp on this theme, warning him of an evil end, while again referring to her family as âMuḥammadâs children.â
My claim that kinship was the source of female oratorical authority comes with exceptions, since not all female orators wielded such exalted family stature. Four women orators named by ṬayfÅ«r were not related to the top leadership of the community. On the battlefield at á¹¢iffÄ«n, three women, otherwise unfamiliar from the annalsâÊ¿Ikrishah, Umm al-Khayr, and ZarqÄʾâgave speeches urging their tribesmen to fight MuÊ¿Äwiyah.45 The fourth is another otherwise unknown woman named á¹¢afiyyah, who eulogized her deceased cousin Aḥnaf. But Aḥnaf was a chieftain of TamÄ«m, which means that á¹¢afiyyah herself was a daughter of the tribeâs leading family. The other three may also be women with notable kinship ties within their tribes.
The proposition of kinship playing a major role in women oratorsâ authority also holds true in our single example from pre-Islamic times. The Arab Christian Ruḥaymah bint Ê¿Aáºamah of NajrÄn, who gave a speech in the marketplace before she was killed for her faith, was a noblewoman. Her contemporary, Bishop Simeon, who records her speech, notes her âhigh position, her lineage, and her beauty,â and adds that âthe woman whose face no one had ever seen outside the door of her house (presumably because of her rank, since highborn ladies were more likely to veil) ⦠stood before the whole city with her head uncovered.â46 In the oration itself, Ruḥaymah underscores her elevated socio-economic station, saying, âYou know my lineage and my family ⦠and that I have gold and silver and slaves and handmaids and field produce and that I lack nothing.â47
The indirect and anomalous nature of female authority is accentuated by the fact that we are told of no accoutrements of authority accompanying their speeches. They did not speak from the pulpit, wield a staff, sword, or bow, orâexcept for Ê¿Äʾishah at the Battle of the Camel, and ZarqÄʾ and Umm al-Khayr at á¹¢iffÄ«n, who spoke, as was mentioned, from the back of a camelâever orate from a physically higher location. On the contrary and unlike most (but not all) male speakers, some womenâs speechesâsuch as FÄá¹imahâs and Zaynabâsâwere addressed in the first instance to a single person, one who wielded the highest political authority.
7 Womenâs Public Oratory Prompted by Trauma
The second core characteristic that sets womenâs orations apart in the early period is that they frequently take place in an atmosphere of trauma, which, paradoxically, releases womenâs public voice. Early Islamic society produced many strong women, including some close to the Prophet Muḥammad among his family and followers, and there is no indication that women did not have a voice in the private sphere. But formal public address to a large number of unrelated males was not sanctioned by the societyâs views on modesty, and most orations by females in our sources are subversive of expected gender roles. It would appear that from time to time unusual situations arose that necessitated the speaking out in public of otherwise veiled females. Orations by men in our period are also sometimes prompted by situations of trauma, and conversely, not all orations by women are set in victim situations. Yet, traumatic circumstances are more commonly the stimulus for women to orate in public than is the case for men, for whom numerous other public platforms existed. The nature and harshness of the trauma varies, yet it is present to some degree and in some way in most womenâs orations. The á¹¢iffÄ«n orations by women urging their tribesmen to battle are set in the liminal context of bloodshed. The oration by Ruḥaymah is framed by her imminent execution. The oration by FÄá¹imah is provoked by her fatherâs sudden death, the assumption of the caliphate by AbÅ« Bakr, and his revocation of her inheritance. The eulogies by the two Ê¿Äʾishahs, Ḥafá¹£ah, and NÄʾilah lament the death of their fathers or husband, the first three Sunni caliphs, of whom both Ê¿Umar and Ê¿UthmÄn died brutally by assassination. á¹¢afiyyahâs eulogy hails Aḥnaf as âa martyr.â And finally, the orations by Zaynab and Umm KulthÅ«m are triggered by the tragic and bloody events in and after Karbala.
Postcolonial thinkers, among other gender theorists, have focused on the silenced female voice. In her groundbreaking essay, âCan the Subaltern Speak?â Gayatri Spivak explains the muzzling of womenâs voices in colonial India by Western feminisms and patriarchal structures. This phenomenon holds true in many contemporary as well as medieval societies, and it is also true of early Islamic times, where womenâs voices are often silenced in the public sphere, where we mostly hear of them, rarely from them. In tandem, trauma studies scholars have done illuminating work on victimsâ voices, often female, and they usually analyze how traumatic experiences silence the voice: Judith Herman discusses how domestic violence shuts down the victim, and Elaine Scarry writes of how pain stifles language and creativity. For many of our female speakers, in contrast, we see a reverse manifestation, with their voices not subdued, but freed by their ordeal. It is in the face of devastation, particularly violent death, that the silence is broken. The trauma they undergo removes the muzzle of propriety placed on womenâs public voices by society, and allows them, even prompts them, to declaim freely and publicly, to challenge and censure the highest political and military powers of their time. As mentioned earlier, topics covered by these womenâs orations are not altogether dissimilar from menâs, but the context of shock and suffering changes the presentation. As is the case with menâs orations, pious counsel, battle themes, and political topics are prominent in orations by women, but here they usually arise from a seat of victimization and defiance in the face of the political power.
