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Musical Sources and Theories from Ancient Greece to the Ottoman Period: Introduction

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Yasemin Gökpınar Institute of Arabic and Islamic Studies, Ruhr-University Bochum Bochum Germany
Austrian Archaeological Institute, Austrian Academy of Sciences Vienna Austria

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This thematic volume of Oriens grew out of an international conference on “Musical Sources and Theories from Ancient Greece to the Ottoman Period” held online from June 10 to 12, 2021. Contributors examine various processes of transfer of musical ideas and texts, or independent developments, within the Islamic world and beyond. Within the Greek corpus of works on sciences that was translated (directly or indirectly) into Arabic from the eighth to the tenth centuries, musical writings were of great significance, music theory being considered, along with logic and together with arithmetics, geometry, and astronomy, propaedeutic to other divisions of philosophy.1 Arab theorists adopted Greek music theory and adapted it to their own sophisticated musical tradition. Earlier influences of a more practical nature had come from Persia and Byzantium, as musicians traveled there, brought back Persian and Byzantine melodies, and incorporated into their own repertoire whatever pleased their ears. We can trace this development back to Ibn Misǧaḥ (d. during the reign of Walīd I, 86–96/705–15), who is cited by al-Iṣfahānī (d. shortly after 360/971) as the first creator of the Arab art song, in which he incorporated some musical elements of the Byzantines and Persians. In Persia he learned the local singing and instrument playing, and in Syria he also appropriated Syrian-Byzantine melodies of the oktōēchos, a system of ‘eight (melodic) modi’ (al-luḥūn aṯ-ṯamāniya) used in Syrian-Byzantine church music. He also learned Persian music played on the Persian lute, the barbaṭ.2 Back in the Ḥiǧāz, he took what he liked from the Byzantine and Persian elements and enriched the Arabic chant with them. With his compositions, he created a new style that was imitated from then on.3 Reports of singers such as the effeminate Ṭuways (d. 92/711) in Madina point to an already established Arab art music on which Ibn Misǧaḥ could build on.4 As can be seen in the person of the famous Abbasid court musician Ibrāhīm al-Mawṣilī (d. 88/804), similar processes of cross-fertilization continued in Abbasid times and had a formative influence on music theory. Since a musical terminology had already been established before the translation movement, the translators of ancient Greek works on music theory were able to draw on the terminology of practitioners, who had transliterated or translated musical terms from Byzantine Greek and Persian.5

Within the framework of Arabo-Islamic sciences and philosophy, the science of music belonged to the mathematical disciplines.6 Their designation as “Arabo-Islamic” is warranted because, at the beginning of their development, treatises on music theory were written exclusively in Arabic, and Arabic terminology has remained in use ever since. The Persian musical tradition continued after the Arab-Islamic conquest, but it was the Arabic literature on music theory that was read, translated, commented on, and adapted by later theorists writing in Persian and, with the rise of the Ottoman Empire, in Ottoman Turkish. Thus, the tenth-century Epistle on music by the Iḫwān aṣ-Ṣafāʾ was not translated into Persian until the 7th/13th-century, in the Timurid Empire.7 Ibn Sīnā’s Dānišnāma-i ʿAlāʾī, with its chapter on music, is an early 11th-century exception.8 The reception of early Arabic works on music theory continued into the 20th century, when they were used to ‘revive’ classical music tradition and in this way to legitimize nationalistic motives (see Olley’s contribution).

In Islamic societies, the science of music flourished, influencing and interacting with philosophy9 and medicine10 (see Haug in this volume), as well as poetry11 and Sufism12 (see Klein’s contribution), from the time of the translation movement to the present day. During the time of the translation movement, practical engagement with music, ġināʾ (“singing”), was distinguished from the study of music theory, mūsīqī.13 Only the latter was understood to be part of the mathematical sciences and treated with reference to ancient Greek music theory, while music-making continued to rely on and develop traditional modal systems, coming with their own terminologies, that had developed from “the music of local pre-Islamic cultures of Persian, Syrian, and Greek language.”14 But authors of works on mūsīqī were aware of ġināʾ, sometimes referring to practitioners or – especially in the case of al-Fārābī – to the instruments and compositional techniques of their time.

