A swarm of wicked birds against birds of better breeds: in an anonymous poem of the time, this animal metaphor exemplifies the desolate state of political life in Augsburg, one of the main southern German imperial cities, just after the execution of the mayor Ulrich Schwarz in 1478, who is the black raven of the text. We know the real names of many of the âbirdsâ around him, âmiddle-classâ craft masters who, during Schwarzâs short time as the political leader of the city, reached political positions most often reserved for merchants, patricians and other wealthy citizens (although exceptions were always possibleâSchwarz himself was one). As with most other cities of the region, the political system in Augsburg, since 1368, had been based on representation of the citizens through guild masters (Zunftmeister) and other guild representatives, who served on the town council together with privileged members of theHear now of the black raven,
How he knew the way to snap so many treasures.
When he had built his nest,
He gathered many little birds in it,
Like magpies, ravens, vultures and kites
Whose greed makes them shout all the time.
Their screams were so diverse,
Nobody could avoid their violence
With their cunning and wicked beaks,
They intended to force the good birds,
So that they could throw by their bites
Eagle, pelican, ostrich out of the house.1
However, civil peace was not left untroubled in late medieval Augsburg. The main episodes followed the two Städtekriege (Town Wars of 1387â1389 and 1449â1450), between an alliance of most southern German towns on the one hand and local lords and princes on the other. In both cases, the discontent in the city was triggered not by disagreements over issues related to the war itself, but by the fiscal load imposed by the warsâ expenses: in addition to the traditional and widely-accepted Steuer (wealth tax), the municipality was forced to increase the rate of the Ungeld (sales tax on wine, wheat, etc.). With respect to the first Town War, chronicles testify to the discontent of âa part of the crafts and many poor peopleâ following on a tax raised to finance the repair of the town walls in anticipation of the war;3 ten years later, the authority of the town council was challenged by a strong movement of public opinion in favour of abolishing the tax, even though it was still much needed to assist with paying back the war debt.4 Events in 1387 seem to have been limited to fierce debates in the council; the conflict was styled by the chronicler Hector Mülich around 1470 as a confrontation between âthe councilâ and âthe commonâ, the latter of which asked and obtained just recompense in exchange for their acceptance of the new taxâin Mülichâs words at least, basic civic unity remained untouched.5
The opponents of the tax in 1397 are described in another earlier chronicle as âsecretly assembled with their banners in their sleevesâ;6 they seem to have been organized even before the council discovered their intent. The major role
In the middle of the next century, the troubles triggered by the second Town War, troubles which lasted from 1450 to 1478, are well-documented by a wide range of documentary evidence, including many sources authored by the main actors of the successive episodes, both from the popular movement and the conservative party. During those three decades, the personal and thematic continuity of these opposing groups, as well as their capacity to pursue their goals effectively, was a dominant feature of political life in Augsburg. This article focuses on the men who supported these opposing agendas: accusations of forming an organized faction in support of specific ideas were common weapons in the political debate, since factions were seen as opposing the âcommon interestâ every politician claimed to have in mind. Even though many leading politicians are described in the sources as isolated actors reigning through their personal charisma, these sources also allow us to analyse their interactions with other sectors of the political sphere. Three of them in succession shone as major personalities in the political debates of those few decades.
1 Three Popular Leaders: Peter von Argon, Heinrich Erlbach, Ulrich Schwarz
Peter von Argon (1414â1452)7 is somehow an older type of popular leader, a man from the upper class leading the guilds, similar to Ulrich Kunzelmann
It may seem incorrect to identify such personal power as indicative of a âfactionâ. It would be more accurate to speak of a patron and his clientsâeven though Zink describes something that is more akin to seduction than to tangible benefits for Argonâs clients, and it is difficult indeed to discover precise political goals in his followersâ actions, other than the consolidation of Argonâs personal power. Why, then, include Peter von Argon and his followers/clients in this study? Because in the events surrounding his voluntary exile and consequent downfall, we have a first hint of an embryonic âpopular partyâ within Augsburgâs civic institutions. These events took place at the dawn of a period of thirty years of political instability in the city, even before (or perhaps at the same time as) this emerging discontent was inflamed by the huge increase in the cityâs debt during the second Town War. So even though the guild masters may have been dependent on Peter von Argon, their coherent action in his service may have been a significant factor in structuring the popular opposition in subsequent decades.
