Abstract
Storytelling sessions based on sacred narratives called KathÄ are a conspicuous feature of devotional Hinduism. KathÄs are performed by exponents who belong to an ancient tradition of oral scholarship, and are variously called as KathÄkÄras, KathÄvÄcakas, and KathÄ VyÄsa. By contextualising the wisdom of ancient rishis with contemporary and socially relevant content, the KathÄkaras transform the site of the KathÄ into a discursive space. They are revered as saints in India and have a massive following that also regards them as gurus. Utilising the Weberian concept of charisma, the present paper will therefore examine the factors that have been instrumental in establishing the venerable status of KathÄkaras.
1 Introduction
Religious traditions across the world worship heroes, often as incarnations, and record their legends in their narrative traditions, which are performed during rituals and other ceremonial occasions. This saviour narrative is the precursor of the concept of charisma, which refers to the possibility of a spiritually gifted human being âexercising god-like, supernatural power which saves humanity from the fate of determinism and therefore succumbing to fatalismâ.1 It is the ultimate, personal power which makes its possessor the supreme expression of the human personality. Such a leader emerges at a time of great political, social, moral, ethical and religious crisis. He becomes a leader of men due to what Weber calls charisma, a term which he borrowed from the Christian tradition where it was first used by St. Paul, and then re-introduced by the Lutherian Jurist Rudolph Sohm in the modern times.2 In his conceptualisation of charisma, Weber gave examples mostly of religious figures who are born at a time of great change and herald the emergence of a new world order through their âextraordinary qualitiesâ.
Charisma has generally been studied from psychological and sociological approaches.3 While psychological orientation views charisma as originating from an inner, dynamic force of the leaderâs own personality,4 sociologically charisma is dependent on its recognition by the followers who are subjected to its authority. The extraordinary qualities of the leader are inherent,5 yet the leader does not gain followers by the virtue of this natural endowment, but rather due to the âgift of graceâ that allows him to perform miracles, pronounce prophecies and âreceiveâ revelations.6 Once the leader is âforsakenâ by his God, his charismatic authority will also disappear.7 Both these orientations are suggestive of the significance of the social, dynamic and interactive processes8 that are instrumental in forging a âcharismatic bondâ between the followers and the followed. However, in foregrounding the psychological and sociological orientations of charisma, the importance of cultural conditions in facilitating the rise of charismatic leaders has garnered little attention. This academic trend has received criticism from cultural theorists who note that in trying to study charismatic individuals in every possible sphere, post-Weberian scholars have deviated from the original cultural and religious understanding of the concept as put forth by Weber. In highlighting the cultural aspects of charisma, Smith9 notes two fault lines that ran through charisma studies in the 20th century. The first problem is that social, structural and psychological reductionistic tendencies have led to a lack of âautonomy of cultureâ, that is, the role of culture in the development of charismatic authority has been undermined. Smith laments the fact that although Weber had hinted at the multidimensionality of charisma, his followers have chosen to read him in reductionist terms. Following the argument of Shils, Smith further notes that rather than exploring the socio-cultural structures of power, the current studies on charisma are centred around the forms taken by the social structures to support a psychologically defined charisma.10 Secondly, the application of charisma to study any or every person that seems powerful has resulted in the loss of specificity, the distinctiveness of charismatic power that Weber had originally proposed.11 Charisma is individualistic in nature, implying that the mission and power of its bearer is directed at a specific social, political or local group, and as such, the exercise of charisma is limited to the edges of these groups.12 However, popular perceptions of charisma today has given rise to the trend of globalised âfansâ rather than localised âfollowersâ. What distinguishes the two communities from each other is that, while the relationship between the fans and celebrities is mediated through mass media, resulting in an âimagined intimacyâ, the communication between the followers and their leaders is more personal, mostly involving one-to-one interaction in a shared space.13
Another deviation from the original Weberian conceptualisation of charisma is the lack of religio-cultural binary codes of sacred and profane, and salvation narratives,14 which anticipate the rise of a leader from among the people. This lack, Smith15 argues, is an inherent theoretical flaw that has followed from the works of Marx, Weber, Durkheim and later Parsons, which looks at culture and ideology in terms of their prescriptive rather than their proscriptive components. The result of such reductionism has been that while the relationship between the followers and the charismatic leaders has been focussed upon, the âimages of evil and damnation have been left out of the frameâ.16 But the symbolic logic of charisma rests on the need for a crisis situation for the emergence of charismatic leaders; they must have something to fight against. As harbingers of transformation, such leaders can only then affect a reorientation of the material and social conditions that will radically alter the central attitudes, and direct the actions of the people towards the problems of the âworldâ.17