The first scholars to write on music in Arabic were Ḫalīl b. Aḥmad (d. ca. 175/791) and some of his contemporaries and successors like Isḥāq al-Mawṣilī (d. 235/850),15 followed significantly later by Yaḥyā b. ʿAlī b. Yaḥyā Ibn al-Munaǧǧim16 (d. 300/912). In their works on naġam or anġām (“tones/notes”), they referred to finger positions on the finger board of the four-stringed lute (see Hagel’s contribution) when demonstrating different musical modes. This approach could also serve as a kind of musical notation, since finger positions and their abǧad designation could be used for tracing pitch. Al-Kindī (d. ca. 256/870) even notated a short melody in this way, albeit only for educational purposes. Thus, notation was available, but rarely used. In practice, melodies continued to be transmitted orally.

Although the pear-shaped short-necked lute had apparently originated in Central Asia and spread from there to both East Asia and the entire Islamic Empire, it was only in Islamic lands that it achieved its importance as the paradigmatic instrument for illustrating pitches, intervals, and modes.17 Works on the same kind of lute18 and also other string instruments,19 have come down to us from al-Kindī. His writings reflect not only neo-Platonic speculation, but, unlike earlier writings, also Greek musical theory. He was familiar with the contemporary Syriac-Byzantine octōēchos as well as Byzantine sources, though not necessarily ancient Greek ones.20 The volume on music in the corpus of the Rasāʾil (“Epistles”) by the Iḫwān aṣ-Ṣafāʾ (fl. in the third/tenth century), is similar to al-Kindī’s works in its neo-Platonic aspects,21 as its author borrows mostly from al-Kindī’s Kitāb al-Muṣawwitāt al-watariyya (“On String Instruments”) and Risāla fī l-Luḥūn wa-n-naġam (“Epistle on the Modi and the Tones/Notes”). Some music theory includes extra-musical speculations in which the four strings of the lute are associated with the four humors of the body, the four elements and the four qualities as well as other extra-musical phenomena such as the four seasons or four groups each of three signs of the zodiac.22 The Iḫwān aṣ-Ṣafāʾ embed such attributions in their cosmology, insofar as harmonious music on earth delights the soul and reminds it of the music of the celestial spheres.23 The Aristotelian al-Fārābī (d. 339/950) could draw on a greater number of Greek and ancient Greek sources than his predecessors, especially Aristoxenus, Nicomachus, and Ptolemy (see Laywine’s contribution). In contrast to al-Kindī and the Iḫwān aṣ-Ṣafāʾ, al-Fārābī rejected associating music with numerical speculation, humoral theory and other matters.24 Ibn Sīnā25 (d. 428/1037) and his pupil Ibn Zayla26 (d. 440/1048) followed al-Fārābī’s line of thought. In the West, with the establishment of a school of music in al-Andalus by Ibrāhīm al-Mawṣilī’s disciple Ziryāb (fl. second/ninth century), a musical tradition of its own emerged and spread to North Africa (see Reynolds’ contribution).

Traditionally, the division of the octave into 17 tones and the systematization of a modal system of twelve maqāmāt (sg. maqām) and seven āwāzāt (sg. āwāz) are ascribed to two works of Ṣafī ad-Dīn al-Urmawī (d. 693/1294), the Kitāb al-Adwār (“The Book on Musical Modes”) and ar-Risāla aš-šarafiyya fī n-nisab at-taʾlīfiyya (“The Sharafian Treatise on Musical Proportions“). Maqāmāt famously combine specific sets of musical notes (‘scales’) and the intervals between these with typical melodic usages of the same, while āwāzāt constitute a kind of auxiliary scales. Al-Urmawī’s reformed system of scales, melodic phrases and modulation techniques aimed at better meeting the practical needs of contemporary musicians. His work formed the basis for many Arab, Persian and Ottoman successors.27 Alongside numerous commentaries on the Kitāb al-Adwār from this period onwards, original, practice-related, and doctrinal writings were also produced.28 However, it was not until the nineteenth century that a notation system became generally accepted, when the Armenian musician Hambarjum Limōnčean (Turk. Hamparsum Limonciyan, 1768–1839) instigated a development that culminated in notating much important music of the Ottoman Empire29 (see Jäger’s contribution).