In late 1450, though, Argonâs renewed ambitions for greater personal power were thwarted and he was exiled. In the same year, the cityâs officials appointed
In his justificatory writings after his forced departure, Erlbach readily testified that his purpose was indeed to bring a new political orientation to the city; the council books of the years he was the town clerk provide evidence supporting this assertion and show that he enjoyed broad support in the council. One of his major achievements was the appointment of a special commission in 1456 to investigate the financial situation of the city and to propose reforms which would alleviate the tax burden: this commission, composed mainly of powerful and experienced politicians, prepared a long report with many proposals for better management of municipal finances. This report was widely disseminated, especially in guild circles, which saw it as proof of their ability to influence important decisions in the general interest of guild members as well as for the common good of whole city.
Implementation of reform measures quelled popular discontent for a time, but did not address the cityâs debt problem. Exactly ten years after the work of the first commission, a new commission was formed, with the same goals, but with a completely different composition.13 This time, the commission consisted of only one patrician with 17 representatives of the guilds, one from each guild. Established politicians such as Jörg Strauà and Andreas Frickinger were confronted by a majority of delegates from the craft guilds, so that they were
In the following years, Schwarz rose quickly to power: he was elected as one of the three Baumeister (responsible for public finances) in 1467, certainly as a reward for his role in the 1466 commission; he then rose to become one of the two mayors for the first time in 1469. He was re-elected in 1471 and 1473, having respected the obligatory gap between each one-year term; from 1475 to 1478, however, he remained in office continuously for four years, âwhich was unheard-of in this imperial city,â16 as Wittwer wrote. This infringement should be seen both as a mark of his continued popular support and as the result of Schwarzâs efforts to secure his power over the long term. Contrary to many older and more modern views of Schwarz, his comparatively long tenure was accompanied by a real political program, explained by Schwarz to an emissary from the Freiburg council in 1476,17 and observable in the legislative activity of the council as reflected in the councilâs books. Schwarz was a reformer in
2 Factions in a Troubled Time
Only for the Schwarz era do we have both the names of the partisans and the adversaries of these men; these are mentioned in many documents. The list of all the actors who disappeared from the political stage during the Schwarz era is impressiveâsome exited the stage via execution, including both enemies during his reign and partisans after his downfall, some were exiled, and some others were merely expelled from the council. From the Erlbach years, we only have the identities of his adversaries; he named them himself in letters he wrote to defend himself after his dismissal:18 âHeinrich Langenmantel, Andreas Frickinger, Leonhard Radauer, and some othersââThomas Ehem, Jörg Strauà and Hans Vittel are named later in the same text.19 All six were experienced politicians; two (Langenmantel, Radauer) were patricians, the others were not, but they all belonged to the council, and all but Ehem and Vittel had served as mayor in the pre-Erlbach period. A somewhat exceptional document shows them acting as a faction, in full conspiracy mode: a protocol of interrogation at the secret courts of Westphalia presents the intriguing testimony of a secret agent for the city, Gebhard Kepler.20 Kepler narrates how, after a few routine missions, his patrons gave him a most unusual and difficult assignment: on the promise of a large financial compensation, the task he reluctantly accepted was nothing less than the assassination of the town clerk himself. In his statement, Kepler named a few names: he was recruited by Radauer, StrauÃ, Thomas Ehem, an unknown âGessler the guild masterâ, and Hans Vittel; the murder was ordered in Ehemâs house, in the presence of Leonhard Radauer. All those names appear in Erlbachâs justificatory writings, with the exception
Most importantly, the names of Erlbachâs enemies are at least partially the same as Schwarzâs enemies. During the Schwarz era, Frickinger fled possible prosecution for the immunity of St. Ulrich monastery (and died there); Hans Vittel was executed in 1477 with his brother Leonhard on charges of betraying the cityâs interests after complaining against Schwarz to the Emperor during an official mission; Jörg Strauà was one of the main architects of Schwarzâs downfall and of the rebuilding a more autocratic style of government afterwards. Schwarz himself was not present on the political stage at the time of Erlbachâs dismissal, and the sources do not address whether one or more politicians took on Erlbachâs political goals or transmitted them to the Schwarz generation, but the common political program, the common enemies, and the events of 1466 all support a conclusion that a more or less organized party supporting popular politics continued to exist after Erlbachâs tenure.