Within charisma literature, the works of scholars like Willner and Willner (1965),18 Lindholm (1990),19 Smith (2000) and others have sought to provide a corrective to this lack of cultural autonomy in the study of charisma. Through a careful analysis of case studies, Willner argued in favour of the importance of cultural frames such as heroes, saviours, apostles and seers in the sustenance of charismatic authority.20 On the other hand, the work of Lindholm draws attention towards the crucial role played by transcendent ideals and messianic vocation in shaping charismatic leadership. The work of Smith (2000) is focussed on building the outlines of the theory of culture and charisma. Although appreciative of Willnerâs work, Smithâs arguments move beyond Willnerâs in two ways. First, the work of Willner, Smith notes, is discursively oriented towards exploring the variety of forms taken by charismatic stories and frames. In contrast to this, Smith proposes the concept of a unified and distinctively Weberian âsalvationâ narrative which will be useful in working out a generalised cultural theory of charisma. Secondly, Willnerâs work pays considerable attention to the ideals embodied by the leader, but less to the evils confronted by them. This neglect of negative symbolism has a bearing on the rise and fall of charismatic leaders.21
Building on earlier research on charisma, Smith proposed a cultural model of charisma which he claims maintains the original arguments of Weber by linking charismatic leadership to the issues of âpurity, sacrality, profanity and pollutionâ.22 Second, the model grants the cultural system autonomy from psychological and social systems âby specifying the presence of codes and narratives with formal and internally consistent systems of significationâ.23 Lastly, in arguing the importance of individuals as charismatic leaders, the model also maintains an understanding of the social origins of charisma from a cultural and collectivist point of view, rather than psychological and individualist perspectives. Smith further suggests that a charismatic authority will attain to its highest perfection when the forces of evil are at their peak, but also claims that in each case charismatic authority can only arise when specific cultural frames are established.
The current paper is in consonance with Smithâs proposition of the role played by cultural codes and narratives in the analysis of charismatic qualities of leaders in the context of a specific group. As such, while adhering to the general âsalvationâ narrative (Smith) and the revolutionary nature of charisma (Weber), the arguments proposed in the present paper will attempt to highlight the concept of charismatic authority from the Indian perspective, where culture, religion, spirituality and materialism are not separate entities, but share a symbiotic relationship; faith in the divine manifests itself as devotion on the one hand, and on the other, it becomes the inward force that guides peopleâs morals, values, beliefs, actions and thoughts, and keeps them insulated from evil. The ancient seers of India had observed that at the crux of all conflicts lies the decrease in dharma, the principle of order that manifests as the cosmic order in the universe, and as moral, social, ethical norms, and religious customs in the mortal realm that sustain the society. But maintenance of dharma cannot be achieved through individual efforts alone, especially when the society itself is characterised by a gradual degradation in righteousness and piety. At such times, a revolutionary force appears in the form of a charismatic leader who brings a radical social change. In India, such charismatic leaders are believed to be a manifestation of the divine, who save the world from anomie and work towards restoring nomos. It is the divineâs will that makes a particular person a ânimittaâ, a vehicle to carry out the divineâs mission on earth, regardless of the nature of the mission. Such individuals are regarded as VibhÅ«ti, who is a visible potency of God. The ancient Indian seers had realised that the greatest among men- political and religious leaders, heroes, teachers, founders of organisations- and the work they are committed to, are both the âDivine in manifestationâ.24
Aurobindoâs opinions find resonance with Weber who belongs to a different intellectual tradition, but who also noted the qualities certain people possess which distinguishes them from the rest. This quality Weber25 calls charisma which he defines as âa certain quality of an individualâs personality by virtue of which he is set apart from ordinary men and treated as endowed with supernatural, superhuman, or at least specific powers or qualitiesâ. Weber further notes that charisma is not available to any ordinary person but is divine in origin, on the basis of which an individual becomes a âleaderâ.26 In agreement with Weberâs definition, Willner and Willner27 define charisma âas a leaderâs capacity to elicit from a following deference, devotion, and awe toward himself as the source of authorityâ. Barnes furthers the ideas proposed in the previous two definitions and states that, charisma is âthat authority relationship which arises when a leader through the dynamics of a set of teachings, a unique personality, or both elicits responses of awe, deference, and devotion from a group of peopleâ.28
