Figures
3.1 Languages referred to in this article (italic font and boxed) and their proposed genetic relationships 113
3.2 The PMP case-marking system based on Starosta, Pawley & Reid. (1982) and Reid (2009, 2016) 115
3.3 Possible paths of functional change from A to S+A 130
5.1 A reconstruction of the argument structure of ‘think’ in Proto-Germanic 207
5.2 A reconstruction of the argument structure of ‘thirst’ in Proto-Germanic 211
5.3 A reconstruction of the argument structure of ‘answer’ in Proto-Germanic 215
5.4 A reconstruction of the argument structure of ‘answer’ in Proto-Indo-European 227
6.1 Approximate distribution of Chibchan languages (taken from Pache 2018: 2) 245
6.2 Macro-family Paya-Chibchan (reproduced from Constenla 2008: 127) 247
6.3 Construction A (cf. 13) 250
6.4 Construction B (cf. 15) 250
6.5 Alienable possessive predication 253
6.6 Alienable possessive predication modified by an adjective 254
6.7 Alienable possessive predication modified by a participle 255
6.8 Perfect construction with auxiliary 255
6.9 Perfect construction without auxiliary 256
6.10 Perfect construction of Proto-Viceitic 261
6.11 Optionally modified possessive construction of Proto-Viceitic 261
6.12 Alienable possessive predication of Proto-Viceitic 268
7.1 The emergence and development of the middle in IE (adopted from Kulikov 2006). Splits denote the reanalysis of a category (for instance, the reanalysis of the Present, that was identified with the transitive patterns, into two types of Present, active and middle Present); Lines express the development of a category, and dotted lines innovation [contamination and/or analogical rebuilding of endings belonging to different sets] with the extension of a category (for instance, with the introduction of some elements of the Perfect-Stative inflection into the Present) 291
7.2 The system of Tenses in Homeric Greek. From Moser (2014: 76) 297
8.1 The internal classification of the Semitic languages 319
9.1 Semantic map of the *bhi-endings in the ancient Indo-European languages (based on Narrog’s 2010 map of the comitative-instrumental area) 361
9.2 Path of change of *-bhi-endings in nominal inflection (based on Narrog’s 2010 map of the comitative-instrumental area) 363
9.3 Path of change of *-bhi-endings in pronominal inflection (based on Narrog’s 2010 map of the comitative-instrumental area) 363
Tables
2.1 Tense-aspect-mood distinctions that condition nominative-absolutive 55
2.2 Possessive prefixes in Katxuyana and Panare 61
2.3 Finite versus Nonfinite verb forms in Canela (Castro Alves 2010: 448–449) 62
2.4 Finite versus Nonfinite verb forms in Kĩsêdjê 62
2.5 Finite versus Nonfinite verb forms in Apinajé 62
2.6 Finite versus Nonfinite verb forms in Mẽbêngôkre 62
3.1 Reconstructed Proto-Malayo-Polynesian clitic pronouns and their variants (based on Blust 1977, Blust & Trussel on-going, Reid 2016) 117
3.2 Ibaloy genitive pronouns (based on Ruffolo 2004: 175) 120
3.3 Pendau pronouns 124
3.4 Taba pronouns (cited from Bowden 2001: 271) 127
3.5 Reconstructed Proto-Malayo-Polynesian genitive clitic pronouns (cf. Table 3.1) 129
3.6 Malomalo Fijian pronominal forms (P. Geraghty, unpublished fieldnotes and pers. comm.) 131
3.7 Some singular subject pronoun sets found in Fijian languages (based on P. Geraghty, unpublished 100 word lists) 132
3.8 Reconstructed Proto-Oceanic clitic pronouns (Lynch, Ross, & Crowley 2002: 68) 132
3.9 Tongan personal pronouns 135
3.10 Possible remnants of the earlier genitive pronoun marking ergative 136
3.11 A comparison of pronominal sets marking S, A and P 136
3.12 Reconstructed Proto-Oceanic clitic pronouns (Lynch, Ross, & Crowley 2002: 68) (=Table 3.8) 138
3.13 1SG Clitic pronoun forms found in Central-Pacific languages organised according to their etymology 139
3.14 The distribution of the applicative verb ending in non-Sunda-Sulawesi languages 153
3.15 The distribution of the applicative verb ending in Sunda-Sulawesi languages 154
5.1 Lexical correspondence sets for Germanic ‘think’ 204