In modern times, it is the name of Henry George Farmer (d. 1965) that has come to be most deeply connected with the western study of music in the Islamic world. His works on sources, instruments, and theories from the pre-Islamic times to his contemporaries remain the starting point for research in the field,30 including articles on as diverse topics as organological questions about the form and range of lutes or woodwinds, Arabic, Persian, and Greek music theory, the exchange of musical influences, and military music.31 In more recent times, important studies, editions, and translations by scholars such as Eckhard Neubauer, Amnon Shiloah, and Owen Wright have emulated Farmer’s work in depth and breadth. They have not only made important source material accessible, but have also advanced our understanding of the musical history of the Islamic world far beyond what was possible in Farmer’s time. Finally, Elsbeth and Eckhard Neubauer’s bibliography entitled Arab Music in Western Research has paved the way for further in-depth studies.32

Farmer had already discussed the “Arabian musical influence”33 on European mediaeval music, exemplifying the circulation of musical ideas in Ancient Greek, Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Hebrew, Byzantine, and Latin writings. Since then, other musical sources from various languages have been made available, and individual studies have emerged. When Stephanie Schewe and I organized an international and interdisciplinary conference on “Musical Sources and Theories from Ancient Greece to the Ottoman Period,” our goal was to present current research that not only deals with single musical traditions but highlights points of contact, shared traditions, adaptations, and original developments of music in the Islamic world in addition. This has only been possible by bringing together scholars from such diverse fields as Arabic, Persian, and Ottoman-Turkish Studies, Classical Philology, Musicology, Music Archaeology, and Philosophy, all with their specific traditions and methods. In this special issue, we have not ordered the articles chronologically to better show the interrelationships between musical developments in different regions and times, instruments and subjects of musical theories and practices.

The first contribution introduces the legal implications of music in the Islamic world. In his paper, “Musical Instruments in Samāʿ Literature: Al- Udfuwī’s Kitāb al-Imtāʿ bi-aḥkām as-samāʿ,” Yaron Klein (Northfield, Minnesota) presents the theological debate on the permissibility of musical instruments in Islam by focusing on percussion instruments, which were considered particularly relevant for social institutions outside of mystical brotherhoods. His textual source is the work of the 14th-century Šāfiʿite scholar al-Udfuwī. Here, ‘enjoyment of music’ (ṭarab) played a crucial role for the legal question of when use of percussion instruments was permitted.

Judith I. Haug (Istanbul) brings together many of the aspects addressed during the conference in “’Nourishment of the Soul’ – Music, Medicine, and Food in Ottoman Culture.” Using early modern Anatolian sources, she shows how spiritual connections of musical modes (Turk. maḳāmlar) to the four humors of the body, to the times of day, or to the planets were made fruitful for music therapy. Music was combined with a diet tailored to each patient, resulting in a holistic approach to healing in Anatolian medicine.

Stefan Hagel (Vienna), in “al-ʿŪd, Pípá, Lute: An Ancient Greek Perspective on Their Prehistory,” traces evidence for the four-stringed short-necked lute with its particular tonal capabilities across Eurasia and potentially back to Classical Greece, considering both al-Kindī’s (9th century) and Yaḥyā b. ʿAlī al-Munaǧǧim’s (d. 300/913) diatonic tuning and the attested variants with neutral thirds.

