Abstract
The Brahmanical monastic institution called maá¹ha was an important element of the religious landscape of early medieval Bengal. Its history from the mid-sixth century onwards can be traced in fragmentary inscriptional references. The Paschimbhag copperplate inscription and the Bangarh stone slab inscription give exceptionally rich information on the organisation of the maá¹ha and activities around it. The maá¹has in both inscriptions were complexes established by royal patronage and functioned as centres of worship and learning. They do, however, show some differences closely related to their different locational and social contexts. The maá¹ha in the Paschimbhag plate functioned as the centre of a newly-settled brÄhmaá¹a community in a rural area, while that in the Bangarh inscription functioned as the semi-urban residence of a lineage of Åaiva ascetics connected with a wider monastic network. This difference had implications for the later histories of their respective constituencies.
Introduction
Maá¹has, Brahmanical monastic institutions which may have been established as a counterpart to Buddhist and Jain vihÄras,1 have been an important element of the religious landscape of South Asia since their emergence in the early medieval period. Their presence in early medieval Bengal can be inferred from inscriptional evidence in this region and beyond.2 Nevertheless, we have so far no ruins of maá¹has assignable to the early medieval period in Bengal, which would have given us a clue to their structure, in contrast to Central India, where the ruins of Åaiva maá¹has still remain and are studied thoroughly.3 Descriptions of maá¹has in the inscriptions, mostly prepared in connection with the foundation of these institutions or endowments to them by kings or other agents, are rather simple and stereotypical. There are, however, a few inscriptions which provide us with substantial information on the organisation of maá¹has and activities around them. In the present article, I will present two such inscriptions, namely, the Paschimbhag copperplate inscription of ÅrÄ«candra and the Bangarh stone slab inscription of the time of NayapÄla, respectively datable to the first half of the tenth century and the second quarter of the eleventh century, and discuss the organisational character of maá¹has in early medieval Bengal and the religious and other activities surrounding them through the analysis of these inscriptions.
Before the main body of the discussion, I would like to present an overview of the inscriptional references to maá¹has in early medieval Bengal.
Epigraphic References to Maá¹has in Early Medieval Bengal: An Overview
So far, the earliest inscriptional reference to a maá¹ha in Bengal is found in the Jayarampur copperplate inscription of the time of Gopacandra dated year 1, assignable to the second half of the sixth century, pertaining to Daá¹á¸a bhukti, the area adjacent to present Odisha. In it, mahÄsÄmanta mahÄrÄja Acyuta, a petitioner for the purchase and donation of a village, mentions deities, brÄhmaá¹as, maá¹has, vihÄras, and dwellings, presumably of ascetics, as entities for which many good people had purchased and donated villages, land plots and homesteads in an administrative unit called ÅvetavÄlikÄ vÄ«thÄ«.4 This sentence shows that maá¹has had been recognised as religious institutions comparable with Buddhist or Jain vihÄras by that time.5
The presence of a maá¹ha and its landholdings in eastern Bengal in the following period is attested by the Uriswar plate of ÅrÄ«dhÄraá¹arÄta, assignable to the second half of the seventh century, which mentions a land plot of YogeÅvara maá¹ha and a plot of donated land of the master (Ä«Åvara) of the same maá¹ha as boundary markers of the donated tracts.6 The âmasterâ could denote the head of the institution, indicating some form of hierarchy or organisation among members of the maá¹ha.
Two copperplate inscriptions of eastern Bengal from the seventh century, close to the aforementioned plate of ÅrÄ«dhÄraá¹arÄta both in place and time, record the foundation of maá¹has as abodes of deities, and the donation of land tracts for the deities and groups of brÄhmaá¹as. In the Tippera plate of LokanÄtha, datable to the second half of the seventh century, mahÄsÄmanta Pradoá¹£aÅarman, a subordinate ruler, announces his establishment of the deity AnantanÄrÄyaá¹a in a forest tract after building an abode of the deity (devÄvasatha),7 and asks LokanÄtha, his overlord, to bestow this forest tract for the regular practice of offerings of eight flowers (aá¹£á¹apuá¹£pikÄ), food (bali), milk rice (caru) and charitable feeding (sattra) for the deity, and to noble brÄhmaá¹as knowing the four Vedas who formed a community at the locality.8 Approving his petition, LokanÄtha donates the tract for the deity and a large number of brÄhmaá¹as with their service providers,9 and states the accomplishment of the manner of worship of the deity AnantanÄrÄyaá¹a at the maá¹ha belonging to him as one of the purposes of the endowment.10 The Kalapur plate of Maruá¹á¸anÄtha, pertaining to northeast Bengal in the seventh century, also refers to the establishment of a deity named AnantanÄrÄyaá¹a by the brÄhmaá¹a JayasvÄmin after building a maá¹ha on a donated land plot, and to his request for the donation of land for the practice of offerings of food and milk rice, and charitable feeding for the deity and to noble brÄhmaá¹as knowing the three Vedas, who formed a community at the locality.11 Though the corrosion of the plate does not allow us to fully comprehend its contents, the donor, sÄmanta Maruá¹á¸anÄtha or his son, seems to have donated âthe land tract of water and forestâ (jalÄá¹avÄ«-bhÅ«-khaá¹á¸a) to âthe deity and brÄhmaá¹as of the maá¹haâ (maá¹ha-deva-dvijebhyaḥ).12
The services for the deity AnantanÄrÄyaá¹a listed in these two inscriptions are almost the same as those rendered to deities installed at their shrines (devakula/Äyatana),13 indicating that the function of a maá¹ha was somewhat comparable with that of a shrine. This interpretation is strengthened by the synonymous use of maá¹ha and âabode of deityâ (devÄvasatha) in the Tippera plate of LokanÄtha mentioned above. On the other hand, the land endowment to brÄhmaá¹as, who were to be settled in the forest tracts where a maá¹ha was established, suggests their newly-made association with the institution, with which they shared interest in the granted land tract. BrÄhmaá¹as belonging to pañcamaá¹ha,14 who were the recipients of a land donation together with the Buddhist saá¹ gha of the Dharmasabha vihÄra in the Bangladesh National Museum metal vase inscription of DevÄtideva, assignable to the area around Chittagong in the early eighth century, could also be such brÄhmaá¹as associated with maá¹ha organisation(s). The Ashmolean Museum metal vase inscription of AttÄkaradeva pertaining to the same area, assignable to the early tenth century, on the other hand, mentions a maá¹hikÄ as a facility where the Buddha was installed and worshipped, buttressing the observation that the function of a maá¹ha was close to that of a shrine,15 even among Buddhists in this particular case.
The reference to a maá¹ha in connection with ascetics is found in the Nimgachi stone slab inscription of PÄhila, a subordinate ruler of the PÄla king DevapÄla, which belongs to the first half of the ninth century. The inscription records the donation of a maá¹ha by PÄhila to Vaiá¹£á¹ava mendicants (pravrajita) presumably for their residence.16 Another inscription of a PÄla subordinate ruler, on the other hand, mentions his foundation of maá¹has. The Bhaturiya stone slab inscription of YaÅodÄsa, a subordinate of RÄjyapÄla, assignable to the mid-tenth century, records the establishment of a Åaiva temple complex (a Åiva liá¹ ga installed at a temple surrounded by eight shrines) by YaÅodÄsa, and the donation of the village Madhusrava to the deity by king RÄjyapÄla, with some amount of tax retained by the latter.17 The verses recording these donative acts are preceded by a eulogy of YaÅodÄsa, in which he is credited with the construction of maá¹has, in addition to other meritorious deeds, including the establishment of shrines and other buildings, lakes/reservoirs and embankments, sacrifices and charitable feedings.18 Among the buildings established by him, maá¹has and shrines (deva-geha) are said to have been made of stones that were black like clouds.
The active involvement of the PÄla kings with the foundation of maá¹has is glimpsed from the Siyan stone slab inscription of the time of NayapÄla, datable to the second quarter of the eleventh century. The inscription seems to contain the eulogy of the PÄla kings mentioning their establishment of temples and other religious facilities in various places of Bengal and Bihar, though the full picture is unavailable due to the mutilated condition of the stone slab. The inscription still gives some fragmentary information which includes the following references to maá¹has founded by some PÄla kings or members of the royal household at unidentifiable locations: 1) a maá¹ha of two stories as a residence for an unknown category of people,19 2) a maá¹ha, a lake, and a house of Åambhu (Åiva) called VarÄkeÅvara,20 3) a maá¹ha for the residence of ascetics and a pond at the kingâs own city,21 and 4) a maá¹ha where one cakravartin, presumably a PÄla king, established Vaikuá¹á¹ha (Viá¹£á¹u) after constructing it.22
The inscriptions reviewed above show that the characteristics of maá¹has differed in particular periods and areas. Maá¹has in eastern Bengal in the seventh and eighth centuries were hardly differentiated from shrines of Brahmanical and Buddhist deities in their function as venues of worship. They were also characterised by their association with newly-settled brÄhmaá¹as. On the other hand, maá¹has in the period from the ninth century onwards, mostly in northern and western Bengal, were residences of ascetics of both Vaiá¹£á¹ava and Åaiva affiliations, though they also retain their function as venues of worship.