All the above arguments are suggestive of the fact that charisma is a public phenomenon; it requires a performative setting to be made manifest. A discursive space is required where the charismatic leader can meet and interact with his followers. In Hinduism, KathÄ performances based on the Epics and PurÄá¹as is one such space which provides a fertile ground for the study of the socio-cultural significance of religion and religious leaders. KathÄ is a form of expository storytelling whose reach and frequency is spread far and wide. It is an essential component of devotional Hinduism. In the contemporary times, KathÄ performances, especially based on ÅrÄ«mad BhÄgavata MahÄpurÄá¹a, called ÅrÄ«mad BhÄgavata KathÄ, and the RÄmcharitmÄnas, called ÅrÄ« RÄm KathÄ, are conspicuous by their presence in the Indic religious landscape. The narrators of the KathÄ performances, the KathÄvÄcakas, belong to a lineage of traditional scholarship who are trained in scriptures, ritual performances, and commentarial tradition. They are variously called as KathÄvÄcaka, KathÄkÄra, KathÄvyÄsa and PaurÄá¹ika, and are an important link in the transmission and interpretation of scriptural knowledge for the general population. However, in spite of their popularity and importance, studies on KathÄvÄcakas has garnered little attention in academia. The present paper therefore focuses on exploring the significance of KathÄvÄcakas as transmitters of knowledge, and the factors responsible for the ascription of charismatic authority to the KathÄvÄcakas by their followers. The analysis presented in the paper is the result of field work conducted at the oral performance of ÅrÄ«mad BhÄgavata KathÄ in Dhubri (Assam) and Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh). Data was primarily collected through interviews with audience and exponents, which were later transcribed and coded. Three important themes repeatedly emerged during data analysis. Firstly, the KathÄvÄcaka is viewed as a protector of dharma. Second theme was the role of KathÄvÄcaka as a tradition-bearer. Thirdly, the listeners of the KathÄvÄcakas also regard them as gurus whose lectures inspired and transformed their lives. The current paper proposes that these themes highlight, on the one hand, the religio-cultural significance of the KathÄvÄcakas in the Indian society, and at the individual level, they portray the followersâ belief in the transformational power of the KathÄvÄcakasâ discourses in guarding them against decadence, and in achieving their goals through the practice of dharma, all the while being engaged in singular devotion to God.
2 KathÄvÄcaka: a Brief Introduction
KathÄ form of religious storytelling is an important component of devotional Hinduism. The word KathÄ refers to both the story as well as the use of oral medium âto narrateâ, âto sayâ, âto performâ stories. KathÄ is performed over a period of seven or nine days by the KathÄvÄcaka, who expounds on a particular text, or a section of a text, using intertextuality, interspersal of the exposition with kÄ«rtana and creative use of language. Kapoor observes that the pervasive nature of the KathÄ tradition suggests that the material for these storytelling events was supplied by the Epics, PurÄá¹as as well as folk literature, and which in turn âprovided a narrative model for imaginative compositions in almost all modern Indian languagesâ.29 The narrators of the KathÄ, the KathÄvÄcakas, belong to a lineage of traditional scholarship and are often learned in commentarial tradition. They have been instrumental in the transmission of knowledge and âhave played a seminal role in making the core substance of Indian thought a common property of the masses, in transforming the vocabulary of learning into the ordinary vocabulary of the ordinary peopleâ.30
The KathÄvÄcaka falls in between the category of a priest, a paá¹á¸ita and a storyteller. Narayan31 classifies KathÄvÄcakas into four categories: (1) the non-specialists, who may read aloud from a written manuscript, such as a book or a pamphlet, (2) brahman paá¹á¸its who are invited to narrate KathÄ related to the ritual being performed, (3) professional exponents, known as PaurÄá¹ika, VyÄkhyÄtrÌ¥, KathÄvÄcaka, KathÄkÄra, and KathÄvyÄsa, who expound on a text for an audience, and (4) sÄdhus who give a discourse on a sacred text, such as RamÄyÄá¹a, MahÄbhÄrata or the PurÄá¹as. The non-specialists refer to anybody who takes up the reading of a sacred text for either public or private reasons. This may include laity who may read a text or a section of a text, as a part of a religious vow. Such a ritual reading is called pÄrÄyaá¹a or akhaá¹á¸a pÄá¹ha. The second category of tellers are priests or pandits who narrate a story as a part of a ritual, called a vrata kathÄ. No ritual of Hinduism is deemed complete without listening to the narration of the story related to the ritual being performed. Vrata KathÄs are ubiquitous since rituals that they accompany can be performed at home, a temple, for a small group, or for an individual family after consulting the calendar for an auspicious date. SatyanÄrÄyaá¹a PujÄ which is a regular feature in Hindu homes is deemed complete only after listening to its vrata kathÄ. The pujÄ and the story are entwined in a manner that inviting someone to a SatyanÄrÄyaá¹a PujÄ or a SatyanÄrÄyaá¹a Vrata KathÄ are used interchangeably. The third group of storytellers, that is, the PaurÄá¹ika literally means ârelated to PurÄá¹as, knower of PurÄá¹asâ, and refers to a professional bard who has received education in the Vedas, Vedangas, the six systems of orthodox philosophy (some may also seek to study the heterodox philosophies). PaurÄá¹ika is specially trained in the interpretation of the import of the PurÄá¹as that were regularly performed for large gatherings, in royal assemblies, for scholars and also for the masses. The fourth category, that is, the sÄdhus are not professionally trained to be KathÄvÄcakas, but since they are also learned in sacred lore and scriptures, they are often invited to do a KathÄ, which may or may not pertain to a PurÄá¹ic discourse.