The use of the avian metaphor in the poem set forth in the introduction was prompted by the name of one of Schwarzâs main opponents, Jörg StrauÃ: Strauà means ostrich; Frickingerâs crest of arms depicted an eagle wing, and the arms of many other patrician families also depicted birds;21 other direct allusions may be hidden to us by the scarcity of sources. In any case, their common enemy was the raven, the superlative black (schwarz) bird.
The sourcesâ precise information about the political background in the short period around 1478 strongly indicate that these texts were written in the immediate aftermath of Schwarzâs execution, even though most of the manuscripts available to us date from the 16th century.22 The enemies, Schwarzâs âjüngernâ (disciples) as one source calls them, are known mostlyâbut very partiallyâ
Two lists of council members from the time of the Vittel brothersâ death sentences appear to prove that their condemnation resulted from a broad consensus in the council. The first list of 44 names is followed by the somewhat cryptic phrase âSumma 44 Personen, darunder vier geurtailt ain zum tod 2 nit weis und ainer allain h vittel disen nitâ,26 meaning approximately: âTotal forty-four persons, of whom four judged [differently?]: [only?] one to death, two didnât know, one only H[ans] Vittel, but not to death [?]â; this appears to be the list of all persons who were present at the council when the death sentence against the Vittels was rendered. The second list contains 65 names after those of the two mayors: it is a fairly precise list of all the members of the Little council and the Council of Elders, a supplementary body to the Little council.27
The impression Schwarz intended to give is that his leadership of the urban community was based on a broadly shared conception of the common good. To show the broad support he enjoyed in the council, Schwarz twice reported results of ballots in the council, an extremely rare proceeding in Augsburg. In every election for the mayoral office beginning in 1475, he wrote, he received the same number of votes (29 out of 42 members of the council).28 In 1475, a debate arose in the council about a peasant captured by the patrician Hans Vetter, maybe one of Vetterâs serfs. Vetter probably wanted to have him condemned by the council, but Schwarz questioned the legality of this seizure and obtained the peasantâs release. â28 men followed me on this verdict; Bartholome Welser, Lucas and Peter Herwart wanted to condemn him to deathâ: those three patricians, Schwarz implied, defended the interest of their peer, while the vast majority of loyal citizens followed the common good as embodied by himself; and as always, the âfactionâ was the opposing party.
3.1 Chronicles
Polemical writings were produced around both Erlbach and Schwarz: Erlbach was very active in justifying his actions after his dismissal in 1459, and the city answered at least partiallyâand rather reluctantlyâhis accusations;29 Schwarz wrote a short justificatory text30 (often called a âchronicleâ, rather inappropriately), and immediately became the anti-hero of five poems.31 This body of opposing texts offers a wide range of opportunities to analyse the political arguments that circulated and how they were used, in addition to opportunities provided by narratives contained in some chronicles.32 In most of the chronicles, however, no mention is made of âfactionsâ: Hector Mülich remarked that Erlbach made âa great discord hereâ and would have made even more if he could,33 but neither with respect to Erlbach nor Schwarz does he
Rem was only a youth when Schwarz died, but certainly had many occasions to speak with his elders about these events. His personal views were marked by two peculiarities: his family left the patrician group in 1368, but in his chronicle he consistently championed the development of a strong elitist identity through all means of social distinction; and since 1462 his family had been excluded from the council after the misdeeds of one of its members, so that he had no direct experience of the municipal government. On themes such as the Schwarz story, what he finds in the Mülich chronicle is unsatisfactory to him. Remâs narration does not rely on earlier chronicles; it is much livelier than Mülichâs chronicle because, unlike Mülich who was bound by his oath as a councillor, Rem enjoyed an outsiderâs freedom.mediocre craftsmen, who had no wisdom, with bad body and bad fortune. Under them there was one called Ulrich Schwarz, from the carpentersâ guild; he was a mediocre man too, but he was the most distinguished among that pack; he brought them together, and they aspired to the guild master offices in the guilds, they made one another powerful in the city and in the council, so that their voice predominated, and they were all so supportive that they made Schwarz a mayor, one became a director of the civic finances, another a tax collector, a third a customs officer; so they distributed all the city offices, to themselves and to one another, every year, because their power kept growing. And they spent time everyday
together, they ate and drank together (â¦). The votes of the other councillors were worthless, and it annoyed many honourable citizens, patricians and others, that their vote was not taken into consideration, so that they came even less often to the sessions, and that was only favourable for the others.35
Remâs text is marked by its political bias, but describes quite clearly how a faction operated. Politics were only a part of its activity: the group was constituted even before any of them rose to powerâRem uses the word rott, comparing them to a criminal gangâand the groupâs solidarity was strengthened by common meals. Rem does not mention a political programme: what counts for him is the positions of power they conquered gradually, their strength residing in their unwavering solidarity. Remâs argumentation follows well-known patterns: his method of stressing the self-seeking interests of the other party without mentioning its political ideology is a classical way to discredit a political adversary, and the other chronicles, including Zink, used that same method of argumentation many times. The distinctive aspect of the Rem chronicle is
3.2 Poems on Schwarz
that some wise, worthy and pious persons
had to leave the council,
and so made place to some guilds
to have all the more followers.