While the above-mentioned inscriptional references enable us to discern the two characteristics of maá¹has in early medieval Bengal, they do not provide much information on the structure and organisation of maá¹has. The Paschimbhag plate of ÅrÄ«candra and the Bangarh stone slab inscription of the time of NayapÄla are exceptions which give detailed information on these aspects of maá¹has. I now proceed to the analysis of these inscriptions.
Paschimbhag Plate of ÅrÄ«candra: Maá¹ha Complex in a BrahmÄpura
ÅrÄ«candra, the issuer of the Paschimbhag copperplate inscription, was the fourth in the line of the Candras who started their career as subordinate rulers in Rohitagiri and then in CandradvÄ«pa under the kings of Harikela, the area around present-day Chittagong. During the reigns of Trailokyacandra and his son ÅrÄ«candra, the Candras grew to become the sovereign rulers of the whole of eastern Bengal, except Harikela.23 The Paschimbhag plate, dated year 5 of his reign and assignable to the first half of the tenth century, is so far the earliest of the copperplate charters of ÅrÄ«candra, of which eight have been published in one way or another to date,24 and the only one pertaining to ÅrÄ«haá¹á¹a, the northeastern sub-region of Bengal.
The Paschimbhag plate records the royal donation of a large tract of land to nine maá¹has and 6,000 brÄhmaá¹as. It is issued from a military camp pitched at Vikramapura, the capital of the Candras, and is addressed to several groups of people, including officials and the local residents in the three viá¹£ayas (districts) of GaralÄ, PogÄra and Candrapura, accompanied by the land called Aveá¸ikÄ, which belonged to TÄla varga of ÅrÄ«haá¹á¹a maá¹á¸ala in Pauá¹á¸ravardhana bhukti.25
The announcement by the king to the addressees is given as his statement in first person. It first says that the king made those three viá¹£ayas, for which boundary markers for the four cardinal directions are given, into a brahmÄpura, which seems to denote a special area assigned to brÄhmaá¹as, named ÅrÄ«candrapura.26 Then the maá¹has in ÅrÄ«candrapura are mentioned with their personnel and purposes to which land plots of particular size, computed in a unit of pÄá¹aka equalling 10 droá¹as,27 are allotted. The first is BrahmÄ and his maá¹ha, for which 81 people are listed and 120 pÄá¹akas of land are allotted in total. The details are given as follows:
- 1)1 teacher (upÄdhyÄya) of the CandravyÄkhyÄna: 10 pÄá¹akas.
- 2)10 pupils (chÄtra), for stipulated meals (pÄli) and woollen clothes (phuá¹á¹aka): 10 pÄá¹akas (1 pÄá¹aka each).
- 3)5 guest (apÅ«rva) brÄhmaá¹as, to be provided food every day: 5 pÄtakas (1 pÄá¹aka each).
- 4)1 brÄhmaá¹a executive who supervised this (arrangement): 1 pÄá¹aka.
- 5)1 astrologer (gaá¹aka): 1 pÄá¹aka.
- 6)1 scribe (kÄyastha): 2½ pÄá¹akas.
- 7)4 garland-makers (mÄlÄkÄra): ½ pÄá¹aka each (2 pÄtakas).
- 8)2 oil-pressers (tailika): ½ pÄá¹aka each (1 pÄá¹aka).
- 9)2 potters (kumbhakÄra): ½ pÄá¹aka each (1 pÄá¹aka).
- 10)5 kÄhala players: ½ pÄá¹aka each (2½ pÄá¹akas).
- 11)2 conch shell blowers (Åaá¹ kha-vÄdaka): ½ pÄá¹aka each (1 pÄá¹aka).
- 12)2 á¸hakkÄ drum players (á¸hakkÄ-vÄda): ½ pÄá¹aka each (1 pÄá¹aka).
- 13)8 kettle-drummers (drÄgaá¸ika): ½ pÄá¹aka each (4 pÄá¹akas).
- 14)22 workers and leatherworkers (karmmakara-carmmakÄra): ½ pÄá¹aka each (11 pÄá¹akas).
- 15)1 dancer (naá¹a): 2 pÄá¹akas.
- 16)2 carpenters (sÅ«tradhÄra): 2 pÄá¹akas each (4 pÄá¹akas).
- 17)2 architects (sthapati): 2 pÄá¹akas each (4 pÄá¹akas).
- 18)2 blacksmiths (karmmakÄra): 2 pÄá¹akas each (4 pÄá¹akas).
- 19)8 courtesans (beá¹ikÄ): ¾ pÄá¹akas each (6 pÄá¹akas).
- 20)Repairs (navakarmma): 47 pÄá¹akas.28
Then two groups of four maá¹has, namely, the foreign (deÅÄntarÄ«ya) and Vaá¹ gÄla maá¹has of VaiÅvÄnara (Agni), YogeÅvara, Jaimani (Jaimini) and MahÄkÄla, are mentioned with their personnel, purposes and land allotment, which amount to 170 people and 280 pÄá¹akas in total. The first detailed among them is:
- 1)8 teachers of RÌ¥g, Yajus, SÄma and Atharva (Vedas) belonging to both groups of maá¹has: 10 pÄá¹akas each (80 pÄá¹akas).
Following them are the personnel and so on of each maá¹ha:
- 2)5 pupils: 5 pÄá¹akas (1 pÄá¹aka each) / 40 heads: 40 pÄá¹akas in sum.
- 3)1 garland maker: ½ pÄá¹aka / 8 heads: 4 pÄá¹akas in sum.
- 4)1 barber (nÄpita): ½ pÄá¹aka / 8 heads: 4 pÄá¹akas in sum.
- 5)1 oil-presser: ½ pÄá¹aka / 8 heads: 4 pÄá¹akas in sum.
- 6)1 washerman (rajaka): ½ pÄá¹aka / 8 heads: 4 pÄá¹akas in sum.
- 7)8 workers and leatherworkers: ½ pÄá¹aka each (4 pÄá¹akas) / 64 heads: 32 pÄá¹akas in sum.
- 8)2 courtesans: ¾ pÄá¹aka each (1½ pÄá¹akas) / 16 heads: 12 pÄá¹akas in sum.
- 9)Repairs: 10 pÄá¹akas / 80 pÄá¹akas in sum.
Then personnel of each group of 4 maá¹has and land allotted to them are given as follows:
- 10)1 mahattara brÄhmaá¹a: 2 pÄá¹akas / 2 heads: 4 pÄá¹akas in sum.
- 11)1 manager (vÄrika): 1½ pÄá¹akas / 2 heads: 3 pÄá¹akas in sum.
- 12)1 scribe: 2½ pÄá¹akas / 2 heads: 5 pÄá¹akas in sum.
- 13)1 astrologer: 1 pÄá¹aka / 2 heads: 2 pÄá¹akas in sum.
- 14)1 physician (vaidya): 3 pÄá¹akas / 2 heads: 6 pÄá¹akas in sum.29
The remaining land is divided into equal portions among 6,000 brÄhmaá¹as of diverse gotras and pravaras, leaned in various schools of the four Vedas, of whom 37 are named.30 And all the viá¹£ayas, or rather their land tracts organised as ÅrÄ«candrapura, are given to the deities of the maá¹has and to the 6,000 brÄhmaá¹as with a usual set of privileges covering an extensive range of local resources and some level of judicial power, with the exception of an unspecified size of land belonging to the Three Jewels (a Buddhist establishment) and 52 pÄá¹akas of land attached to the boat landing of IndreÅvara.31
The description of the maá¹has as presented above shows some aspects of their organisation. Noteworthy is first of all the superiority of the maá¹ha of BrahmÄ to the other maá¹has. It must have had a larger building that was to be maintained by the bigger size of land plots allotted to its repairs, 47 pÄá¹akas against 10 pÄá¹akas for each of the other maá¹has, close to five times as much. The larger space can also be presumed by the accommodation of ten pupils and five guest brÄhmaá¹as against five pupils each at the other maá¹has. The number of personnel attached to the maá¹ha, 81, is also much larger than the 20 belonging to each of the eight maá¹has.32 As for the personnel common to all the maá¹has, their numbers in the maá¹ha of BrahmÄ surpass their numbers in any of the other maá¹has by a factor of two (pupils and oil-pressers), two and three quarters (workers and leatherworkers) or four (garland-makers and courtesans).
The personnel exclusive to the maá¹ha of BrahmÄ attests to its centrality in this maá¹ha complex. Apart from eight courtesans, this maá¹ha has four kinds of musicians and a dancer as performers, while the other maá¹has have only courtesans. The dancer seems to be charged with choreography and other directorial duties in view of the relatively large size of land allotted to him: the courtesans may perform dances under his guidance. His and the musiciansâ services are indispensable for the dedication of dance and music to the deities of all the maá¹has. The maá¹ha of BrahmÄ also has carpenters, architects, potters and blacksmiths, artisans in charge of the construction of buildings and production of special objects, both necessary for all the maá¹has. Thus, the personnel and their services indispensable for the other maá¹has point to the centrality of this maá¹ha.