Although the KathÄvÄcakas are primarily storytellers, their role in the Indian society goes beyond being mere narrators of sacred lore. Through their instruction on dharma, morality, and heuristic approach that facilitates the cultivation of virtues, a KathÄvÄcaka assumes significance as a guru figure, whose discourses can bring transformation in individualsâ lives. Their style of exposition and/or rendition of a kÄ«rtana can evoke sensory experiences. But how do the KathÄvÄcakas exert such an influence? How and why do the audience submit themselves to the influence of the KathÄvÄcaka? How can the charismatic effect of the KathÄvÄcakas be studied in the Indian context? The inquiry in the current paper has focused on these aspects, and has identified two factors that lead to the ascription of charisma onto the KathÄvÄcakas- tradition and personal charisma.
2.1 Tradition
The KathÄvÄcakas belong to what Rao calls the tradition of âoral literatesâ, who perform KathÄ based on a sacred text and âoperate within a culture that is both orally transmitted and literate at the same timeâ.32 Indiaâs intellectual tradition believes in the cyclical concept of time, where knowledge, and all social, cultural, and political systems undergo periodic decline and regeneration. In Hinduism, the concept of time is cyclical, that is, the emergence, growth and decay of creation is viewed as happening at regular intervals and is repeated cyclically. According to PurÄá¹ic cosmology, the present age is the Kali Yuga, the fourth and darkest Great Age, which is characterised by growth in decadence, degradation of moral and ethical values, and imbalance in political and social order. The highest virtues of mankind like truth, penance, and compassion are seen gradually to be succumbing to the ill-effects of Kali. People are motivated solely by personal greed. Let alone the laity, most of the religious institutions are also becoming corrupt due to the entrance of people with questionable intentions. At such a time, ancient sages worried, who will protect dharma and retain order in the world? The answer lies in the lineage of great teachers that traces its roots to a divine origin, and has survived to this day through a disciplic succession.33 The KathÄvÄcakas are also affiliated to these lineages which are committed to the mission of saving the wisdom of ancient seers from obliteration.
KathÄvÄcakas have played a valuable role in bringing the intellectual tradition of scholars to the masses in the form of comprehensible stories. But, in spite of their contribution to Indiaâs culture and society, scholarly literature pertaining specifically to the KathÄvÄcaka tradition is lacking, and hence, warrants research into its historicity. However, it is for certain that the religious role of the modern day KathÄvÄcakas is similar to that of the SÅ«ta storyteller, who features in the MahÄbhÄrata and the PurÄá¹as. Pargiter notes that the SÅ«ta mentioned in these texts is a class of professional bards, who also served as a genealogist of gods, kings and sages, and included in their collection of narratives traditions and ballads that were scattered all over India.34 As such, they were regarded as a repository of knowledge. They regularly performed narratives in royal and religious assemblies. Two famous SÅ«tas whose accounts occur in the PurÄá¹as and also the MahÄbhÄrata are Romahará¹£aá¹a35 and UgraÅravÄ, whose narration frames the story of these texts. They often begin their narration with a disclaimer that what they will be narrating has already been told many times over and in different ages, and that they are merely repeating what they have heard from their guru. Through a disciplic succession that can be traced to primordial times, this tradition of storytelling thus continued its journey through the ages to reach the form in which it exists today. During this time, the original style of KathÄ underwent many changes, incorporating religious and social influences that shaped its performance in order to retain its relevance for the common people for whom KathÄ served as a medium of instruction, as well as brought them religious merit comparable to other arduous rituals.