Alison Laywine (McGill, Montreal) addresses the ‘second scholar’ after Aristotle in “al-Fārābī’s Conception of Music Theory as the Universal Science of Melody,” focusing on the role of Greek music theory in al-Fārābī’s Great Book of Music. She identifies the Arabic translation of the pseudo-Euclidian Sectio canonis and Ptolemy’s Harmonics as crucial sources for al-Fārābī’s understanding and conceptionalization of music theory.

Jacob Olley (Cambridge) also touches on cultural interfaces in “Measuring Progress: The Ottoman Revival of Systematist Music Theory, c. 1900,” in which he explains how, after al-Urmawī’s systematist music theory and its reception continuing into the 16th century, it was not until the late 19th century with Raûf Yektâ that mathematically based music theory gained a foothold in the Ottoman Empire. He also places modern Turkish music theory in the context of pan-Islamic, materialist, and orientalizing theories, analyzing the press of the time.

“The Musical Modes of al-Andalus” by Dwight Reynolds (Santa Barbara) studies how elements of the Arab musical tradition traveled west and reached al-Andalus. Using the example of the Tunisian author at-Tifāšī (7th/13th century) and his tuning of the lute, he presents a link between modal practice in the eastern Mediterranean and al-Andalus.

Finally, Ralf Martin Jäger (Münster), in “Notation Methods and Reference Systems: On the Phenomenon of Cultural Translation in the Eastern Mediterranean,” illustrates the processes of cultural translation in the multiethnic Ottoman Empire by means of notation systems, using the notation of Konstantinos Protopsaltes as an example.

What all these contributions share is a commitment to historical and philological work on original sources, combined with a willingness to explore beyond the disciplinary or area-specific horizons of their fields. We hope that the results of this conference will contribute to a closer integration of current research on the transfer and circulation of ideas within and around the Islamic world, and thus to a better understanding of musical developments across languages and time.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Stefan Hagel, Jacob Olley, Stephanie Schewe, and Leon Wystrychowski for their help with the conference and this volume, and Robert Morrison for his valuable advice and help with this introduction. I am also grateful to the Fritz Thyssen Foundation for supporting the conference, to the editors of Oriens for accepting these papers as a special issue, as well as to the conference participants and especially to those who have contributed to this volume.

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  • Söhne, Gerhard. “Zum Versuch der Rekonstruktion einer frühen arabischen Laute.” Zeitschrift für Geschichte der arabisch-islamischen Wissenschaften 9 (1994): 356–371.

  • Wright, Owen. “Ibn al-Munajjim and the Early Arabian Modes.” The Galpin Society Journal 19 (1966): 27–48.

  • Wright, Owen. Words Without Songs: A Musicological Study of an Early Ottoman Anthology and its Precursors. London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1992.

1

Cf. Nadja Germann, “Logik zwischen ‘Kunst’ und ‘Wissenschaft’: Avicenna zum Status der Logik in seiner ‘Isagoge’,” Recherches de théologie et philosophie médiévales 75, no. 1 (2008): 1–32; Nadja Germann, “The Structure of Knowledge: Al-Fārābī, Avicenna, and the Classification of the Sciences,“ Revue de theologie et de philosophie 153, no. 3 (2021): 269–90; Gerhard Endress, “The Cycle of Knowledge: Intellectual Traditions and Encyclopaedias of the Rational Sciences in Arabic Islamic Hellenism,” in Organizing Knowledge: Encyclopaedic Activities in the Pre-Eighteenth Century Islamic World, ed. by Gerhard Endress (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2006), 103–31, esp. 109–11; Osman Bakar, Classification of Knowledge in Islam: A Study in Islamic Philosophies of Science (Cambridge: The Islamic Texts Society, 1998), 121–35.

2

Henry G. Farmer, “ʿŪd. II: In Music,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, second edition, ed. by Peri Bearman a. o. (retrieved June 13, 2023, via http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_COM_1270).