He was cunning enough,
by his tricks and inventions,
to get to be elected mayor
so that they could be at ease [?].
He prepared all that with Taglang,
to get such a faction with him
of all who wanted to quench their thirst
where they wouldnât have to pay the bill.
When he brought his faction together,
whatever he had dreamt up with them,
Cünlin could directly write it off,
It would remain so in the morning.36
One of the poems describes in more detail how the anhang worked, who were its members and what acts justified their punishment. Fear, self-interest, and wickedness were the main levers inducing its members, each in his own way, to cooperate with Schwarz; three circles inside the anhang are described, one made up of those who simply attempted to avoid conflict with their leader, one of people who sought to foster their own interests, and a third following him simply out of wickedness, against the common good.37 Unlike Remâs chronicle, however, the poems are mainly interested in the singular figure of Schwarz. That he had an anhang around him is obviously pointed out too, but rather as the product of his schemes to attain power and/or as a weapon at his disposal to sustain his power after being elected a mayor. Rather than depicting Schwarzâs anhang as an indeterminate and menacing group, the poets singled out a few names, mainly that of the bakersâ guild master Jos Taglang, portrayed as Schwarzâs henchman: the obvious goal was both to justify the
3.3 Erlbachâs and Schwarzâs Argumentation
The word anhang was also used by Schwarz himself, not to refer to his own supporters, but in his interpretation of the Erlbach case, in reference to Erlbachâs opponents, but with the same negative meaning. Erlbach, he wrote in his justificatory âchronicleâ, was excluded from the council by âthe patricians and their factionâ because âhe sided with the common peopleâ.38 The continuity between Erlbach and Schwarz is hence not only an historianâs reconstruction: the Erlbach case was for Schwarz proof that the patricians allied to the richest guild members followed their own particular interests. The patricians, he implied, driven by their hatred of Erlbach, were responsible for the high costs resulting from the private war between Erlbach and the city. Schwarz did not provide any further description of the group around the Herren, but the outline of this group is quite clear: his targets were those citizens who benefitted from a statutorily privileged condition, i.e., the patricians and their relatives through marriage which together formed the Herrenstube,39 what Schwarz allegedly called âdie grossen Mayr auff der altten Stubenâ (the word âMayrâ is not clear in this context: âthe big pundits [?] of the old clubâ?)âone of the poems about Schwarz evokes his hostility to the Herren.40 In Schwarzâs view,
Although Erlbachâs writings do not identify any factions, what he described mirrored quite precisely what the anti-Schwarz polemical texts alleged: a clique of leading politicians taking control of the government to their own advantage.41 But there are differences too: Erlbach noted that his main enemy Heinrich Langenmantel attempted to have him expelled from the council by threatening to boycott the council as long as Erlbach was present, but the two mayors did not yield to this blackmailâone of the mayors was Jörg StrauÃ, himself an enemy of Erlbach.42 In this way, Erlbach drew a sharp contrast between him and his factious enemiesâhe was merely a disinterested servant of the common good, holding himself above the conflicting parties within the political elite. This supposed neutrality contrasts with the more charged statements of Schwarz, which is understandable since Erlbach was a city employee, not an elected politician like Schwarz. Even in this indirect way, Erlbachâs writings confirm the importance of the concept of faction as one of the main political arguments employed all during this decades-long political crisis; from the brutal accusations in the poems to the subtler analysis in the chronicles and also in Schwarzâs and Erlbachâs writings, allegations of âfactionâ were an effective way to end the possibility of any theoretical discussion of civic politics. This kind of reductio ad hominem is one of the oldest techniques of political argumentation, but one of the most striking features of the texts discussed here is that they show clearly that the political conflicts were not merely personal antagonisms, but were firmly rooted in divergent theoretical positions concerning the best way to govern the city.