5.2 Predicate-specific correspondence sets for the argument structure of Germanic ‘think’ 206
5.3 Lexical correspondence sets for the Germanic verb ‘thirst’ 208
5.4 Predicate-specific correspondence sets for the argument structure of Germanic ‘thirst’ 210
5.5 Lexical correspondence set and reconstruction of Germanic *(and)swaran 211
5.6 Lexical correspondence set and reconstruction of Germanic *andwurdjan 212
5.7 Predicate-specific correspondence set for the argument structure of Germanic *(and)swaran 215
5.8 Argument structure constructions with new verbs 217
5.9 Cognate Nom-Acc predicates in early Germanic 221
5.10 Predicate-specific correspondence set for the argument structure of a Proto-Indo-European verb meaning ‘answer’ 226
6.1 Evolution of the perfect construction from the alienable possessive predication 257
6.2 Alienable possessive predications within the Isthmic group 267
6.3 Potential cognates for a proto-form *i-pkwə in some Chibchan languages 278
6.4 Reflexes of the proto-form *i-pkwə in Muisca 279
6.5 Reflexes of the proto-form *i-pkwə in Proto-Viceitic 280
6.6 Reflexes of the proto-form *i-pkwə in Guaymí 281
6.7 Potential cognates for a proto-form *kwə~*kwe in some Chibchan languages 282
6.8 Reflexes of the proto-form *kwə ~ *kwe in Muisca 283
6.9 Reflexes of the proto-form *kwə ~ *kwe in Proto-Viceitic 283
6.10 Reflexes of the proto-form *kwə ~ *kwe in Guaymí 284
6.11 Reflexes of the proto-form *kwə ~ *kwe in Cuna 284
7.1 Transitivity and Tense in Vedic: The ratio of transitive/intransitive constructions in the Present and Perfect in the R̥gveda 293
7.2 Transitivity and Tense in Vedic: Predominantly transitive-causative Presents vs. intransitive Perfects 293
7.3 The number of verbs (types) that appear in Present, Aorist, and Perfect in Homer’s Iliad 296
7.4 The ratio of verbs (types) in the active vs. mediopassive Perfect in Homer (Iliad and Odyssey) 297
7.5 Middle and passive endings in the Future and Aorist (Aorist stem) 299
7.6 Meanings of root and thematic Aorists in Homer (Allan 2003) 301
7.7 Tense/Aspect and Voice in Homer: Percentage of active vs. mediopassive forms in the different tenses/aspects 303
7.8 Tense/Aspect and Voice in Classical Greek (Plato’s works): Percentage of active vs. mediopassive forms in the different tenses/aspects 304
7.9 Tense/Aspect and Voice in the New Testament (Koine Greek): Percentage of active vs. mediopassive forms in the different tenses/aspects 305
7.10a Tense/Aspect and Voice in Homer: Percentage of use of the different tenses/aspects with the different voice morphologies [m: middle / p: passive] 306
7.10b Tense/Aspect and Voice in Plato (Classical Greek): Percentage of use of the different tenses/aspects with the different voice morphologies 307
7.10c Tense/Aspect and Voice in New Testament (Koine Greek): Percentage of use of the different tenses/aspects with the different voice morphologies 307
8.1 A reconstruction of the relative marker in Semitic (Huehnergard 2006: 112) 322
8.2 Relative clause syntax in Semitic 323
8.3 A sample of subordinators in the Semitic languages 325
9.1 Reconstruction of the endings of the athematic declension in PIE according to Fortson (2010: 115–118) 339
9.2 Reconstruction of the endings of the thematic declension in PIE according to Fortson (2010: 126–129) 339
9.3 Reconstruction of Instrumental and related endings according to different scholars 340
9.4 Latin declension (athematic) 341
9.5 Greek declension (athematic) 342
9.6 Vedic declension (athematic) 342
9.7 Instrumental case markers in Sanskrit in the various declensions 343
9.8 -mo-/-mi- and *-bho-/- bhi-endings (adapted from Meier-Brügger 2003: 197) 343
9.9 Dative plural and dual in Old Irish (examples) 355
9.10 Semantic roles associated *-bhi-endings in the nominal declension and in pronouns (other than personal) 357
9.11 Meanings associated to personal pronouns with *-bh(e)i-endings 358
9.12 Paths of grammaticalisation of Agents and Instruments (based on the data of Heine & Kuteva 2002) 359