3

Abū l-Faraǧ al-Iṣfahānī, Kitāb al-Aġānī (Cairo: Dār al-kutub al-miṣriyya, 1927–74), 3:276.

4

Abū l-Faraǧ al-Iṣfahānī, Kitāb al-Aġānī, 3:27–43, 4:219–22. Henry G. Farmer, “Ṭuways,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, second edition, ed. by Peri Bearman a. o. (retrieved June 13, 2023, via http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_SIM_7658).

5

Eckhard Neubauer, “Die acht ‘Wege’ der arabischen Musiklehre und der Oktoechos,” Zeitschrift für Geschichte der arabisch-islamischen Wissenschaften 9 (1994): 374–77, esp. 374–75, with a German translation of the section on Ibn Misǧaḥ in al-Iṣfahānī, Kitāb al-Aġānī, 3:276.

6

Cf. the book series Publications of the Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science: The Science of Music in Islam (Frankfurt am Main: Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science, 1997-).

7

Mohammad Taghi Massoudieh, Manuscrits persans concernant la musique (Munich: Henle, 1996), 138–46, esp. 138. The title of this 13th-century translation was Muǧmal al- ḥikma, s. Eckhard Neubauer, “Music History ii: ca. 650 to 1370 CE,” in Encyclopædia Iranica, ed. by Ehsan Yarshater (retrieved June 01, 2023, via https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/music-history-ii).

8

Massoudieh, Manuscrits persans, 135–38 (no: 57).

9

Fadlou Shehadi, Philosophies of Music in Medieval Islam (Leiden et al.: Brill, 1995).

10

Cf. Eckhard Neubauer, “Arabische Anleitungen zur Musiktherapie,” Zeitschrift für Geschichte der arabisch-islamischen Wissenschaften 6 (1990): 227–72.

11

In this context, song text collections are very important. Cf. Owen Wright, Words Without Songs: A Musicological Study of an Early Ottoman Anthology and its Precursors (London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1992); Hilary Kilpatrick, Making the Great Book of Songs: Compilation and the author’s craft in Abû l-Faraj al- Iṣbahânî’s Kitâb al-aghânî (London, New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003); George D. Sawa, An Arabic Musical and Socio-Cultural Glossary of Kitāb al-Aghānī (Leiden: Brill, 2015); Yasemin Gökpınar, Höfische Musikkultur im klassischen Islam: Ibn Faḍlallāh al-ʿUmarī (gest. 749/1349) über die dichterische und musikalische Kunst der Sängersklavinnen (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2020).

12

Anders Hammarlund, Tord Olsson, and Elisabeth Özdalga, Sufism, Music and Society in Turkey and the Middle East (London: Routledge, 2001).

13

Charles Pellat, “Ḳayna,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, second edition, ed. by Peri Bearman a. o. (retrieved April 13, 2023, via http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_SIM_4065).

14

Eckhard Neubauer, “Al-Ḫalīl ibn Aḥmad und die Frühgeschichte der arabischen Lehre von den ‘Tönen’ und den musikalischen Metren: Mit einer Übersetzung des Kitāb an-Naġam von Yaḥyā ibn ʿAlī al-Munaǧǧim,” Zeitschrift für Geschichte der arabisch-islamischen Wissenschaften 10 (1995/96): 275.

15

Eckhard Neubauer, “Al-Ḫalīl ibn Aḥmad und die Frühgeschichte,” 255–323.

16

Neubauer, “Al-Ḫalīl ibn Aḥmad und die Frühgeschichte”; Owen Wright, “Ibn al-Munajjim and the Early Arabian Modes,” The Galpin Society Journal 19 (1966): 27–48.

17

Daniël Franke and Eckhard Neubauer, Museum des Institutes für Geschichte der arbisch-islamischen Wissenschaften. Beschreibung der Exponate. Teil 1: Musikinstrumente (Frankfurt am Main: Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, 2000), 4–5.