The other maá¹has in turn have barbers and washermen among the service providers. Together with physicians attached to each group of the four maá¹has, they are charged with duties catering to bodily needs, which are not met by the personnel of the maá¹ha of BrahmÄ. The difference in personnel could have accrued from a division of roles between the last maá¹ha and others.
The allocation of management-related personnel also has implications for the administration of the maá¹has. The maá¹ha of BrahmÄ has its own astrologer and scribe, apart from a brÄhmaá¹a supervising the provisions for guest brÄhmaá¹as.33 In contrast, the eight other maá¹has do not have such functionaries on their own, and the personnel fulfilling administrative duties, like mahattara brÄhmaá¹a, who seems to be a brÄhmaá¹a chief, vÄrika (manager), astrologer and scribe, are attached to each group of the four maá¹has. This means that a collective of the four maá¹has, not each maá¹ha, functions as a unit of administration, while the maá¹ha of BrahmÄ is managed on its own. As noted above, physicians are also attached to each group of maá¹has.
âForeignâ (deÅÄntarÄ«ya) and Vaá¹ gÄla prefixed to the respective groups of maá¹has indicates the division based on the regional identities, presumably of the people who would be served by those maá¹has among the 6,000 brÄhmaá¹as settled in ÅrÄ«candrapura. Vaá¹ gÄla originally denoted the coastal area of southeastern Bengal co-extensive with CandradvÄ«pa, the early stronghold of the Candras, and came to mean almost all the parts of eastern Bengal following the expansion of Candra territory.34 The binary of deÅÄntarÄ«ya and Vaá¹ gÄla strongly suggests that the latter connotes the whole territory of the Candras encompassing ÅrÄ«haá¹á¹a, contrasting with âanother country/regionâ (deÅÄntara). The division of the same set of maá¹has into these two groups may have accrued from rivalry between the brÄhmaá¹as from eastern Bengal and those from other areas,35 which seems to be irreconcilable.
The description of the maá¹has also has implications for activities centred on them, which in turn suggest their functions. The most notable is the function of those maá¹has as centres of learning. Pupils, ten at the maá¹ha of BrahmÄ and five each at the eight other maá¹has, are accommodated with provisions of food and clothing. These pupils, fifty in total, are taught by a teacher specialised in grammar or lexicography of Sanskrit posted at the maá¹ha of BrahmÄ,36 and teachers of the four Vedas assigned to the two maá¹ha groups. Five guest brÄhmaá¹as accommodated at the maá¹ha of BrahmÄ with daily provisions of food may also participate in the educational activities.
The maá¹has also functioned as venues for worshipping the deities installed at each of them. Materials required for offerings, including garlands, oil for lamps and earthenware, are produced by artisans belonging to the maá¹has. Services of dance and music to deities are performed by musicians, a dancer and courtesans, of whom those belonging to the maá¹ha of BrahmÄ fulfil the central roles, as discussed above. In addition, astrologers are present to suggest the proper time for rituals and other religious activities surrounding the maá¹has.
The two functions of the maá¹has delineated above point to their centrality for brÄhmaá¹as newly settled in ÅrÄ«candrapura. As centres of learning, the maá¹has contribute to the supply of members of the brÄhmaá¹a community properly equipped with knowledge of Sanskrit and the Vedas. As venues of worship, the maá¹has provide brÄhmaá¹as and their families with both places and opportunities for gatherings and interaction. The choice of BrahmÄ as the main deity may reveal the intention of the founder of the maá¹has, presumably the king ÅrÄ«candra, to make them the centre of the new Brahmanical settlement. The installation of Agni, symbolising sacrificial fire, and Jaimini, the founder of the PÅ«rvamÄ«mÄá¹sÄ School, at the other maá¹has supports this possibility. On the other hand, the remaining deities of the maá¹has, YogeÅvara and MahÄkÄla, instead show an inclination towards the Åaiva faith. The inclusion of the last two deities may address the diverse orientations of migrant brÄhmaá¹as. The sectarian diversity is also shown in the other part of the grant. Towards the end of the document, a person named VinÄyaka, born in KÄá¹á¹Ä«grÄma, is mentioned as the one who settled the 6,000 brÄhmaá¹as.37 He is called a Vaiá¹£á¹ava, attesting to the presence of Vaiá¹£á¹avas in this locality.
The maá¹has functioning as centres of a newly-established Brahmanical settlement reminds us of the maá¹has of AnatanÄrÄyaá¹a in seventh-century eastern Bengal, which were established in the middle of forests settled by a group of brÄhmaá¹as, mostly as venues of worship. The maá¹has of ÅrÄ«candrapura may have inherited this tradition with organisational refinement and functional development as their descriptions in the Paschimbhag plate show.
Bangarh Stone Slab Inscription: A Lineage of Åaiva Ascetics and Their Maá¹ha
The Bangarh stone slab inscription of the time of NayapÄla, assignable to the second quarter of the eleventh century, contains the eulogy (praÅasti) of the Åaiva ascetic MÅ«rtiÅiva, which RÅ«paÅiva, his co-disciple as well as friend, commissioned with his image.38 The inscription was discovered from Shibbari, the area to the east of the site of Bangarh in the South Dinajpur district of West Bengal.39 Images of a Åaiva ascetic and the goddess CarcikÄ were also recovered from the same area, suggesting its connection with a Åaiva institution together with the name Shibbari denoting the house/palace of Åiva.40 The inscribed slab must have been embedded in the wall of a building belonging to the Åaiva maá¹ha complex mentioned in the inscription.
Preceded by a preamble consisting of verses of invocation,41 the eulogy gives a genealogy of Åaiva ascetics beginning with DurvÄsas, the mythical progenitor, to whose lineage was âbornâ the great maá¹ha of GolagÄ«.42 VidyÄÅiva was an ascetic from this maá¹ha, and his disciple DharmaÅiva established a lofty temple of Åiva at VÄrÄá¹asÄ«.43
The history of the maá¹ha at Bangarh started with IndraÅiva, the disciple of DharmaÅiva, to whom MahÄ«pÄla I donated the maá¹ha with a lofty palace/temple.44 IndraÅiva is said to have performed the sixteen great gifts (mahÄdÄna).45 His disciple SarvaÅiva became the preceptor of king NayapÄla.46
SarvaÅiva conferred the preceptorship of the Gauá¸a king, NayapÄla, on MÅ«rtiÅiva, his brother and disciple, and left for the forest.47 MÅ«rtiÅiva excavated oblong ponds to the cardinal and semi-cardinal directions and established a hundred gardens (ÄrÄma).48 His seat/abode (ÄÅaya), namely the maá¹ha, and religious monuments (kÄ«rti) established there are eulogised with poetic expression.49 His fame is acclaimed in reference to his victory in scholarly discussions and performance of the donation of gold weighed against himself (tulÄpuruá¹£a).50 MÅ«rtiÅiva constructed a vaá¸abhÄ« temple enshrining the goddess BhavÄnÄ«.51
The genealogy of the ascetics ends with RÅ«paÅiva, another disciple of SarvaÅiva and a friend of MÅ«rtiÅiva.52 The last portion of the inscription mentions RÅ«paÅiva as the commissioner of the eulogy and image of MÅ«rtiÅiva; Laká¹£mÄ«dhara, the son of Gaá¹apati, as the organiser (Äyojaka) of the construction of an edifice, presumably a monument in the maá¹ha; and ÅrÄ«kaá¹á¹ha as the composer of the eulogy.53 Following a stanza wishing the edifice of MÅ«rtiÅambhu (MÅ«rtiÅiva) to remain forever,54 the last verse mentions another Laká¹£mÄ«dhara as the engraver of the eulogy.55
The genealogy given in the inscription, especially the reference to the maá¹ha of GolagÄ« identifiable with the present site of GurgÄ« in Rewa district of Madhya Pradesh,56 suggests that the ascetics of the maá¹ha of Bangarh belonged to the lineage of SaiddhÄntika Åaiva ascetics called the MattamayÅ«ras. Originating from Gopaká¹£etra, the area around Gwalior, it expanded towards east in Central India, especially in á¸ÄhaladeÅa by the patronage of the Kalacuri kings of TripurÄ«.57 In the process of its expansion, this ascetic lineage saw the development of their maá¹has from forest hermitages to semi-urban mansions and temple complexes well-connected with kingship.58 This process of expansion and development was accompanied by the formation of a network connecting maá¹has within the Kalacuri territory and beyond.59 The extension of this network through VÄrÄá¹asÄ« resulted in the emergence of the maá¹ha of Bangarh, as shown by the activities of DharmaÅiva and his disciple IndraÅiva.60
Corresponding to the developed form witnessed in Central India, the maá¹ha of Bangarh is depicted in the inscription as a complex centred on the main temple and furnished with diverse buildings and other facilities. The maá¹ha donated to IndraÅiva is compared to Mount KailÄsa, glittering like Meru with a lofty palace/temple (prÄsÄda) and constructed beautifully with a mass of gold.61 With diverse shrines (surÄlaya) and oblong ponds (dÄ«rghikÄ), it resembled the world with the seven oceans and the eight mountain ranges.62 Such a depiction is rather conventional and the poet may have composed it even without visiting the actual site.63 Still, it conveys the shared notion on what a maá¹ha was supposed to be. MÅ«rtiÅiva excavated oblong ponds to the cardinal and semi-cardinal directions and established a hundred gardens (ÄrÄma), presumably around the main temple of the maá¹ha.64 His religious monuments (kÄ«rti), which are compared to the continental mountain ranges and the oceans,65 may also connote facilities constructed within the maá¹ha compound. He further constructed a vaá¸abhÄ« temple, which was decorated with a pot (kalaÅa) on the top, banners and lamps.66 These construction projects commissioned by MÅ«rtiÅiva indicate the character of the maá¹ha as a complex expanded by a series of such undertakings. The description that his seat (ÄÅaya), namely the maá¹ha, is not full, compared with the world which is filled with his fame, indicates the ongoing state of the projects.67