4 Conclusion
What happened to Schwarzâs faction when it lost its leader? The aggressive communications campaign conducted by his adversaries certainly helped to cover up any potential dissent, and the policy of the victorious party to impose the authority of the council instead of employing a more collegial approach,
Circumstances at the end of the 15th century left little space for the expression of political dissent, even less to a structured movement in favour of more popular public policies. The politicians who took power after Schwarzâs death did not find a miraculous way of squelching political discontent, despite their authoritarian conception of politics: conflicts arose inside the guildsâin the weaversâ and shoemakersâ guilds for instance.44 What failed to materialize, however, was a confluence of popular movements forming a community of interest, having the goal of achieving comprehensive change in civic politics.
How much the latent, long-restrained popular opposition to this elitist policy contributed to the success of the Reformation, seen as an anti-institutional movement, among some social groups is beyond the scope of this paper.45 What political life in Augsburg from 1450 to 1480 reveals is significant enough: whatever the motivations and interests of the individual actors may have been, there was a clear structural continuity in the political life of the city, with a âpopularâ party opposed to an âelitistâ group, with a clear delineation between the groups, both in the substance of their programs and their
I use the following abbreviation: Augsburg, Stadtarchiv = StAA.
Rochus von Liliencron, Volkslieder der Deutschen vom 13. bis 16. Jahrhundert, vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1866), 133: âNun höret von dem schwarzen rappen,/ wie er so manichen schatz tet schnappen!/ Als er sein netz gemachet het,/ darein vil voglin versamlet tet/ von alster krauen geiern und weien,/ Die allweg nach dem geiz schreien./ Ir geschrai was gar manigfalt,/ schier niemant kund für iren gewalt;/ mit iren listen und bösen schnebel/ mainten zů nöten die gůten vögel,/ daà sâ adler, pelican und strauÃ/ heten gebiÃen ab dem hausâ. Strauà (ostrich) is certainly a wordplay on the name of Jörg StrauÃ, one of Schwarzâs main enemies.
Constance: see the introduction by Konrad Beyerle in Otto Feger, Das Rote Buch, (Konstanz, 1949) (Konstanzer Geschichts- und Rechtsquellen 1), *1â*28; Memmingen: Dominique Adrian, âLa chronique de Memmingenâ, to be published in The medieval Chronicle, no 11 (2017). The chroniclers only show these two parties as coherent entities, without mentioning the name of their leaders.
Chronicles are cited under the names of their authors or under the conventional name given by the editors of the Chroniken der deutschen Städte series (Karl Hegel, ed., Die Chroniken der deutschen Städte vom 14. bis ins 16. Jahhrundert, 36 vol., (Leipzig, 1864â1968), cited as cds). 1387: âain tail der hantwerk und darzů vil armer lütâ, Chronik von 1368 bis 1406 (1447) (cds 4, 79); see there, on the Ungeld, the annex, 157â65.
Ibid., 109â110.
cds 22, 29.
Chronik von der Gründung der Stadt Augsburg bis 1469, cds 4, 316: âgesamelt mit iren panern in den örmelen haimlichâ. See Burkhard Zink, cds 5, 52â53; Hector Mülich, cds 22, 47: âbei ainander bewapnet zů den parfůssen mit iren panernâ (âassembled together at the Franciscan church [in an area where many artisans lived], armed, with their bannersâ).
On his political career, see Hartmut Boockmann, âSpätmittelalterliche deutsche Stadt-Tyrannenâ, Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte 119 (1983), 73â91, as well as the documentary evidence in cds 5, 395â420. Two manuscripts written by Argon with a list of his extensive possessions both in and outside the town remain virtually unexplored (StAA, Schätze 147 and 148). Peter von Argonâs original name was Peter Egen. He was inspired to change his name by the ancient Greek legend.