During the performance of KathÄ, the seat the KathÄvÄcaka occupies is called the VyÄsa PÄ«á¹ha, literally meaning the âseat of VyÄsaâ. Veda VyÄsa is traditionally believed to be an incarnation of Viá¹£á¹u who descends during a time of decadence, when the knowledge of scriptures, and as a consequence, all rituals and social customs fall into degradation due to their misuse by people in control of these institutions. Since dharma rests on the observance of righteousness and piety, any misuse of sacred teachings is bound to shove the society towards downfall. At such a time, VyÄsa appears to rescue all knowledge from either becoming extinct, or worse, corrupt. He organises the content of the Vedas, and compiles all other scattered sacred literature into PurÄá¹as. It is to be noted here that VyÄsa36 is not a personal name, but the designation given to a âsuperhumanâ charged with the mission of rescuing knowledge. When the KathÄvÄcaka sits on the VyÄsa PÄ«á¹ha he becomes the embodiment of VyÄsa himself. Just like VyÄsa was given the duty of protecting dharma by safeguarding all forms of knowledge, similarly, the KathÄvÄcaka is also accorded the status of protector of dharma. At the beginning of the KathÄ, the divine agency of VyÄsa is transmitted to the KathÄvÄcaka ritually. This, according to Weber is the charisma of the office which âis an objective and transferable entity. In this case the belief in legitimacy is no longer directed to the individual, but to the acquired qualities and to the effectiveness of the ritual actsâ37 After this transference, VyÄsa KathÄvÄcaka become one and the same; what the KathÄvÄcaka says is verily the word of God Himself.
Rocher38 suggests that the PurÄá¹ic narratives are in reality the property of the Indian bards, the KathÄvÄcaka, who are also called PaurÄá¹ikas (knower of PurÄá¹as) due to their knowledge of the PurÄá¹as. Belonging to an ancient tradition of bards, these itinerant storytellers have captivated the imaginations of multitudes for generations. During their travels across the country, they incorporated local legends in their repertoire and retold them in other places with dramatic effect. The credit of popularising the epics and PurÄá¹as âas a living force to guide the people in their day-to-day lifeâ (Bhagat, quoted in Narayan)39 goes to the itinerant sÄdhus and storytellers like the KathÄvacaka. Their continued mass appeal can be gauged from the fact that banners announcing a KathÄ or pravacan can be seen displayed in almost all cities and villages in India, at all times.40
In the recent times, famous exponents have also been performing KathÄ in South Indian cities41 where religious storytelling events like Hari KathÄ and KathÄkalÄkshepam are more conspicuous. The traditional style of performing and attending the KathÄ embraced changes during the closing years of the 20th century, owing to globalisation and migration of a large number of Indians to other countries. Moving beyond the confines of temple courtyards and village squares, BhÄgavata KathÄs began to be organised in huge pandals that could house thousands of people at once. With the advent of cable technology, religious channels also began broadcasting KathÄ from different places. Now, audiences from all over the world could âattendâ the KathÄ that was performed anywhere and reap the benefits that the âliveâ audience was garnering. These âliveâ and âspecialâ broadcasts of BhÄgavata KathÄ expanded the popularity of the exponents from regional, national and international level. When the internet began spreading its reach into the remote corners of the globe, KathÄs also travelled with video streaming services like the YouTube. Today, most of the famous KathÄ exponents have their YouTube channels, Facebook, X and Instagram accounts that are managed by their PR teams and also by volunteers. This charismatic community of the modern-day exponents facilitates the maintenance of the charismatic bond between the followers and their leaders. The exponents regularly share thoughts for the day, motivational quotes, verses from scriptures, and their followers are kept updated about the recent and upcoming programmes through the exponentsâ social networking sites. For a more intimate group, WhatsApp chat groups are also created where members can share their experiences as well as ask questions and get replies to their queries. During the Covid-19, exponents also performed KathÄs from the confines of their homes or ÄÅramas which sustained peopleâs hopes during the epidemic. Regular question and answer sessions were conducted on YouTube which helped the laity to be re-routed towards spirituality. Through the new media, the BhÄgavata KathÄ is now available to people at any time. This new method of engagement, the exponents believe, will allow them to make new connections and accommodations with the busy lifestyle of people.