Due to the character of the inscription as a eulogy of a Åaiva ascetic and his lineage, the activities around the maá¹ha depicted in it are mostly limited to those of the eminent members of the lineage. The most prominent element of their activities is the connection with kingship. The dependence of the maá¹ha and its ascetics on royal patronage is duly acknowledged in the donation by MahÄ«pÄla I mentioned as the cause of the establishment of the maá¹ha.68 The complementarity of their relation, on the other hand, is obvious in SarvaÅiva and MÅ«rtiÅiva acting as the royal preceptors (rÄjaguru) of NayapÄla in succession.69
The other activity of ascetics prominent in the inscription is generosity. While SarvaÅiva and MÅ«rtiÅiva are vaguely praised for their munificence, which would shame or anger the Rohaá¹a Mountain,70 and also for donations,71 IndraÅiva is credited with the sixteen great gifts (mahÄdÄna) prescribed in the PurÄá¹as.72 MÅ«rtiÅiva may also have performed the donation of gold weighed against himself (tulÄpuruá¹£a), one of the so-called great gifts, as suggested in a stanza.73 Their munificence and donative acts must have been supported by accumulated wealth, either personal or institutional, stored at the maá¹ha, though the inscription gives no information on its origin. The accumulated wealth enabled them to behave like their royal patrons,74 as succinctly shown by the performance of the great gifts, which are prescribed for kings and royal aspirants, and would later be performed by the PÄla and Sena kings in Bengal.75
Ascetic practices and learning surely constituted a part of the activities around the maá¹ha, though the former is mentioned rather vaguely, as in DharmaÅiva being called a storehouse of asceticism (tapo-nidhi),76 or in SarvaÅiva having incandescent asceticism (dÄ«pta-tapas).77 In contrast, the learning of the ascetics is described with specificity. MÅ«rtiÅiva acquired fame surpassing that of the teachers of BhrÌ¥gu and BhÄskara by âdrinking upâ, namely defeating, Jains (digambara) and refuting the theory of the Kr̥ṣá¹Ädvaita School.78 RÅ«paÅiva is praised for his learning which uplifted the Åaiva doctrine in decline.79 He travelled extensively and defeated other logicians in all the quarters, and this feat is compared to the world conquest (ÄÅÄ-vijaya). Bhoja, presumably the famous ParamÄra king, praised him for winning over many theorists versed in the six logics.80 His inference, wisdom and skill of narration in discussions against heretic scholars (pÄá¹£aá¹á¸i-paá¹á¸ita) are also extolled.81 In these descriptions, the victory over logicians of the other schools in discussions through the skill of debate looms large. It suggests the character of the maá¹ha as a centre of learning where the training on debate constituted a part of its curriculum. On the other hand, the itinerary of RÅ«paÅiva, which could stretch as far as DhÄrÄ in Malwa, the capital of Bhoja whom we may identify with his namesake mentioned in the inscription, shows the wide geographical range covered by the network constructed by the MattamayÅ«ra Åaiva ascetics and their activities.
Though sidelined by the deeds of eminent ascetics, the other activities around the maá¹ha can also be glimpsed from the inscription. The temple of the goddess BhavÄnÄ«, which must be the main temple of the maá¹ha complex, is said to have âa thousand playful nubile damsels.â82 They seem to have been courtesans who offered dance performances to the deity, and their presence hints at the regular worship of deities undertaken at temples and shrines within the maá¹ha complex. Apart from that, Laká¹£mÄ«dhara, a brÄhmaá¹a, is mentioned as an organiser (Äyojaka) in charge of an edifice (kÄ«rti), which seems to denote a monument in the maá¹ha to which the inscribed stone slab was attached.83 It is remarkable that Laká¹£mÄ«dhara worked as the organiser of the construction of the monument at the order of MÅ«rtiÅiva. We may detect here the power wielded by the ascetic, who was probably the head of the maá¹ha, being in charge for all the matters of the entire complex.
In spite of its limited scope as a eulogy, the Bangarh stone slab inscription still gives us some insights on the maá¹ha of the MattamayÅ«ra Åaiva ascetics. It was a complex consisting of a main temple and other shrines where regular worship was offered, and which was embellished with oblong ponds and gardens. It was also a centre of learning, where ascetic teachers taught their pupils several disciplines which were not limited to the Åaiva doctrine. Its foundation depended on royal patronage, and perhaps so did its maintenance, though nothing is clearly said about the latter in the inscription. The relation with kingship was complementary, with the ascetics serving as royal preceptors. The maá¹ha, or rather its ascetics, accumulated enormous wealth with which they were able to fund construction projects and great donations with royal dignity. The origin of this wealth, and its management, is unclear from the inscription.
Concluding Remarks
Though belonging to different traditions, one being local and the other trans-local, the maá¹has depicted in the Paschimbhag copperplate inscription and the Bangarh stone slab inscription shared some characteristics. Both were highly developed maá¹ha complexes consisting of multiple buildings and other facilities, and functioned as centres of worship and learning. Both depended on royal patronage for their foundation, and possibly for their economic base, to which the Paschimbhag plate gives a clear answer in the form of the endowment of land tracts. The Bangarh inscription provides no information on the economic base of the maá¹ha, though its affluence is duly expressed by the deeds of its ascetics. The maintenance of the maá¹has also required personnel and administrative organisation, for which the Paschimbhag plate contains detailed information and the Bangarh inscription only a little.
The difference between the two maá¹ha complexes, on the other hand, is detectable in the divergent character of the education in each institution. The maá¹ha of ÅrÄ«candrapura offered Sanskrit and Vedic education to the accommodated disciples, who seem to have come from a community of newly-settled brÄhmaá¹as. The maá¹ha of Bangarh, conversely, taught the Åaiva doctrine and other disciplines, including debate, presumably to members, both already initiated and to be initiated, of the ascetic lineage. While the former contributed to the maintenance of the local community consisting of an enormous number of brÄhmaá¹as, the latter aimed at the continuation of the lineage of Åaiva ascetics with limited membership. This difference was closely connected with the different locational and social contexts in which both maá¹ha complexes lay. The maá¹ha of ÅrÄ«candrapura was established in a new Brahmanical settlement in rural space and functioned as the centre of a brÄhmaá¹a settler community. The maá¹ha of Bangarh was located in a semi-urban area adjacent to the city of Koá¹Ä«vará¹£a and accommodated a closely-knit circle of ascetics who were segregated from ordinary social interactions but connected with the wider Åaiva monastic network. Thus, the former had a local but open constituency, while the latter had a trans-local but closed constituency. In addition, the Åaiva sectarian background and the semi-urban location of the latter gave its ascetics an opportunity to form close ties with kingship as royal preceptors, which the rural brÄhmaá¹as of ÅrÄ«candrapura could not aspire to.
The two inscriptions of early medieval Bengal analysed in the present study allow us to delineate the two different types of maá¹has with regard to their similarities and differences. Both disappeared with little trace, but their constituencies saw different trajectories in later history: no Brahmanical centres arose in the eastern part of Bengal,84 while the lineage of the MattamayÅ«ras and their maá¹has spread to western Bengal and the Andhra country.85
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Annette Schmiedchen, Dániel Balogh and Zachary Chitwood for their insightful comments which saved me from many errors and rendered my sentences more readable. The research culminating in the present article has been supported by the erc dharma Project (erc N° 809994), as well as the jsps Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C) (19K01014).
Primary Sources
Ashmolean Museum metal vase inscription of AttÄkaradeva: https://dharmalekha.info/texts/INSBengalCharters00123.
Bangarh stone slab inscription of the time of NayapÄla: https://dharmalekha.info/texts/INSBengalCharters00113.
Bangladesh National Museum metal vase inscription of DevÄtideva, year 77. Reading by Arlo Griffiths and the author from digital photographs taken by Adeline Levivier and himself. Cf. Bhattacharya 1996.
Bhaturiya stone slab inscription of YaÅodÄsa: https://dharmalekha.info/texts/INSBengalCharters00061.
Jagadishpur plate of the time of KumÄragupta I, year 128 Gupta Era: https://dharmalekha.info/texts/INSBengalCharters00034.
Jayarampur plate of the time of Gopacandra, year 1: https://dharmalekha.info/texts/INSBengalCharters00076.