Among circumstances of trauma, the context of martyrdomâeither of oneself (unusual for a female in this society, as in the case of Ruḥaymah), or of a close male relative (more common, as in the case of Zaynab and Umm KulthÅ«m)âcould be said particularly to give women a public voice. Their trauma is referenced over and over in their speeches, an indication also of its crucial role in prompting the public address. Castigating YazÄ«d, Zaynabâs speech contrasts the respect he accords to his harem with the shame and misery he has heaped on the daughters of the man he acknowledges as Godâs prophet. In the beginning lines, Zaynab references herself and her female kin being âdriven as captive slaves, and forced to traverse the far reaches of the earth with no shelter but the sky.â Going forward, she laments that they have âno male protector to shield themâ and exclaims, âHow to stop those who stare at us with coveting and rancor, hatred and malice!â
Female ritual mourning of a fallen male warrior loomed large in the pre-Islamic society that preceded Zaynabâs by a century: its pre-eminent poet, KhansÄʾ, is credited with a set of elegies mourning her slain brother á¹¢akhr and urging her tribesmen to avenge him.48 Suzanne Stetkevych explains the liminality that bestowed pre-Islamic noblewomen a public voice, and their fulfillment, in that space, of ritual obligation, in the following lines:49
It appears that for the class of âfreeâ or âfreebornâ women, that is, the kinswomen of the lords and warriors, puberty was marked by confinement and veiling (the inverse of the male liminal expulsion or âprotection,â which is the dominant sign of their elevated status throughout their lives). The protection or privacy (especially pudical) of free women set them in opposition, above all, to female captives and slaves, who were not secluded and veiled but rather defiled by every hand and eye ⦠[C]onfinement and privacy thus constitute an expression of âpurityâ or, in ritual terms, aggregation; hence, to be expelled, unveiled, to appear or speak in public, is an expression of âdefilement,â of liminality. It is therefore only in the liminal (defiled/sacral) states of a kinsmanâs death or of warfare that the women of the warrior class have a publicâand hence poeticâvoice.
With their context of death and trauma, speeches of the Prophetâs granddaughters reflect some of KhansÄʾâs cultural ethos. But they also break away from her conventions in important ways: The qualities they praise in their slain brother are virtue, spiritual eminence, righteous leadership, and his relationship with the Prophet of Islam, versus á¹¢akhrâs typically pre-Islamic praise-motifs of courage and generosity. Their weeping is not a ritual obligation, but a personal expression. The vengeance they seek is solicited not from humans, but from God. Most significantly, their unveiling is not of their own choice, but a shame brought on them by their captors. Their public speaking is forced on them by circumstances visited by the enemy, not a ritual prompted by the tribe. Ironically, it is the Umayyadsâ public shaming of Zaynab and Umm KulthÅ«m that is the impetus for their public speeches.
7.1 âFlesh-Witnessing:â Remarks on Zaynabâs Post-Karbala Oration at YazÄ«dâs Court in Damascus
The context of trauma in womenâs orations can be further explored by harnessing Yuval Harariâs theory of âflesh-witnessing.â The case of Zaynab (and Umm KulthÅ«m too, though not expanded upon here) is particularly apt. To use Harariâs terms, Zaynab is not just an eyewitness who has seen Ḥusaynâs killing and the Karbala tragedy, but she is a flesh-witness who has suffered personally and intensely its physical and emotional travails. This explains both the passion in her rendering of the events of Karbala, and her muzzling of any moral or legal defense by YazÄ«d. Harari demarcates the narrative authority of the two types of witnesses thus:50
Eyewitnessing and flesh-witnessing are very different types of authority which produce different types of narratives. Eyewitness narratives are interested in conveying âobjectiveâ facts and deserve to be called âeyewitness accountsâ whenever their authors have directly witnessed the events they describe. In contrast, flesh-witness narratives seem to be interested in conveying experiences and may be considered âflesh-witness accountsâ only if their authors have themselves undergone the described experiences. One can often be an eyewitness to an experience one has not undergone.