2.2 Personal Appeal
One of the primary recognising factors of a charismatic leader is that the people subject to the charismatic authority should recognise and validate the leaderâs charismatic persona and act accordingly.42 The recipients of the charisma are completely devoted to the possessor of charisma/quality, arising out of various experiences of the followers. The success of the leader is dependent on the continuous âflowâ of power or miracles. In the case of the KathÄvÄcaka, the charisma lies in their exceptional memory and artistic use of language for delivering their KathÄs. Their sharp memory enable the KathÄvÄcakas to weave their exposition with intertextual references, often including examples from daily life, sharing anecdotes and personal experiences that may have occurred to them, or they may have heard from someone long back, but whose recall allows for a better understanding of the concept being discussed. Such intertextual references is a characteristic feature of KathÄ performances which enriches the pleasure of their reception. Intertextual references to stories from folklore or other PurÄá¹as is based on the assumption that the audience are familiar with the stories and would therefore be able to appreciate the exponentâs ability to weave them within the main story.43 Noteworthy even to this day is the exponentâs parallelistic and additive style which combines kathÄ and sankÄ«rtana, reflecting the exponentâs wide knowledge and meeting the demands of extemporaneous delivery in front of a live audience.44 Embedding a performance with interdiscursive details makes the consumption of discourses easier for the audience who may otherwise not be trained in philosophical enquiry. Secondly, the poetic strategies used by the exponents to deliver their performances do not just express, but also actively construct or facilitate in the construction of meanings, worldviews and cultural concepts.45 Their words are performative utterances, in the sense that their words carry both illocutionary and perlocutionary force that make people respond, act and modify their behaviour. What makes such a religious performance compelling is not just the meanings embodied in symbolic materials but the manner in which these symbolic materials emerge during such an interaction.46
On the first day of my fieldwork at Dhubri,47 the exponent had asked the audience to bring an Äsana,48 and if possible, to sit in the same place during the entire 7 days, since KathÄ, Shastri Ji urged, was not just a storytelling session, but a ritual that offers the same benefit as that of other religious practices. The next day, many members of the audience brought their own personal Äsanas and sat at the same place (the current researcher being one among them), as per the instructions of the exponent. Also, before the KathÄ began, a few women were seen circumambulating the VyÄsa PÄ«á¹ha. On being asked why they were doing so, the women replied âa few years ago when we were listening to Shastri Jiâs KathÄ on television, he had said that doing pradakÅiá¹Ä49 of the VyÄsa PÄ«á¹ha is as meritorious as that of Gods that we do in temples. Since then, it had been our wish to be able to do so. Now we have got the opportunityâ. The words of the exponent in this case had become like the command of the guru which must be obeyed unfailingly.
Though the KathÄvÄcakas do not concern themselves with priestly duties, they are not entirely opposed to them. The exponents have their own personal rituals that are required to be followed. They invoke the divineâs blessings in their lives through performance of personal vows and special spiritual practices. This renders their discourses especially powerful because the spirituality of the exponents is a lived experience. So, when the exponents instruct people to take on a vow or discard a vice, it has the dynamic force of self-practice that resonates with their followers. In their study of charismatic leadership in American Megachurches, Corcoran and Wellman Jr. identify such qualities as under the category of âextraordinaryâ, that is, a leader being a spiritual exemplar who is inspired by God and who in âsome way is connected to a heightened spiritualityâ.50
During the fieldwork at Dhubri (Assam) when I wanted to interview the exponent Mridul Krishna Shastri Ji,51 I was informed that he has taken a vow to practice mauna52 a few hours prior to and after the KathÄ. This fact has often been told by Shastri Ji himself on various occasions, emphasising that this allows him to soak in the spirit of the narratives he performs, which are not just stories, but are verily the form of God. I experienced the power of Shastri Jiâs mauna when after completing bhajanas sometimes, he would become silent for a few moments. The power of this silence was so âdenseâ that it reverberated in the entire site of the KathÄ. Along with him, the audience would also be immersed in the devotional aura that the melodious praise had spread around. A group of respondents who were attending the KathÄ believed that Shastri Ji is able to âtranscreateâ the KathÄ site into Vrindavana, regardless of the place where the KathÄ was being performed.
Similarly, at the KathÄ in Varanasi, during such moments of silence, the followers were also seen exhibiting sensory responses like tears flowing down the cheeks, without any verbal signs of crying, some assuming a meditative posture, while some sitting silently holding their hands in namaskÄra, looking at the exponent with sincere devotion. Ramesh Bhai Ojha, fondly called âBhaishriâ who was the KathÄvÄcaka at Årimad BhÄgavata KathÄ, Varanasi, is another exponent who has attracted a large number of audience over the years, nationally and internationally. Audience members I interviewed at the said KathÄ mostly commented on his melodious voice and believed that he is âShiva himselfâ and had been âblessed by SaraswatÄ«â. The popularity of his KathÄs is such that people from as far as the Gujarat and Maharashtra had come to Varanasi to attend his KathÄ.