Kalapur plate of Maruá¹á¸anÄtha. Gupta 1967: 68â80.
Nimgachi stone slab inscription of PÄhila: https://dharmalekha.info/texts/INSBengalCharters00044.
Paschimbhag plate of ÅrÄ«candra, year 5: https://dharmalekha.info/texts/INSBengalCharters00008.
Plate of Vainyagupta, year 184 Gupta Era. Furui 2016.
Siyan stone slab inscription of the time of NayapÄla. Sircar 1971.
Tippera plate of LokanÄtha, year 44. Sircar 1983: 28â35.
Uriswar plate of ÅrÄ«dhÄraá¹arÄta. My own reading from the digital photographs taken by Adeline Levivier. Cf. Islam 2012.
Secondary Literature
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Bhattacharya 1996 = Gouriswar Bhattacharya. âA Preliminary Report on the Inscribed Metal Vase from the National Museum of Bangladesh.â Ed. Debala Mitra. Explorations in Art and Archaeology of South Asia: Essays Dedicated to N.G. Majumdar. Calcutta: 237â247.
Bhattacharyya 2004 = Amitabha Bhattacharyya. âThe Maá¹has of Eastern India in the Early Medieval Period.â Amitabha Bhattacharyya. Selected Essays, Kolkata: 13â22.
Chowdhury 1967 = Abdul Momin Chowdhury. Dynastic History of Bengal (c. 750â1200 A. D.). Dacca.
Furui 2013 = Ryosuke Furui. âBrÄhmaá¹as in Early Medieval Bengal: Construction of their Identity, Networks and Authority.â Indian Historical Review 40 (2): 223â248.
Furui 2016 = Ryosuke Furui. âÄjÄ«vikas, Maá¹ibhadra and Early History of Eastern Bengal: A New Copperplate Inscription of Vainyagupta and its Implications.â Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26 (4): 657â681.
Furui 2017 = Ryosuke Furui. âBrÄhmaá¹as in Early Medieval Bengal: Data of Inscriptional References.â Ed. Nobuhiro Ota. Zen-kindai Minami-Ajia Shakai Ni Okeru Matomari To Tsunagari (Clustering and Connections in Pre-Modern South Asian Society). Tokyo: 181â215.
Furui 2020 = Ryosuke Furui. Land and Society in Early South Asia: Eastern India 400â1250ad. London and New York.
Ghosh 2010 = Ranjusri Ghosh. âImage of a Åaiva Teacher and an Inscription on Pedestal: New Evidence for Bangarh Åaivism.â Pratna Samiksha: A Journal of Archaeology, New Series 1: 135â139.
Goswami 1996 = Niranjan Goswami. âA Note on an Inscribed Portrait-Statue of MÅ«rtiÅiva from West Bengal.â Ed. Debala Mitra. Explorations in Art and Archaeology of South Asia: Essays Dedicated to N.G. Majumdar. Calcutta: 267â275.
Griffiths 2018 = Arlo Griffiths. âFour More Gupta-period Copperplate Grants from Bengal.â Pratna Samiksha: A Journal of Archaeology, New Series 9: 15â57.
Gupta 1967 = Kamalakanta Gupta. Copper-Plates of Sylhet, vol. 1: 7thâ11th Century A. D. Sylhet.
Islam 2012 = Shariful Islam. âUá¸iÅvara Copper Plate of ÅrÄ«dhÄraá¹arÄta.â Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Humanities 57 (1): 61â72.
Islam 2018 = Shariful Islam. âEmerging Political Entities in South-East Bengal (Vaá¹ ga-Samataá¹a-Harikela).â Ed. Abdul Momin Chowdhury and Ranabir Chakravarti. History of Bangladesh: Early Bengal in Regional Perspectives (up to c. 1200ce), vol. 1: Archaeology, Political History, Polity. Dhaka: 551â690.
Kane 1974 = P.V. Kane. History of DharmaÅÄstra: Ancient and Medieval Religious and Civil Law, vol. 2. Poona.
Nandi 1973 = Ramendra Nath Nandi, Religious Institutions and Cults in the Deccan. Delhi.
Sanderson 2009 = Alexis Sanderson. âThe Åaiva AgeâThe Rise and Dominance of Åaivism During the Early Medieval Period.â Ed. Shingo Einoo. Genesis and Development of Tantrism. Tokyo: 41â349.
Schmiedchen 2006 = Annette Schmiedchen. âThe Ceremony of TulÄpuruá¹£a: The PurÄá¹ic Concept and the Epigraphical Evidence.â Ed. Adalbert J. Gail, Gerd J.R. Mevissen and Richard Salomon. Script and Image: Papers on Art and Epigraphy. Delhi: 145â184.
Sears 2014 = Tamara I. Sears. Worldly Gurus and Spiritual Kings: Architecture and Asceticism in Medieval India. New Haven and London.
Sircar 1967â68 = D.C. Sircar. âPaschimbhag Plate of Srichandra, Year 5.â Epigraphia Indica 37 (7): 289â304.
Sircar 1971 = D.C. Sircar. âSiyan Stone Slab Inscription of Nayapala.â Epigraphia Indica 39 (2): 39â56.
Sircar 1973 = D.C. Sircar. Epigraphic Discoveries in East Pakistan. Calcutta.
Sircar 1973â74 = D.C. Sircar. âBÄá¹gaá¸h Stone Inscription of the Time of NayapÄla.â Journal of Ancient Indian History 7: 135â158.
Sircar 1983 = D.C. Sircar. Select Inscriptions Bearing on Indian History and Civilization, vol. 2: From the Sixth to the Eighteenth Century A. D. Delhi.
For the evolution of Åaiva monasticism in relation to the development of Jain institutions in the Deccan and other regions, see Nandi 1973: 76â81.
Jayarampur plate of the time of Gopacandra, year 1, ll. 13â16: prÄrthitÄ (14) vayaá¹ ÅrÄ«-mahÄsÄmanta-mahÄrÄjÄcyutena yuá¹£mad-vÄ«thyÄá¹ sÄdhubhir anekair ÄcandrÄrkka-kÄlÄ«na-tÄmra-paá¹á¹a-paá¹a-ÅÄsana-sthityÄ satÄ-mÅ«lyena (15) grÄma-ká¹£ettra-vÄstÅ«ni yuá¹£mat(·) krÄ«tv¿a?krÌ¥tvÄ deva-dvija-maá¹ha-vihÄrÄvasathebhyo âtisr̥ṣá¹Ä¿t?â¨nâ©y atisrÌ¥jyamÄnÄni (ta)th(ai)va samyak prati(16)pÄlyamÄnÄ¿ny eti?â¨nÄ«tiâ©. For transcriptions of inscriptional texts, I follow the editorial conventions of the dharma Project (erc n°809994), available at https://dharmalekha.info/editorial-conventions, through the present article.
Some copperplate inscriptions of Bengal belonging to the fifth and sixth centuries mention Jain vihÄras; Griffiths 2018: 45â50.
Uriswar plate of ÅrÄ«dhÄraá¹arÄta, l. 27: yogeÅvara-maá¹ha-ká¹£ettre; l. 26: pÅ«rvveá¹a yogeÅvara-maá¹heÅvara-tÄmra-ká¹£ett(r)a. Cf. Islam 2012: 66.
Tippera plate of LokanÄtha, ll. 21â22: mahÄsÄmanta-pradoá¹£aÅarmaá¹Ä vijñÄpitÄ vayaá¹ su(vvu)á¹ ga-viá¹£aye mrÌ¥ga-mahiá¹£a-varÄha-vyÄghra-sar¿i?â¨Ä«â©srÌ¥pÄdibhir yatheccham anubhÅ«yamÄna-grÌ¥(ha?)-(22)sambhoga-gahana-gulma-latÄ-vitÄne krÌ¥tÄkrÌ¥tÄviruddhÄá¹avÄ«-bhÅ«-khaá¹á¸Â¿o?â¨eâ© ma(yÄ?) devÄvasatha{á¹}á¹ kÄrayitvÄ bhagavÄn aviditÄnto â¨ââ©nanta-nÄrÄyaá¹aâ¨á¸¥â© sthÄpayita ⦠; Sircar 1983: 31.
Tippera plate, ll. 24â26: â¨ââ©nanta-nÄrÄyaá¹asya satatam aá¹£á¹a-puá¹£pikÄ-vali-caru-satra-pravrÌ¥ttaye tatra krÌ¥ta-sÄmÄnyÄnÄñ ca cÄtur-vidya-vrÄhmaá¹Ä(ryÄ)á¹ÄṠ⦠(25) [krÌ¥tÄkrÌ¥]tÄviruddhÄá¹avÄ«-bhÅ«-khaá¹á¸a[ḥ] tÄmre âbhilikhya mÄtÄ-pitror mama ca puá¹ya-pravrÌ¥(ddhaye) sarvato bhogenÄ(gra)hÄra ⦠(26) ⦠(loka?)nÄthe¿á¹?â¨nâ©a ⦠pratipÄ(ditaḥ?); Sircar 1983: 31.
For the names of 192 brÄhmaá¹as and six service providers, see Furui 2017: 213â215.