Christian Keitel, âStädtische Bevölkerung und Stadtregiment bis 1397â, in Hans-Eugen Specker, ed., Die Ulmer Bürgerschaft auf dem Weg zur Demokratie (Ulm, 1997), 96â103 (overstating the often understated importance of the political context of the Empire); Anton Largiadèr, Bürgermeister Rudolf Brun und die Zürcher Revolution von 1336 (Zurich, 1936) (Neujahrsblatt der Antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Zürich 100).
Zink, cds 5, 197â99: he âwas gar grausam freuntlich gegen armen leutenâ, âwas so gewaltig als kainer nie in diser stat wasâ; âer kund es so freuntlich mit den zunftmaistern, daà sie im all willig waren, wes er von in begertâ.
On Erlbach, see my article âLa face cachée de la politique. Le chancelier au cÅur des tensions politiques à Augsbourg au XVe siècleâ, Journal des savants (janvier-juin 2008), 107â21. A large number of sources were copied in the mid-16th century by Paul Hector Mair, a servant of the council, in his Memoribuch, StAA, Schätze 119, fol. 336râ472v.
The only information we have on his previous career comes from his Augsburg enemies (letter from 1467 to the Duke of Bavaria): Erlbach held other positions before he came to Augsburg, and when he left the city his departure âleft very few regrets and complaintsâ. (Ibid., fol. 433r).
StAA, Urkunden, 14 March 1450. See citation in Adrian, Augsbourg à la fin du Moyen Ãge: la politique et lâespace (Ostfildern, 2013) 236.
StAA, Ratsbuch 7, 61â62.
The only thorough biography of Schwarz is the 1913 thesis by Georg Panzer, Ulrich Schwarz, der Zunftbürgermeister von Augsburg 1422â1478, Munich, 1913, with edited sources pp. 86â109. Some important sources edited in cds 22, 415â43. The only modern, as well as stimulating, account of Schwarzâs political career is Jörg Rogge, Für den gemeinen Nutzen. Politisches Handeln und Politikverständnis von Rat und Bürgerschaft in Augsburg im Spätmittelalter (Studia Augustana 6), Tübingen 1996, mainly 48â98.
Wilhelm Wittwer, âCatalogus Abbatum monasterii ss. Udalrici et Afrae Augustensisâ, ed. Anton von Steichele, Archiv für die Geschichte des Bisthums Augsburg 3 (1860), 10â437, here 295: âMulta bona fecerunt ac promouerunt eum in juventute, quia famulus ipsius Frickinger fuit et laudabiliter se habuit, ut eciam placeret multis, ita ut successu temporis promotus fuit in magistrum id est zunftmaysterâ. This is the only allusion to civic politics in the Catalogus; the source of this is very likely Frickinger himself, who sought refuge from Schwarz at St. Ulrich in 1477 and died there the following year.
Ibid., 295: âquod inauditum fuit in hac regali civitateâ.
Tom Scott, Die Freiburger Enquete von 1476. Quellen zur Wirtschafts- und Verwaltungsgeschichte der Stadt Freiburg im Breisgau im fünfzehnten Jahrhundert (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1986) (Veröffentlichungen aus dem Archiv der Stadt Freiburg im Breisgau 20), 21â26.
Most texts copied by Paul Hector Mair in Augsburg, StAA, Schätze 119.
Ibid., fol. 346r.
Ibid., fol. 357râ359r and fol. 402râ408r (two versions of the same text, the first one only partial); see my article cited in note 10.
See the coats of arms hanging in the patrician meeting hall (Herrenstube) in Hector Mülichâs copy of the Meisterlin chronicle, Staats- und Stadtbibliothek Augsburg, 2° Cod. H 1, fol. 117vâ121r, reproduced in Dieter Weber, Geschichtsschreibung in Augsburg. Hektor Mülich und die reichsstädtische Chronistik des Spätmittelalters (Augsburg, 1984: Archiv für die Geschichte der Stadt Augsburg 30), no. 97â104.
See note 1; the exception is the poem by Hans Schneider, preserved in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cgm 379 (added to the end of a 1454 songbook) and its copy in Salzburg, St. Peter, cod. b iv 3 (end of the 15th century).
See Liliencron, Volkslieder der Deutschen, 140 (Neumüller, Glatz, Hacker, Taglang, âBartolme Schneider cramerâ, âder Schmidel underkeufelâ, Herzl âzunftmaister under den schůsterâ, Hans Mezger).