Audience attribute the power in the exponentsâ speech with their âdirect connectionâ with God. Most respondents attend these KathÄs as a part of their spiritual practice to gain merit and to establish a communication with their God.53 The attendees feel that the KathÄvÄcaka exemplifies the spirit of communion with God, which they believe, will also be transferred to them as a result of their attendance in the KathÄ where they witness, in the form of the KathÄvÄcaka, that God is not a transcendent entity, spatio-temporally distanced from us, but who is available to us at all times, and that the virtues that the KathÄvÄcaka speaks of is not unattainable, but can be cultivated anywhere and in any condition, provided the intention is pure and sincere. The syncretic power of religious media, especially of the KathÄ performances has since long been utilised to bring transformation in the society. In a personal interview, Shyam Bhai Thakar, a famous KathÄvÄcaka from Gujarat, stated that the KathÄvÄcakaâs social significance lies in his ability to motivate people to engage in social causes and serve as volunteers. He stated further that many educational institutions, hospitals and other utilitarian services that are running in the country were constructed by raising funds during KathÄs. For the followers, the appeal for charity by the KathÄvÄcaka is like a command they should not reject. Also, such acts of donation are considered dÄna, alms-giving that is embedded with ritual significance, garnering merit to the giver.
Through the interviews that were conducted, and observation of verbal and non-verbal responses of the audience members to the questions posed by KathÄvÄcakas, their jokes and lessons being imparted, their effect on their audience became evident. The followers of the KathÄvÄcakas ascribe charisma to them based on personal qualities (for instance, melodious voice, ability to engage the audience, etc.), but also because of the guidance and hope they can provide the followers at times of social and personal crisis. What matters most to the common people is not an Armageddon-like apocalypse befalling them, but the effect of such a cataclysmic event on their lives; the âwhatâ of an event, that is, the reasons for such an occurrence is less significant than âhowâ this event will affect them, and the possible solutions that will ensure their safety. This is why if a charismatic leader wants to retain his appeal, it is important that such an authority espouse an ideology that will enable his group of followers to cope with the ultimate concerns of meaning, morality and suffering.54 These three basic points underlie the intention behind the creation of elaborate religious stories focused on a saviour narrative that is found all over the world. Since KathÄvÄcakas are learned in the scriptures, their followers have implicit faith in their teachings, which are derived from sacred texts. The KathÄvÄcakasâ emphasis on the redemptive power of sacred narratives and the ability to bring people closer to self-realisation is a fact that has raised their popularity from being mere storytellers to the status of saints.
3 Conclusion
The history of the KathÄvÄcaka tradition dates back to antiquity, when oral narratives where regularly performed during a ritual. These itinerant storytellers were responsible for safeguarding the knowledge of the ancient seers and transmitting them in a simplified manner to the masses. Since they hold considerable power in the society, the present paper attempted to analyse their appeal on the basis of the concept of charisma of Weber. In establishing the arguments, the cultural model of charisma proposed by Smith has been utilised. This framework allowed the current paper to explore the charismatic authority of the KathÄvÄcakas in the Indian context, which shares similar cultural frames with religious traditions across the world, like the salvific narrative and a saviour figure who manifests every time chaos threatens to destroy order. However, the Indic perspective perceives such leaders as a part of the divine. India abounds with legends of such heroes who have been deified due to their superhuman feats. The BhÄgavata KathÄvÄcakas too, are regarded as saints, master storytellers, tradition-bearers and gurus, granting them an important religio-cultural role. The exponents of the BhÄgavata KathÄ employ rhetoric to skillfully expound on the scriptures, while their vast repertoire of knowledge ranging from almost every traditional discipline of study enrich their discourses with intertextuality which appeals to their followers. Their training in scriptures and their self-discipline as well as spiritual practices concretise their authority further in the minds of their followers, who are not only influenced by the power of their discourses, but are also inspired by their lifestyle, which portray their saint-like qualities. Their exposition of the stories of redemption instill hope in the hearts of the people who may be enmeshed in strife or are going through a difficult time. Through their role as tradition bearers, the KathÄvÄcakas become a connecting link between the ancient seers and the modern man. The KathÄvÄcakas use their phenomenal charisma authority to guide people in their trying times and transform them into exemplary devotees who shine with spiritual effulgence while fulfilling their role as responsible and valuable members of the society.