Tippera plate, l. 32: EtadÄ«ya-maá¹he bhagavato â¨ââ©nanta-nÄrÄyaá¹asya pÅ«jÄ-vidhi-sampattaye; Sircar 1983: 32.
Kalapur plate of Maruá¹á¸anÄtha, obverse, ll. 18â19: jayasvÄminÄ vayam eva jñÄpitÄ viá¹£aye samvaddha ⦠jalÄ â¦ ÅrÄ«tandreá¹Ä ⦠sthalīḥ khaá¹á¸a-dattaka-ká¹£etra-pÄá¹ake mayÄ maá¹haá¹ kÄrayitvÄ bha(19)gavÄn anantanÄrÄyaá¹aâ¨á¸¥â© sthÄpita-pÄdas (tatra krÌ¥ta)-sÄmÄnyÄá¹Äñ ca trai-vidya-vrÄhmaá¹ÄryÄá¹Äm; Gupta 1967: 70.
Kalapur plate, obverse, ll. 21, 23; Gupta 1967: 70.
Jagadishpur plate of the time of KumÄragupta I, year 128 Gupta Era, ll. 10â11: bhagavatas sahasra-raÅmeḥ kÄritaka-devakule ca bali-caru-sa[ttra]-(11)pravartta¿á¹?â¨nâ©Äya; Plate of Vainyagupta, year 184 Gupta Era, ll. 12â13: jayanÄá¹ane bhagavataÅ catur-mmukha-mÅ«rtter mmaá¹ibhadrasya nÄthameá¹Äyatanaá¹ kÄritan tasya bhagavataḥ s(uma)no-gandha-dhÅ«pa-va(13)li-caru-sattra-pravarttanÄya; Furui 2016: 660.
Bangladesh National Museum metal vase inscription of DevÄtideva, year 77, l. 10: pañca-maá¹hÄ«ya-brÄhmaá¹ÄnÄá¹ dattaḥ. Whether pañca-maá¹ha denotes the proper name of a maá¹ha or five maá¹has cannot be ascertained from the context.
Ashmolean Museum metal vase inscription of AttÄkaradeva, ll. 6â8: tena prÄpta-pañcamahÄÅavdena mahÄpratihÄra-ÅrÄ«-sa(ha)devena mÄtÄ-pitror Ätmanaḥ sakalasya ca (7) satva-rÄÅer anuttarÄyÄḥ samyak-samvodher adhigamaika-hetoḥ puá¹yasyÄbhivrÌ¥ddhyai bhagavantaá¹ sakala-surÄsurendra-vrÌ¥nda{á¹}-vandita{á¹}-caraá¹Äravinda-yugalaá¹ munÄ«ndra-bhaá¹á¹Ärakam uddiÅya maá¹hikÄ kÄritÄ| ta(8)syÄá¹ sthÄpitasya tathÄgata-bhaá¹á¹Ärakasya yathÄ-vidhi pÅ«jÄ-pravarttanÄya.
Nimgachi stone slab inscription of PÄhila, ll. 12â14, verse 11: tenÄsmin kali-kÄ(13)la-kalmaá¹£a-muá¹£Ä kÄ«rttiá¹ sthirÄá¹ ta¿t?â¨nâ©vatÄ laká¹£mÄ«-nÄtha-samarppitÄcala-dhiyÄ tad-bhaktimadbhyaḥ sadÄ| sampaj-jÄ«vita-yauvanÄni capalÄny Älocya dharmmaá¹ (14) sthiraá¹ dattaḥ pravrajitebhya Eá¹£a vivudha-sthÄnÄnukÄrÄ« maá¹haḥ||.
Bhaturiya stone slab inscription of YaÅodÄsa, ll. 14â17, verses 11â12: Aá¹£á¹Äbhiḥ sura-mandiraiḥ parivrÌ¥taá¹ (15) prÄsÄdam abhraá¹-lihaá¹ sampÄdyendu-marÄ«ci-jÄla-dhavalair lliptaá¹ sudhÄ-karddamaiḥ| tenÄyaá¹ naya-ÅÄlinÄ Åuci-ÅilÄ-vinyasta-liá¹ gÄkrÌ¥tir bhaktyÄ (16) dharma-parÄyaá¹ena bhagavÄn ÄropitaÅ Åaá¹ karaḥ|| Asmai yaÅodÄsa-niveÅitÄya ÅrÄ«-rÄjyapÄlo vr̥ṣabha-dhvajÄya| Åataá¹ purÄá¹Än nikaraá¹ niyamya (17) madhusravam grÄmam adÄt ká¹£itÄ«Åaḥ||.
Bhaturiya stone slab, ll. 12â14, verses 9â10: toyÄdhÄrair amrÌ¥ta-ÅiÅirair Äjya-dhÄrÄ-vinidrair agny-ÄgÄrair upahita-sudhair yajvanÄm mandiraiÅ ca| vidyÄ-sattrair ghana-Åiti-Åilair deva-(13)gehair mmaá¹hair vvÄ naika-dvÄrÄ diÅi diÅi guá¹air yasya jÄgartti kÄ«rttiḥ|| ÄrÄma-s(e)tu-maá¹ha-maá¹á¸apa-sattra-dÄna-prÄsÄda-saá¹ krama-jalÄÅaya-(14)sanniveÅaiḥ| tair ebhir Ätma-caritokti-padaiḥ praÅastair yaḥ svaá¹ praÅasti-prÌ¥thu-pÄ«á¹ham ivÄkrÌ¥torvvÄ«á¹||.
Siyan stone slab inscription of the time of NayapÄla, l. 16, verse 24: â¦-vÄsÄya maá¹ho dvi-bhÅ«maḥ||; Sircar 1971: 53.
Siyan stone slab, ll. 19â20, verse 32: ⦠yayÄ maá¹hañ ca sara(20)sīñ ca| dhÄma varÄkeÅvara Iti Åambhor api Åailam uttÄlaá¹||; Sircar 1971: 53.
Siyan stone slab, l. 32, verse 59: maá¹hañ ca tÄpasa-sthityai nije tu nagare saraḥ||; Sircar 1971: 55.
Siyan stone slab, l. 33, verse 61: ⦠(33) taran tac cakravarttÄ«ha saḥ| krÌ¥tvÄmuá¹ maá¹ham etam atra nidadhe vaikuá¹á¹ham asminn ayan devo raivata-bhÅ«bhrÌ¥tÄ«va rucire â¦; Sircar 1971: 55.
For the political history of the Candras, see Chowdhury 1967: 150â189. For an updated description, with the addition of rather untenable interpretations, see Islam 2018: 610â637.
For the list of these plates, see Furui 2020: 261â262, nos. 54â61. Apart from these, two more unpublished plates are known: one kept at the Bangladesh National Museum with Acc. No. 77. 1477 (Islam 2018: 611) and another held by a private collector (personal communication by late Gouriswar Bhattacharya).
Paschimbhag plate of ÅrÄ«candra, year 5, ll. 25â34. For the list of addressees, see Furui 2020: 138, Table 5.2 a.
Paschimbhag plate, ll. 34â36: viá¹£ayÄn etÄN pÅ«rvveá¹a vrÌ¥hat-koá¹á¹Äli sÄ«mÄ| daká¹£iá¹ena maá¹i-nadÄ« sÄ«mÄ| paÅci(me)(35)na jujjÅ«-khÄtaka kÄá¹£á¹hapará¹á¹Ä«-khÄtaka vetraghaá¹Ä«-nadÄ« sÄ«mÄ| Uttareá¹a kosiyÄra-nadÄ« sÄ«mÄ| Ity evaá¹ catus-sÄ«mÄ-paryantÄN ÅrÄ«-ÅrÄ«(36)candrapurÄbhidhÄnaá¹ vrahmÄpuram parikalpya|.
A pÄá¹aka is said to be daÅa-droá¹ika; Paschimbhag plate, ll. 36â37, 54.
Paschimbhag plate, ll. 36â42: vrahmaá¹e| Etan-maá¹ha-prativaddha-candra-vyÄkhyÄnopÄdhyÄyasya da(37)Åa-droá¹ika-daÅa-pÄá¹akÄḥ| daÅa-cchÄtrÄá¹Äá¹ pÄli-phuá¹á¹akÄrthaá¹ daÅa-pÄá¹akÄḥ ApÅ«rvva-pañca-vrÄhmaá¹ÄnÄá¹ praty-aham bhaktan dÄtum pañca-pÄ(38)á¹akÄḥ| Etad adhiá¹£á¹hÄya kÄrayitur vrÄhmaá¹asya pÄá¹akaḥ| gaá¹akasya pÄá¹akaḥ| kÄyasthasya sÄrddha-pÄá¹aka-dvayaá¹| mÄlÄkÄra-catuá¹£á¹a(39)yasya| tailika-dvayasya| kumbhakÄra-dvayasya| pañca-kÄhalikÄnÄá¹| Åaá¹ kha-vÄdaka-dvayasya| á¸hakkÄ-vÄda-dvayasya| Aá¹£á¹a-drÄgaá¸ikÄ(40)nÄá¹| dvÄviá¹ Åati-karmmakara-carmmakÄrÄá¹Äñ ca| pratyekaá¹| Arddha-pÄá¹akaḥ| naá¹asya pÄá¹aka-dvayaá¹| sÅ«tradhÄra-dvayasya| sthapati-dvayasya| karmmakÄ(41)ra-dvayasya ca| pratyekaá¹ pÄá¹aka-dvayaá¹| Aá¹£á¹a-veá¹á¹ikÄnÄá¹ pratyekaá¹ pÄdona-pÄá¹akaḥ| navakarmma-nimittañ ca sapta-catvÄriá¹ Åat-pÄá¹akÄḥ| E(42)vam anena niyamena viá¹ Åaty-adhika-pÄá¹aka-Åataá¹|.