See Rogge, Für den gemeinen Nutzen, 60 (with imprecise source indication, mostly from cds 22, 374â375 [here the word âjüngernâ] and StAA, Ratsbuch 8, fol. 100râv). A 16th century chronicle (Staats- und Stadtbibliothek Augsburg, 2° Cod. Aug. 69, fol. 20vâ22r) offers not only a list of the council members for 1478 and of those who were arrested with Schwarz, but also another list under the title âDise nachgeschribne seind diser Zeit nit in dem Rath gewesenâ (âThe following were not in the council at this timeâ), with 22 names, among whom two âsend austretten alà fraundtâ (âhad got away as friendsâ, i.e. as his relatives). Those 22 names are not exclusively of well-known supporters of Schwarz, but the sense is quite clearly that most of them were not welcome at this session, in order to secure Schwarzâs downfall. Erlbach described the same practice of a partial meeting of the council used by his enemies in 1459 (StAA Schätze 119, fol. 350r).
Council members from the guilds were elected by the general assembly of the guild; it is certain that the elites of every guild were able to exercise influence over those elections, but it is also clear that shifts in public opinion were reflected in the electoral results.
StAA Schätze 123, fol. 313vâ315v (copy by Paul Hector Mair).
The Council of Elders was composed of politicians not serving on the Little council (either because they did not wish to serve or because they failed to be elected) who were occasionally summoned to sit with the Little council.
Panzer 93 (from the dossier on Schwarz by Clemens Jäger, Staatsarchiv Augsburg, Reichsstadt Augsburg MüB Literalien 105 [cited hereafter âJägerâ], fol. 228v): âDer urtail volgent mir 28 man; aber Bartholme Welser, Lucas und Peter die Herwart, erkanten in zu dem todâ.
See note 17.
Jäger, fol. 228râ235v (16th century copy), edited by Panzer, 92â107.
The four anonymous poems are edited by Liliencron, Volkslieder der Deutschen, 126â42; Hans Schneiderâs work is edited by Konrad Hofmann, âHans Schneiders historisches Gedicht auf die Hinrichtung des Augsburger Bürgermeisters Schwarzâ, in Sitzungsberichte der Königl. Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, 1870/1 (München, 1870), 500â511. See Isolde Neugart, âUlrich Schwarzâ, and Frieder Schanze, âSchneider, Hansâ, in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, respectively vol. 10, 17â21 and vol. 8, 786â97 (no. 2).
Many other polemical texts were produced around 1548, when Emperor Charles v imposed a new political regime dominated by the Geschlechter. These texts were produced before this date to praise the old regime and after it to justify the new course, both mainly by Clemens Jäger. The best-known of these texts is certainly the so-called Vorbereitung aines erbern Rats der Stat Augspurg wider die nichtig auch ongegründet und grob Anklag des Ãsterreichers Anno 1555 Ultimo Decembris (âPreparation of the honourable council of the City of Augsburg against the void, unfounded and gross accusation by Ãsterreicherâ, December 31, 1555) in which Schwarz is a key target of the anti-guild rhetoric (StAA, Reichsstadt Augsburg MüB Literalien 97 and StAA, Schätze 55; the entire text is still unedited, but some excerpts on Ulrich Schwarz are printed in cds 22, 416â431; see Pius Dirr, âClemens Jäger und seine Augsburger Ehrenbücher und Zunftchroniken. Zur Kenntnis der Historiographie des 16. Jahrhundertsâ, Zeitschrift des Historischen Vereins von Schwaben 36 (1910), 1â32, here 19â23); for Jägerâs perspective on Schwarz, see Gregor Rohmann, âEines Ehrbaren Raths gehorsamer Amptmanâ. Clemens Jäger und die Geschichtsschreibung des 16. Jahrhunderts (Studien zur Geschichte des Bayerischen Schwaben 28) (Augsburg, 2001), 301â7 (note the intensive use of the bird metaphor in direct imitation of the poems from around 1480).
Mülich, cds 22, 153â54: âgroà zwieträchtigkait hieâ.