Although Harariâs setting of the First World War is far removed from Zaynabâs world in time, place, and cultural context, several of the points he makes are relevant: Zaynab was personally involved in the battle she is relating. She endured suffering, which can never be fully understood by those who did not suffer in the same manner. Therefore, she wields a subjective authority in narrating Karbala, which is germane to her silencing of YazÄ«d. Harariâs further remarks on the nature and purpose of flesh-witnessing are instructive:51
Very often flesh-witnesses are possessed by their past experience. They are messengers speaking on behalf of countless others who did not live to tell the tale. The past experience and especially the dead victims of that experience thrust upon survivors a sacred and often unwanted burden of changing the world. Narrating the experience is their way of gaining the power necessary to change the world. In this, flesh-witnesses again resemble religious visionaries and prophets who are possessed by some transcendent power and who speakâoften against their willâin order to change the world rather than merely to transmit information.
Flesh-witnesses, as just quoted from Harari, carry a âsacred ⦠burden of changing the world,â thrust on them by the dead. Ḥusayn has departed the world but his sister, a flesh-witness to his courageous stance in the face of YazÄ«dâs oppression, continues to carry his banner. At the time of her speech, she is in the Umayyad rulerâs power. He has already killed Ḥusayn and many of her kin, and subjected her and her sisters and nieces to abject suffering. She is standing before him, surrounded by his armed guards, and he could potentially do her even more harm. But despite her anguish and her precarious position, her words articulate conviction that she is on the side of truth, that there will be a reckoning for the oppressor, and that God is with her always. Voicing deep anger at the Umayyad leadership and their followers, she characterizes both masters and servants as godless: Those who participated in killing Ḥusayn are âSatanâs hostâ and the Umayyad ruling party are an âassembly of foolsâ that has taken illegal control of Godâs own treasury. In the penultimate section of the speech, Zaynab comes full circle, in loose ring-composition,52 to her earlier opening theme of how the tables will be turned in the hereafter: âYou treat us as booty to be plundered, but when the hour comes and you hold nothing except the actions of your two hands, you will find you have hoarded sin ⦠By God, I fear no one but God, and I complain to no one but him. Plot your plot, extend your efforts, and wage your war! By God, the shame of what you have done to us will never be washed away!â As a flesh-witness, Zaynabâs speech asserts that although the Battle of Karbala is over, the fight for truth and justice will never end. With her concluding words, the positions of captive speaker and dominant addressee are fully inverted. The powerful ruler has become chained to his deeds, and the oppressed Imam and his family have attained the ultimate victory. In Ibn ṬÄwÅ«sâs version of Zaynabâs oration, we are told that many in YazÄ«dâs court wept, while YazÄ«d himself was silent. In some ways, Zaynabâs gender is irrelevant; her speech echoes the same arguments expressed by Ḥusayn before he was killed. In other ways, her gender is what allows her to speak in her fraught situation, as a surviving flesh-witness, when her male relatives have been silenced by the sword.53
8 Concluding Remarks
Womenâs orations are an anomaly in our corpus, but the few cited in the sources are particularly powerful and stirring pieces. Although no women in the first two centuries of Islam were caliphs, governors, or (with one significant exception) army commanders, a number had distinctive stature and commanded the respect of their male and female peers. Deriving their authority from kinship to the Prophet and the early caliphs, they orate in moments of unusual distress. Drawing heavily on the Qurʾan, they chastise, berate, and declaim. Even though few, they stand shoulder to shoulder in their artistry and impact with the most eloquent speeches by men.
á¹¢afwat, 1:103â118.
App. §â¯111.1, preserved in a contemporary Syriac translation.
App. §â¯47.1.
App. §â¯28.1; §â¯29.1; §â¯49.1; §â¯98.1; §â¯116.1.
App. §â¯28.5. Three more are recorded in other sources, App. §â¯28.2â4, and yet another in IdrÄ«s, 2:347â349.
App. §â¯163.1; §â¯141.1; §â¯66.1.
App. §â¯165.2 (full transcription follows shortly); §â¯142.1 (trans. and analyzed in T. Qutbuddin, âOrations of Zaynab and Umm KulthÅ«mâ).
Gagarin, 176 and passim.