Paschimbhag plate, ll. 42â47: tathÄ deÅÄntarÄ«ya-maá¹ha-catuá¹£á¹aye| vaá¹ gÄla-maá¹ha-catuá¹£á¹aye ca| vaiÅvÄnara-yogeÅvara-(43)jaimani-mahÄkÄlebhyaÅ ca| Eá¹£Äm ubhayeá¹£Äá¹ maá¹ha-prativaddha-rÌ¥g-yajus-sÄmÄtharvvopÄdhyÄyÄnÄm aá¹£á¹ÄnÄá¹ pratyekaá¹ daÅa-pÄá¹akÄḥ| pra(44)ti-maá¹ha-pañca-cchÄtrÄá¹Äá¹ pañca-pÄá¹akÄḥ| mÄlÄkÄra-nÄpita-tailika-rajakÄnÄá¹| (A)á¹£á¹a-karmmakara-carmmakÄrÄá¹Äñ ca| pratyekaá¹| Ardha-(45)pÄá¹akaḥ| veá¹á¹ikÄ-dvayasya pratyekaá¹ pÄdona-pÄá¹akaḥ| prati-maá¹han navakarmma-nimittañ ca daÅa-pÄá¹akÄḥ| prati-maá¹ha-catuá¹£á¹aye ca| ma(46)hattara-vrÄhmaá¹asya| pÄá¹aka-dvayaá¹| vÄrikasya sÄrddha-pÄá¹akaḥ kÄyasthasya sÄrddha-pÄá¹aka-dvayaá¹| gaá¹akasya pÄá¹akaḥ| v{y}aidyasya pÄá¹a(47)ka-trayaá¹| Evam anena niyamena| AÅÄ«ty-uttara-pÄá¹aka-Åata-dvayaá¹|.
Paschimbhag plate, ll. 50â51: á¹£aá¸-vrÄhmaá¹a-sahasrebhyaÅ ca| nÄnÄ-gotra-pravarebhyaḥ| catuÅ-caraá¹a-nÄnÄ-ÅÄkhÄdhyÄyibhyaḥ (51) sama-vibhÄgena Åeá¹£a-bhÅ«miḥ|. For the names of the brÄhmaá¹as listed in the preceding section (ll. 47â50), see Furui 2020: 161, Table 5.4.
Paschimbhag plate, ll. 51â56.
Apart from those 20, one of the 8 teachers of the Vedas may have also been attached to each maá¹ha.
Emending adhiá¹£á¹hÄya to adhiá¹£á¹hÄna, Sircar interprets the last as âthe BrÄhmaá¹a who built the templeâ (Sircar 1973: 32) or âthe BrÄhmaá¹a who built (or supervised the building of) the templeâ (Sircar 1967â68: 195). However, the land plot of 1 pÄá¹aka assigned to him is rather small for such an important position.
Furui 2020: 29.
Sircar 1973: 33.
The CandravyÄkhyÄna is cited in the commentary on the Uá¹ÄdisÅ«tras, 3. 141 by Ujjvaladatta, who lived in the period earlier than the mid-thirteenth century (Aufrecht 1859: xiv, 91). Aufrecht listed Candra as one of the lexicographers consulted by Ujjvaladatta (Aufrecht 1859: xvii). D. C. Sircar interprets candravyÄkhyÄna in this inscription as the CÄndravyÄkaraá¹a, the grammar of Candragomin; Sircar 1967â68: 195. In the other edition of the plate, in which he misreads the relevant characters as candravyÄkaraá¹opÄdhyÄyasya (Sircar 1973: 67), Sircar refers to the tradition of Candragomin living in CandradvÄ«pa, the original territory of the Candras (Sircar 1973: 33).
Paschimbhag plate, l. 64, verse 22: kÄá¹á¹Ä«grÄma-bhavo vaiá¹£á¹avaḥ samÄropayÄá¹ vabhÅ«va krÌ¥tÄ«â¨|â© ÅrÄ«mÄN vinÄyakÄkhyo viprÄá¹Äá¹ á¹£a¿á¸?â¨á¹â©-sahasrÄá¹i||.
Bangarh stone slab inscription of the time of NayapÄla, l. 31, verse 31.
Sircar 1973â74: 135.
Ghosh 2010: 136. The image could be that of MÅ«rtiÅiva commissioned by RÅ«paÅiva, though a fragmentary inscription on a pedestal possibly detached from the image is not legible enough to establish its identity; Ghosh 2010: 137â138. Another inscribed image of a Åaiva ascetic, clearly labelled as MÅ«rtiÅiva, was found at Dogachia in Nadia district of West Bengal, around 200 km to the south of Bangarh; Goswami 1996: 269â270. Debala Mitra, the editor of the volume in which Goswamiâs article is published, gives a better interpretation of the carelessly engraved inscription in a note of the article; Goswami 1996: 274, note 18.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 1â4, verses 1â4.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 4â6, verses 5 (DurvÄsas) and 6 (maá¹ha of GolagÄ«).
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 6â8, verses 7 (VidyÄÅiva) and 8 (DharmaÅiva).
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 8â9, verse 9.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 10â11, verse 11.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 11â12, verse 12.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 13â14, verse 14.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 16â18, verses 17 (oblong ponds) and 18 (gardens).
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 18â20, verses 19â20.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 21â23, verses 22 (learning) and 23 (tulÄpuruá¹£a). For the textual description of the ritual of tulÄpuruá¹£a and the cases of its performance recorded in an extensive range of inscriptions, see Schmiedchen 2006.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 24â25, verse 25.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 28â29, verse 28.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 31â33, verses 31 (RÅ«paÅiva), 32 (Laká¹£mÄ«dhara) and 33 (ÅrÄ«kaá¹á¹ha).
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 33â34, verse 34.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 34â35, verse 35. He was the son of ÅrÄ«dhara and the grandson of JÄ«vadhara.
Bangarh stone slab, l. 5, verse 6ab: vaá¹Åe tasya vabhÅ«va bhÅ«á¹£aá¹a-maá¹ir bhÅ«-gola EvÄkhile golagyÄs sa mahÄ-maá¹haḥ sughaá¹itaḥ kailÄsa EvÄparaḥ|. For the name of GolagÄ« and its identification with Gurgi, see Sanderson 2009: 264, note 620.
Sears 2014: 28â34.
Sears 2014: 78â116, 131â185.
Sears 2014: 189â229.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 7â9, verses 8â9.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 8â9, verse 9: ÅrÄ«mÄn indraÅivaḥ sphuá¹aá¹ hari-hara-prÄyÄá¹ ÅivendrÄkrÌ¥tim vibhrad vaá¹(9)Åa-vibhÅ«á¹£aá¹aá¹ samabhavac chiá¹£yo â¨ââ©sya puá¹yÄtmanaḥ| yasmai kÄñcana-puñja-mañju-racita-prÄsÄda-meru-sphurat-kailÄsÄbha-maá¹han dadÄv iha mahÄ«pÄlo nrÌ¥pas tattva-vit·||.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 9â10, verse 10: yadi jala-dhayaḥ saptÄpy ete tathÄá¹£á¹a-kulÄcalÄḥ pra(10)ti-diÅam amÄ« kÄya-vyÅ«haá¹ vidhÄya milanty api| bhavati sadrÌ¥Åair etan nÄnÄ-surÄlaya-dÄ«rghikopamitir api cen manye devaḥ kaviÅ caturÄnanaḥ||.