18

Eckhard Neubauer, “Der Bau der Laute und ihre Besaitung nach arabischen, persischen und türkischen Quellen des 9. bis 15. Jahrhunderts,” Zeitschrift für Geschichte der arabisch-islamischen Wissenschaften 8 (1993): 279–378; Gerhard Söhne, “Zum Versuch der Rekonstruktion einer frühen arabischen Laute,” Zeitschrift für Geschichte der arabisch-islamischen Wissenschaften 9 (1994): 356–71.

19

Abū Yūsuf Yaʿqūb b. Isḥāq al-Kindī, Risālat al-Kindī fī Aǧzāʾ ḫabariyya fī l-mūsīqī, ed. by Maḥmūd Aḥmad al-Ḥifnī ([Cairo]: al-Laǧna al-mūsīqiyya al-ʿulyā, [1959]); al-Kindī, Muʾallafāt al-Kindī al-mūsīqiyya, ed. by Zakariyyāʾ Yūsuf (Baghdad: Maṭbaʿat Šafīq, 1962); al-Kindī, Mūsīqā l-Kindī: Mulḥaq li-Kitāb Muʾallafāt al-Kindī al-mūsīqiyya, ed. by Zakariyyāʾ Yūsuf (Baghdad: Maṭbaʿat Šafīq, 1962); al-Kindī, Risālat al-Kindī fī l-Luḥūn wa-n-naġam: Mulḥaq ṯānin li-Kitāb Muʾallafāt al-Kindī al-mūsīqiyya, ed. by Zakariyyāʾ Yūsuf (Baghdad: Maṭbaʿat Šafīq, 1965); Carl Cowl, “The Risāla fī Ḫubr taʾlīf al-alḥān of Jaʿqūb ibn Isḥāq al-Kindī (790–874),” The Consort: Annual Journal of the Dolmetsch Foundation 23 (1966): 129–66; Anas Ghrab, “Muʾallafāt al-Kindī al-mūsīqiyya wa-muʿṭayāt awwaliyya ḥawla ʿilāqātihā bi-l-maṣādir al-iġrīqiyya [=Les épîtres d’al-Kindī sur la musique et premières données sur leur relation avec les textes grecs],” in al-Kindī wa-falsafatuhū: Aʿmāl muhdāt ilā Muḥammad al-Miṣbāḥī, ed. by Saʿīd al-Būsklāwī (Waǧda: Kulliyat al-ādāb wa-l-ʿulūm al-insāniyya: Ǧāmiʿat Muḥammad al-awwal, 2015), 117–45; Stephanie Schewe, Al-Kindī und die Wirkung der Musik: Sein Buch der Chordophone von den einsaitigen bis zu den zehnsaitigen (Kitāb al-muṣawwitāt al-watariyya min ḏāt al-watar al-wāḥid ilā ḏāt al-’ašarat al-autār) in deutscher Übersetzung (Frankfurt am Main: Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, 2018).

20

Neubauer, “Die acht ‘Wege’,” 381–82.

21

Amnon Shiloah, The Epistle on Music of the Ikhwan al-Safa: (Bagdad, 10th century) (Tel-Aviv: Tel-Aviv University, 1978); Iḫwān aṣ-Ṣafāʾ, ar-Risāla al-ḫāmisa fī l-mūsīqī, ed. and trans. by Owen Wright under the title On Music: An Arabic Critical Edition and English Translation of Epistle 5, Epistles of the Brethren of Purity (Oxford: University Press, 2010).

22

Schewe, Al-Kindī und die Wirkung der Musik, esp. 281–300; Iḫwān aṣ-Ṣafāʾ, ar-Risāla al-ḫāmisa fī l-mūsīqī, ed. and trans. by Owen Wright under the title On Music, 15–20; translation 155–58; edition 151–60.

23

Iḫwān aṣ-Ṣafāʾ, ar-Risāla al-ḫāmisa fī l-mūsīqī, ed. and trans. by Owen Wright under the title On Music, translation 117–18; edition 73–74.