(â®ÙØ٠اÙØ£ÙبÙاء Ùا ÙÙرث ٠ا ترÙÙا٠صدÙØ©â¬â): BukhÄrÄ«, §â¯7305, Muslim, §â¯1757â1759, NisÄʾī, Sunanâs.v. âKitÄb al-farÄʾiá¸.â
App. §â¯47.1. Two more versions of the same oration are provided in ṬayfÅ«r, 58â66, in which FÄá¹imah, in support of her right to inherit from Muḥammad, cites the Qurʾanic verse âSolomon inherited from Davidâ (â®ÙÙÙÙرÙث٠سÙÙÙÙÙÙ ÙاÙ٠دÙاÙÙÙدÙâ¬â), (Q Naḥl 16:27). KhÄqÄnÄ« provides a commentary on the oration, Sharḥ Khuá¹bat al-á¹£iddÄ«qah, 170â240.
Q Tawbah 9:128.
Refers to Muḥammadâs pairing of Ê¿AlÄ« with himself, when he paired his Companions as âbrothers.â See Ibn HishÄm, 1:320; NuÊ¿mÄn, Sharḥ al-akhbÄr, 1:193â194.
Proverb signifying all sorts of calamities; etiology in MaydÄnÄ«, 1:257.
Q MÄʾidah 5:64.
Q Tawbah 9:49.
Q Kahf 18:50.
Q Äl Ê¿ImrÄn 3:85.
I.e., after Muḥammadâs death.
Proverb, said of one who pretends one thing when he means another. See Lane, s.v. âRGhWâ.
Q MÄʾidah 5:50.
Q Maryam 19:27.
Q AnÊ¿Äm 6:67.
App. §â¯28.5. Ê¿Äʾishahâs reference is to the Qurʾanic verse which characterizes the Prophet as the believersâ spiritual father and his wives as their mothers, Q AḥzÄb 33:6. This point is discussed further in the following section on Womenâs Oratorical Authority.
She refers to the story of the âheinous lieâ in Q NÅ«r 24:11, when the Qurʾan exonerated her of adultery. See explanations in the exegetical works of ṬabarÄ«, ZamaksharÄ«, Ibn KathÄ«r, Qurá¹ubÄ«, and others.
Ê¿Äʾishah relates that she was with Muḥammad on a journey when her necklace broke in AbwÄʾ, and the group was delayed looking for it and had to stay overnight. There was no water in that location, and in the morning, God revealed to Muḥammad the verse permitting performance of the lesser ablution using earth rather than water. See BukhÄrÄ«, Muslim, s.v. âBÄb al-tayammum.â
The first three verses are from a lampoon against Muḥammad composed by the pagan poet Ê¿AbdallÄh ibn al-ZibaÊ¿rÄ at the Battle of Uḥud (Ibn HishÄm, 2:102); I have cited only the second of the first three, which Zaynab cites in her speech. The next three are presumably by YazÄ«d, composed on the spot. Khazraj is the name of one of the tribes of Medina who supported Muḥammad. The elders referred to are the pagan Meccans whom Ḥamzah and Ê¿AlÄ« killed at the Battle of Badr, YazÄ«dâs forebears Ê¿Utbah ibn RabÊ¿Ä«ah, WalÄ«d ibn Ê¿Utbah, and Shaybah ibn RabÄ«Ê¿ah. Aḥmad is another name for Muḥammad.
App. §â¯165.2. This speech is discussed at some length in this chapter with regard to aspects of authority and trauma. For a line-by-line analysis of the sistersâ speeches in terms of gender and martyrdom, see Qutbuddin, âOrations of Zaynab and Umm KulthÅ«m.â
Q RÅ«m 30:10.
Q Äl Ê¿ImrÄn 3:178.
Q Äl Ê¿ImrÄn 3:169.
Q Kahf 18:50.
Q Maryam 19:75.
Meaning Ḥasan and Ḥusayn, referring to the Prophetic hadith: âḤasan and Ḥusayn are the chiefs of the youth of paradise,â (NuÊ¿mÄn, Sharḥ al-akhbÄr, 3:76; BalÄdhurÄ«, 3:268), cited earlier by Ḥusayn in his Ê¿ÄshÅ«rÄʾ speech, App. §â¯62.7.
Q RÅ«m 30:10.
Q Tawbah 9:128, Naḥl 16:92. Both also cite a number of other Qurʾanic verses.