Sears 2014: 55.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 16â18, verses 17â18: mlÄya(17)(d-v)ismita-viÅvakarmma-sa-Åiraḥ-kampeká¹£itÄ nirmmitÄÅ citran diká¹£u vidiká¹£u yena prÌ¥thivÄ«-hÄra-ÅriyÄ dÄ«rghikÄḥ| yÄ dÅ«rÄd avalokya vÄridhi-milad-velÄ-bhramÄd bhÄsvato vÄhÄ vihvalayanty anÅ«(18)(rddhva)m adhara-grÄ«vÄ vahanto â¨ââ©nv-aham·|| yasyÄrÄma-Åatair bhÄti pulakÄá¹ kura-danturÄ| bhÅ«r iyan tÄdrÌ¥ÅÄsÄ«ma-purÄá¹a-puruá¹£Ägamat·||.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 19â20, verse 20: bhavati bhavitÄ bhÅ«to vÄ kiá¹ ká¹£itau kvacid Ä«drÌ¥Åo vadata maruto yÅ«yaá¹ sÄká¹£Ät-krÌ¥tÄkhila-vastavaḥ| ya Iha vidadhe dhÄtrÌ¥-(20)sparddhÄ-vivarddhita-kautukaḥ kula-giri-payo-rÄÅi-cchannaá¹ jagan nija-kÄ«rttibhiḥ||.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 24â27, verses 25â26: teneyaá¹ hima-kÄñcanÄca(25)la-mahÄ-kautÅ«halÄveÅita-svÄ«yÄrddhÄrddha-vapuá¹£matÄ«va vaá¸abhÄ« puá¹yÄtmanÄ nirmmitÄ| yat-siá¹ha-prativimvam amvara-dhunÄ«-toyeá¹£u manye âdbhutaá¹ dr̥ṣá¹vÄ saá¹kucad-aá¹ ghrir adya na jalÄny airÄvataḥ pÄsyati|| yan-mau(26)lau kalaÅena kiá¹ sa bhagavÄn· bhÄnuḥ Åiro-bhÅ«á¹£aá¹aá¹ kiñ citra-dhvaja-á¸amvaraiḥ sura-saril-lekhÄâ¨á¸¥â© patÄkÄvaliḥ| kin dÄ«pa-prakareá¹a ratna-vahala-jyotiá¹£matÄ«yaá¹ sadÄ yat satyaá¹ svayam udbhavanti vividhÄḥ si(27)ddhÄÅrame sampadaḥ||.
Bangarh stone slab, ll, 18â19, verse 19: mahÄ«yasÄ«yan na tathÄ mahÄ« yathÄ tapasvinas tasya mahÄn ihÄÅayaḥ| ta(19)thÄ hi bhÅ«miḥ kila kÄ«rttibhir bhrÌ¥tÄ (bhrÌ¥)to na tasyÄÅaya Eá¹£a vismayaḥ||.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 8â9, verse 9.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 11â12, verse 12: rÄjñaḥ ÅrÄ«-nayapÄlasya gurus tattva-vi(12)dÄm varaḥ| ÅrÄ«mÄn· sarvvaÅivas tasya Åiá¹£yo â¨ââ©bhÅ«d bhÅ«á¹£aá¹am bhuvaḥ||; ll. 13â14, verse 14: yenÄvarjjita-gauá¸a-rÄja-gurutÄ-laká¹£mÄ«n nija-bhrÄtari ÅrÄ«man-mÅ«rttiÅive niveÅya vipinÄvÄsaá¹ sva(14)yam vaá¹ chatÄ| kṣīrodÄrá¹á¹ava-manthanotthita-milal-laká¹£mÄ«á¹ sva-Åiá¹£ye harÄv ÄropyÄharato viá¹£aá¹ paÅupater vvrÌ¥ttÄntam udghÄá¹itam·||.
Bangarh stone slab inscription, ll. 12â13, verse 13: yad-dÄnÄmvu-sarit-pravÄha-laharÄ«-nirvvÄpitÄrthi-sphurad-dÄridrya-jvalane milanty api janair ggauḥ kÄma-dhrÌ¥g vÄritÄ| prodbhÅ«tojjvala-ratna-(13)jÄla-vahala-jyotiḥ-paá¹ÄcchÄdita-svÄá¹ go lajjitavat sa rohaá¹a-girir mmanye â¨ââ©dhunÄ sthÄsyati||; ll. 20â21, verse 21: yasmÄt pÅ«rá¹á¹a-manorathe ârthini phalair bhÅ«-bhÄga-lagnÄtmanaḥ ÅÄkhÄbhir vviÅatÄ«va tad-vali-grÌ¥haá¹ kalpa-drumo vrÄ«á¸itaḥ| nirllajja(21)s tu sa kopi-rohaá¹a-girir yad-vañcito â¨ââ©py arthinÄá¹ sÄrthair artha-krÌ¥taika-gaurava-bharair aá¹ gair mmudhÄ varddhate||.
Bangarh stone slab, l. 15, verse 15cd: bhrÄtÄ mÅ«rttiÅivaḥ sa mÄnya-mahim(Ä) dÄnÄmvu-sekair jjagat pÅ«taá¹ yaḥ krÌ¥tavÄn nirasta-nikhila-kleÅañ ca yaḥ sarvvataḥ||.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 10â11, verse 11: prÌ¥thvÄ«-meru-sa-viÅva-cakra-jaladhi-vrahmÄá¹á¸a-kalpadruma-ÅrÄ«-(11)nandÄ«Åvara-kÄmadhenu-bhavana-grÄmÄmÌÅ ca gÄḥ parvvatÄn·| yo â¨ââ©dÄd bhadra-ghaá¹añ ca kalpa-latayÄ sÄrddhañ ca kalpa-drumaá¹ hemÄÅ¿r?â¨vâ©ebha-hiraá¹ya-garvbha-turaga-vyÅ«hÄn·tulÄ-pÅ«ruá¹£am·||. For the sixteen mahÄdÄnas prescribed in the PurÄá¹as, see Kane 1974: 870â877. For the correspondence of the objects listed in this verse and those of mahÄdÄna, see Sircar 1973â74: 139â141.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 22â23, verse 23ab: vidvadbhiḥ sa-suvará¹á¹akÄra-nivahaiḥ kÄmaá¹ tulÄropitÄ yat-kÄ«rttir nna parÄ«ká¹£i(23)tÄ na hi samÄ«-bhÄvaá¹ gatÄ kair api|.
Sanderson 2009: 268.
For the inscriptional references to mahÄdÄnas by the PÄla and Sena kings, see Furui 2020: 202.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 7â8, verse 8ab: Åiá¹£yo dharmmaÅivas tapo-nidhir abhÅ«t tasya vyadhÄd yo âdbhutaá¹ prÄsÄdaá¹ bhagavat-trilo(8)cana-guror vvÄrÄá¹asÄ«-bhÅ«á¹£aá¹aá¹|.
Bangarh stone slab, l. 28, verse 28ab: Åiá¹£yaḥ sarvvaÅivasya dÄ«pta-tapasaḥ sarvvÄrthi-cintÄmanir jÄ«vo mÅ«rttiÅivasya yo â¨ââ©para Iva prakhyÄta-tÄ«vra-vrataḥ|.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 21â22, verse 22: ÅaÅvat-pÄ«ta-digamvarÄ ârtha-viraha-bhrÄntiá¹ tiras-kurvvatÄ« kr̥ṣá¹Ädvaita-kathÄn nirasya vahuÅo vrÌ¥ddher abhÄvaá¹ (22) guá¹e| ÄcchÄdyaiva bhrÌ¥gu-prabhÄkara-gurÅ«n·yat-kÄ«rttir ujjrÌ¥mbhiá¹Ä« yat-prajñeva visÄriá¹Ä« sumanasÄá¹ vrÌ¥ndair mmudÄ gÄ«yate||.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 28â29, verse 28cd: ÅrÄ«mÄn rÅ«paÅivo vabhÅ«va ya Idan devasya caá¹á¸Ä«-guror mmagnan darÅanam uddadhÄra (29) dharaá¹Ä«á¹ krÄ«á¸Ä-varÄho yathÄ||.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 29â30, verse 29: yenÄÅÄ-vijayodyatena jaladhi-ÅrÄ«man-milan-mekhala-ká¹£mÄ-cakram (bhr)amatÄ na ke diÅi diÅi khyÄtÄ jitÄ vÄdinaḥ| yasyÄsÄv api bhojadeva-nrÌ¥patiḥ stauti sma dr̥ṣtvÄ(30)dbhutaá¹ á¹£aá¹-tarkka-priya-vÄdi-vrÌ¥nda-dalana-vyÄpÄra-lavdhaá¹ yaÅaḥ||.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 30â31, verse 30: nÄnÄnumÄna-(Åa)ra-pÅ«rá¹á¹a-tamori-tÅ«naḥ prajñÄ-dhanur ddrÌ¥á¸ha-kathÄ-guá¹a-kará¹á¹a-pÅ«raḥ| pÄá¹£aá¹di-paá¹dita-mrÌ¥geá¹£u gato niá¹£iddha-mÄrggÄnusÄri-mrÌ¥ga-hantrÌ¥-(31)hara-Åriyaá¹ yaḥ||.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 27â28, verse 27: hima-girim iva Åubhraá¹ ramya-ratnÄá¹Åu-jÄla-pratiphalita-sakeli-prauá¸ha-rÄmÄ-sahasram·| bhavanam idam avetyÄsanna-Åambhur bhavÄnyÄḥ smaratu nija-vivÄhÄgÄra-laká¹£mīñ cire(28)á¹a||.
Bangarh stone slab, ll. 31â32, verse 32ab: kÄ«rttau vÄá¹aka-bhÅ«saá¹aá¹ gaá¹apateḥ sÅ«nuḥ sa laká¹£mÄ«dharaḥ ÅrÄ«man-mÅ«rttiÅivÄjñayÄ ha(32)rir abhÅ«t sÄká¹£Äd ihÄyojakaḥ|.
Furui 2013: 236.