24

Al-Fārābī, Kitāb al-Mūsīqī al-kabīr, ed. by Ġaṭṭās ʿAbd al-Malik Ḫašaba and Maḥmūd Aḥmad al-Ḥifnī (Cairo: Dār al-kātib al-ʿarabī li-ṭ-ṭibāʿa wa-n-našr, 1967); Adīb Nāyif Ḏiyāb, Naẓariyyat al-Fārābī fī l-mūsīqā (Baghdad: Manšūrāt wizārat al-aʿlām, 1975); George D. Sawa, Music Performance Practice in the Early ʿAbbāsid Era 132–320 AH/750–932 AD (Ottawa: Institute of Mediaeval Music, 2004); George D. Sawa, Rhythmic Theories and Practices in Arabic Writings to 339 AH/950 CE: Annotated Translations and Commentaries (Ottawa: Institute of Mediaeval Music, 2009).

25

Roni Granot and Nabil Shair, “The Origin and Power of Music According to the 11th-Century Islamic Philosopher Ibn Sīnā,” JRAS 29, no. 4 (2019): 585–98.

26

Ibn Zayla, al-Kitāb al-Kāfī fī l-mūsīqī, ed. by Zakariyyāʾ Yūsuf (Cairo: Dār al-qalam, 1964).

27

Eckhard Neubauer, “Ṣafī al-Dīn al-Urmawī,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, second edition, ed. by Peri Bearman a. o. (retrieved April 10, 2023, via http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_SIM_6447); cf. Anas Ghrab, “Commentaire anonyme du Kitāb Al-Adwār: édition critique, traduction et présentation des lectures arabes de l’œuvre de Ṣafī Al-Dīn al- Urmawī” (PhD thesis, Sorbonne University, Paris, 2009).

28

For theoretical works on the music of Arabs under Ottoman rule, see Salah Eddin Maraqa, Die traditionelle Kunstmusik in Syrien und Ägypten von 1500 bis 1800 (Tutzing: Schneider, 2015).

29

Jacob Olley, Codex TR-Iüne 203–1: Peşrevs and Saz Semâîsis Notated by Hampartsum Limonciyan (1768–1839): Transcription and Commentary, 2 vols., Corpus Musicae Ottomanicae (Münster, 2020), online resource (retrieved April 10, 2023, via https://www.academia.edu/66928821/Olley_Jacob_ed_Peşrevs_and_saz_semaisis_notated_by_Hampartsum_Limonciyan_1768_1839_vol_2_Commentary); cf. the long-term project Corpus Musicae Ottomanicae, Münster (PI: Ralf Martin Jäger), with “critical editions of Oriental music manuscripts,” https://www.uni-muenster.de/CMO-Edition/cmo/cmo.html (accessed April 10, 2023). Earlier notation systems referred to the fingers and frets of the lute or to syllables expressing rhythm. These systems were exact but rarely used, cf. George Dimitri Sawa, “ʿAbbasid music,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE, ed. by Kate Fleet a. o. (retrieved May 03, 2023, via http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_ei3_COM_23815).

30

Eckhard and Elsbeth Neubauer, “Henry George Farmer on Oriental Music: An Annotated Bibliography,” Zeitschrift für Geschichte der arabisch-islamischen Wissenschaften 4 (1987/ 88): 219–66.

31

Henry George Farmer, Studies in Oriental Music, ed. by. Eckhard Neubauer, 2 vols. (Frankfurt am Main: Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, 1986).

32

Elsbeth Neubauer, comp., and Eckhard Neubauer, ed., Arab Music in Western Research: A Bibliography of Books and Articles Written in Western Languages on the Music of the Arab Countries, 4 vols. (Frankfurt am Main: Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, 2012–21).

33

Henry G. Farmer, Historical Facts for the Arabian Musical Influence (London: Reeves, [1930]).

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