Q RÅ«m 30:9. (â®Ø£ÙÙÙÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙسÙرÙÙا٠ÙÙÙ Ù±ÙØ£ÙرÙض٠ÙÙÙÙÙظÙرÙÙا٠ÙÙÙÙÙÙ ÙÙاÙ٠عÙاÙÙبÙØ©Ù Ù±ÙÙÙØ°ÙÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙ ÙÙبÙÙÙÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙاÙÙÙۤا٠أÙØ´ÙدÙÙ Ù ÙÙÙÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙÙÙÙØ©Ù ÙÙØ£ÙØ«ÙارÙÙا٠ٱÙØ£ÙرÙض٠ÙÙعÙÙ ÙرÙÙÙÙØ¢ Ø£ÙÙÙØ«Ùر٠٠ÙÙ ÙÙا عÙÙ ÙرÙÙÙÙا ÙÙجÙآءÙتÙÙÙ٠٠رÙسÙÙÙÙÙ٠بÙÙ±ÙÙبÙÙÙÙÙÙات٠ÙÙÙ Ùا ÙÙاÙÙ Ù±ÙÙÙÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙظÙÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙÙÙÙÙ°ÙÙÙ ÙÙاÙÙÙۤا٠أÙÙÙÙسÙÙÙÙ Ù ÙÙظÙÙÙÙ ÙÙÙÙâ¬â).
Q Baqarah 2:15, App. §â¯28.1.
BaghdÄdÄ«, KhizÄnat al-adab, 1:438. I thank Jordi Ferrer Serra for this reference.
Ibn HishÄm, 2:50, trans. Guillaume, 374; IdrÄ«s 1:215â216. I thank Nizar Hermes, Alyssa Gabbay, Yasmin Amin, and Suzanne Stetkevych for this observation and reference.
WÄqidÄ«, Futūḥ, 1:195â196, trans. KindÄ«, 331â333.
Q Baqarah 2:156.
(â®Ø£Ùا Ùاط٠ة Ùأب٠٠ØÙ Ùدâ¬â): App. §â¯47.1, ṬayfÅ«r 61.
As mentioned earlier, referring to the Qurʾanic verse which characterizes the Prophet as the believersâ spiritual father and his wives as their mothers, Q AḥzÄb 33:6. See also App. §â¯34.1, where Ê¿AmmÄr ibn YÄsir declares to the Kufans before the Battle of the Camel that âGod has afflicted you with choosing between the claim of your religion and the sanctity of your mother [Ê¿Äʾishah].â
Derogatory term referring to those of the Quraysh who remained committed enemies of Islam until forced to capitulate upon the Muslimsâ conquest of Mecca. On that day, instead of being forced into captivity, according to standard warfare practice, Muḥammad pardoned them and granted them their freedomâthus, âfreedmen.â See Muḥammadâs oration to the Meccans on the day of the conquest, in which he says to them âYou are free[d] menâ (App. §â¯90.16; trans. T. Qutbuddin, âKhuá¹ba,â 229â230). The use of the term sets up Zaynabâs subsequent chastisement: this is how YazÄ«d is repaying Muḥammadâs magnanimityâby dishonoring his granddaughters.
App. §â¯66.1, §â¯141.1, §â¯163.1. See also reports of early Muslim women reciting verse urging their menfolk to fight at YarmÅ«k, Ibn AÊ¿tham, 2:202â203.
Shahīd, Byzantium and the Arabs, 54, 57.
App. §â¯111.1. See comments by ShahÄ«d, Byzantium and the Arabs, 332â333.
LaylÄ l-Akhyaliyyah (DÄ«wÄn, 64â66, 68, 71â74) from the Umayyad period also mourns in verse her lover Tawbah, who had fallen in battle.
Stetkevych, âThe Obligations and Poetics of Gender,â 165 (Arabic terms removed). A similar emancipation of public voice is remarked in funeral laments of other societies, such as the Chinese Hakka of Hong Kong, in Johnson, âGrieving for the Dead, Grieving for the Living,â 141: âDuring a funeral in Kwan Mun Hau [a district of Hong Kong], priests and lineage leaders speak. Male mourners, however, keep silent. These men, who normally speak in public and control public activities, must be silent and relinquish all control to others. They also do not express themselves through lamentation, although they may weep silently. Women, who are normally expected to be quiet on formal occasions and who follow the orders of men, are permitted to express themselves, giving vent to their personal feelings.â
Harari, 221.
Harari, 222.
In Mary Douglasâs definition (Thinking in Circles, x, and passim), ring composition is a construction of parallelisms that opens a theme, develops it, and rounds it off by bringing the conclusion back to the beginning.
Ibn AÊ¿tham (5:122) and ṬabarÄ« (5:457) record Zaynabâs strong retort to the Umayyad governor, Ibn ZiyÄd, in Kufa and his initial reactionârelevant to the issue at handâof anger, then, in response to a reminder from his companion Ê¿Amr ibn ḤarÄ«th al-MakhzÅ«mÄ« that âwomen cannot be punished for what they say,â his comment, âThis is true courage. By my life, your father was a poet and brave!â