Biography
Ujjaini Chakrabarty is a Research Scholar in the Dept of Mass Communication and Journalism, Tezpur University, Tezpur, Assam. She has a masterâs degree in Mass Communication from Pondicherry University, Pondicherry. Her interests lie in performance studies, ritual and religion. Her current research is based on Oral Tradition and Cultural Memory, with special focus on religious storytelling tradition of India.
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Smith, Culture and Charisma: Outline of a Theory, p. 105.
Smith, Culture and Charisma: Outline of a Theory, p. 105.
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Weber, Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology, p. 241.
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Kapoor, Text and Tradition: The Indian Interpretation, p. 47.
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For details, see Stietencron, Charisma and Canon: The Dynamics of Legitimation and Innovation in Indian Religions in Dalmia et.al. Ed. Charisma and Canon: Essays on the Religious History of the Indian Subcontinent.
See Pargiter, Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, p. 22.
Romahará¹£aá¹ and UgraÅravÄ are SÅ«tas who are also father and son respectively. They were both disciples of Veda VyÄsa, the incarnation of Viá¹£á¹u who appears at the end of every DvÄpara Yuga (the third Yuga in PurÄá¹ic cosmology).
Veda VyÄsa is the title given to a person, believed to be an incarnation of Viá¹£á¹u who descends on earth to protect all forms of knowledge from obliteration. He is tasked with collating and organising the content of the Vedas and collecting other sacred knowledge that may have been scattered or lost. Veda VyÄsa is not a personal name but refers to an official position. He is the composer of the MahÄbhÄrata and the PurÄá¹as. The present Veda VyÄsaâs personal name is Kr̥ṣá¹a DawipÄyana, and 27 VyÄsas preceded him, including his own father and grandfather. It is believed that the next Veda VyÄsa will be AÅwatthÄmÄ, the son of Droá¹achÄrya who was cursed by Krá¹£á¹a to live as an immortal, plagued with eternal blisters and furuncles for his crime of killing the five sleeping sons of PÄá¹á¸avas after the MahÄbhÄrata war, and his attempt to kill the grandson of Arjuna in his motherâs womb. He will appear in the next cosmic age when the existence of scriptural knowledge will again be threatened. Veda VyÄsa is thus regarded as gyÄna avatÄra or the incarnation of knowledge. The current Veda VyÄsa is the 28th in this order, who was born to the previous Veda VyÄsa rishi ParÄÅara, and was given the personal name Kr̥ṣá¹a DvaipÄyana due to his dark complexion (Kr̥ṣá¹a) and for having been born on an island (dvÄ«pa).
Weber, Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology, p. 248.
Rocher, Orality and Textuality in the Indian Context, p. 20.
Narayan, Storytellers, Saints, and Scoundrels: Folk Narrative in Hindu Religious Teaching, p. 46.
Horstmann, Monica: The Example of Dadupanthi Homiletics, in: Orsini/Schofield (eds.): Tellings And Texts: Music Literature And Performance In North India, pp. 31â60.
âBhaishriâ Ramesh Bhai Ojhaâs ÅrÄ«mad BhÄgavata KathÄ at Tirumala in December 2019, Srisailam in December 2021, both in Andhra Pradesh; Swami Avdheshananda Giriji Maharajâs ÅrÄ«mad BhÄgavata KathÄ in Chennai 2015 are some examples of the organisation of KathÄ in South India.
Weber, Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology, p. 242.
See: Orsini/Schofield (eds.), Tellings and Texts: Music, Literature, and Performance in North India, loc. 350.
Lutgendorf, The Life of Text: Performing the Ramcharitmanas of Tulsidas, p. 178.
Demmer/Gaenszle, The Power of Discourse in Ritual Performance: Rhetoric, Poetics, Transformation, p. 17.
Wu, Performing Charisma: Construction of Religious Experience in the Catholic Charismatic Ritual of Prayer and Worship, p. 1.
A city in the Indian state of Assam, India.
A seat, usually made of cloth or wool, which is sat on during the performance of a ritual.
Circumambulation of the sanctum, idols or saints with the belief that they are representative of the universe, and performing a clockwise circumambulation around them is equal to going around the universe the number of times it is performed.
Corocoran/Wellman Jr., âPeople Forget Heâs Humanâ: Charismatic Leadership in Institutionalised Religion, p. 310.
Famous KathÄvÄcaka from Vrindavan, whose familyâs legacy can be traced back to Swami Haridas, the guru of Tansen. The latter was the famous musician at the court of Akbar in 16th century AD.
Ritual practice of silence.
Flueckiger, Everyday Hinduism, p. 47.
Barnes, Charisma and Religious Leadership: An Historical Analysis, p. 1.