Both edited by Panzer, 87â90. Most of what Schwarz âconfessesâ are crimes he committed alone, in his private life (assassinating his wifeâs first husband, mixing perry with wineâ¦) as well as ex officio (making secret keys of the city gatesâ¦), but âsein anhangâ/âseine gesellenâ took part in some of his misdeeds (no names are provided).
cds 22, 371 (also ed. by Liliencron, Volkslieder der Deutschen, 133): âschlecht handwerchsleutt, die on weishait, leib und guet schlecht waren. Under denen was ainer, hies Å®lrich Schwartz, aus der zimerleutt zunft, der was auch ain schlecht man, doch was er der furnembst in diser rott; er hueb die andern zesamen, sy stallten auch vast nach dem zunftmaisterampt in den zünften, sy machten ainander gewalltig inn der statt und im ratt, das ir stim fürtraff, das sy so ainhellig waren, also das sy machten den Schwartzen zum burgermaister, ainen zum paumaister, den andern zů steurmaister, den dritten zum ungeltter; und also verliehen sy der statt ämpter, sy inen selbs und anainander, alle jar, wann ir gewallt meret sich. und giengen alle tag zůsamen und assen und truncken mit ainander. (â¦) der ander herrn rett stim galt nichtz, wann es etlich frum erber leutt von burgeren auch andern verdroÃ, das ir stim nichtz solt sein, das sy dest minder in ratt giengen, das was den andern nun lieb.â
cds 25, 357â59: Schwarz arranged âdas etlich weis, erber und frummen/ da muestend aus dem ratte komen,/ und meret etlich zunft hinein,/ das seiner volg dester mer möcht sein./ Er khundt gar listigklich zuerichten/ mit seinem trachten und gedichten,/ das man in zů burgermaister machet,/ damit sy waren unversachet./ das berayt er mit dem Taglange/ im zů ainem söllichen anhange/ alle die gern waren volle,/ wo man der zech nit zallen solle./ wenn er sein anhang zůsamen bracht,/ was er sich denn mit in erdacht,/ das kündt der Cünlin anschreiben,/ des morgens solt es also beleiben.â Taglang, guild master of the bakers, was one of Schwarzâs main followers; Cünlin (Cunrad Fludeysen) was the assistant town clerk (he was tried after Schwarzâs death and lost his office, see his protocol of interrogation in StAA, Schätze 41, fol. 5râ7v, 1479). The town clerk in office, Valentin Eber, hired in 1454 to undermine Erlbachâs position, was kept in Vienna on official business, quite clearly to keep a potential adversary of Schwarz off the political stage, see Eberâs letter from November 27, 1476, in Jäger, fol. 259râv). The end of the text implies that municipal decisions were prepared in the evenings at a cabaret (or a guildâs Stube?), then presented the next morning in the council.
Liliencron, Volkslieder der Deutschen, 140â42.
Jäger, fol. 232v, ed. Panzer, 100: âdie von herren und ir anhangâ; âder hett es mit der gemainâ.
On this quasi-public institution, see Adrian, Augsbourg à la fin du Moyen Ãge, 284â92: the Herrenstube is the meeting hall (Stube) of the patricians, but throughout most of the 15th century its social importance seems to have been rather weak, in any event weaker than in many other German towns.
StAA, Schätze 55 (âVorbereitungâ), 116v (ed. cds 22, 434: what âMayrâ means in this context is unclear, but it addresses the arrogance of the members of the Stube; see Liliencron, Volkslieder der Deutschen, 132: Schwarz wanted to âder burger freihait auch vernichten,/ es solt sein ainem als dem andern alten,/ trinkstuben und tantzhaus verwaltenâ (âannihilate the burghersâ [=patriciansâ] liberty,/ one had to have the same rights as the other [from the] old [families], [he wanted] to manage the Trinkstube and the dance houseâ, i.e. the two strongholds of patrician identity.
StAA, Schätze 119, fol. 346r.
Ibid., fol. 348v.
StAA, Ratsbuch 12bis, fol. 66.
On both, see Rogge, 107â24. Another even less structured opposition to the political elites of the city is exemplified by the chronicle of the painter Jörg Breu the Elder (edited by Friedrich Roth, cds 29, Leipzig 1906, 18â83).
The short revival of the guild system in 1552 (abolished by Charles v in 1548) might possibly have been in continuity with what we saw in the preceding century, but the episode has not been evaluated to date. Clemens Jägerâs Vorbereitung, which used the Schwarz episode as one of the cardinal arguments against the guild system, was relied on as an authority in response to a leader of the 1552 uprising, Georg Ãsterreicher, who had certainly cited the Schwarz episode himself. On the events of 1548â1552, see Friedrich Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte 4: 1547â1555 (Munich, 1911), 413â52.