Movable beacons were used to transmit information through visual and acoustic signals, especially in the conduct of warfare. While such a statement may be regarded as axiomatic, from an archaeological perspective there are challenges to understanding the use of objects related to ephemeral aspects such as music or signalling, especially when these objects were portable. This paper will focus on the analysis of movable military beacons in western Europe where several types have been found dating to the Late Iron Age (5th to 1st century B.C.). Some movable beacon tools are known from iconography and archaeology, such as the well-known carnyx used by Gallic people. In order to better understand these practices, it is worth considering the wider European continent during the last centuries B.C. I will therefore examine the vectors of sound and visual transmissions in order to understand the place of these instruments in the military organisation of Iron Age societies in Iberian, Celtiberian and Gallic areas.
1 Acoustic Communication
In military contexts, acoustic communication requires the use of specific sound instruments in order to be effective. The clash of weapons and warriors generates sound pollution, and the distance between warriors can make it difficult to give direct orders by voice. Nevertheless, the transmission of information during combat can be vital to ensure the victory, or at least survival.
Various musical instruments are known to have been used in military contexts; however, the archaeological record has only preserved certain types, notably those made from inorganic materials. There were almost certainly other types made of perishable materials that have not survived. From the Celtiberian domain of central-north-eastern Iberia ceramic trumpets are known (Figure 3.1). These consist of a ceramic tube bent back on itself to form a loop. The bell may be painted red in the tradition of painted ware, and sometimes they take a zoomorphic form. The mouthpiece has a circular rim and
Ceramic horns from Numancia and the localisation map. After Taracena 1924: 16
Ceramic horns are known from the Neolithic (like the Vallabrix example in Gard, France6) to today. Acoustic studies using archaeological reconstructions have shown that the ceramic horns can produce sound between 50 Hz and 6000 Hz, which is comparable to that produced by similar metal objects. These instruments can be used to produce notes across 3 or 3.5 octaves.7
The ceramic horns were mostly found in the settlement of Numancia during excavations from the beginning of 20th century. The contexts of recovery are poorly documented, and it is difficult to know if they came from Celtiberian-Roman layers or from contexts predating the Roman siege of 134–133 B.C. Classical texts describe the possible use of these instruments in a military context.8 In Appian’s account of the defence of the Celtiberian settlement of Numanica, warriors quickly mobilised and the trumpets (salpynks) sounded on every tower’.9
The most iconic musical instrument from Iron Age western Europe is the carnyx. This trumpet was made of copper-alloy tubing, with a zoomorphic main head with removable ears. Since the early 19th century, artefacts, such as the decorated boar-shaped head from Deskford (north-east Scotland), have been interpreted as being part of carnyces,10 but it is only with discoveries of further examples from Mandeure (Doubs, France) in 1880, and Tintignac (Corrèze, France) in 2005, that we have been better able to understand this instrument. The Mandeure carnyx consisted of a fragment of a zoomorphic
Parts of a carnyx from Tintignac with zoomorphic pavilion on top, an ear on the left and the mouth-piece on the right. After Maniquet et al., 2011: 74, 78, 87
The association of carnyces with military contexts is apparent from representations in both Celtic and Roman art, including coins, the Gundestrup cauldron from Denmark (Figure 3.4i), and the symbol of Gaul defeated by Rome.16 Although the name ‘carnyx’ does not appear until much later in textual sources (the earliest attestations date back to the 12th century, in Eustathius of Thessalonica17), the idea of this musical instrument being closely associated with the Celtic populations and their armies is rooted in sources contemporary with the Gauls themselves.
The reconstruction of working carnyces allows us to reinterpret other archaeological objects from Iron Age Europe. Metal pieces, previously interpreted
Bronze mouth-pieces from composite horns: a. Boé, b. Grossromstedt, c. Schkopau, d. Goeblingen-Nospelt, e. Vijni Vrh ; and localisation map. (a : Schönfelder 2002: 83, b, c and d : Bockius and Luczkiewiez 2004: 106, e : Božič 1983: 423).
Iconography furnishes us with information about the shape these composite horns might have taken. The 5th century B.C. Arnoaldi mirror appears to show trumpets (Figure 3.4a),29 as do situlae of the 4th century B.C. from the northern Adriatic and northern Italy, such as the Arnoaldi situla (Figure 3.4b) recovered from a burial in Bologna (Emilia Romagna, Italy).30 A martial context is not certain from the depiction on the Arnoaldi mirror, which shows a blowing figure wearing a helmet and perhaps armour, but also flanked by two animals, perhaps suggesting some function related to the control of animals. A clearer martial connection is visible in the Arnoaldi situla, which depicts a fully-equipped trumpeter standing in front of warriors. The stele from Bormio (Lombardy, Italy) (Figure 3.4c), which was found in a church, also seems to be dated to the 4th century B.C. on the basis of depicted weaponry that is similar to northern Alpine grave goods of this date.31 In the remaining part of the stele, two figures can be seen: one on the left is blowing into a curved musical instrument that rises above his head, the other has weapons and a standard (see below). In the 3rd century B.C. representations of trumpets appear on Iberian painted ceramics, such as that from Sant Miquel de Lliria (Valencia, Spain) (Figure 3.4d).32 On some wares an almost human-sized trumpet is played in a warlike scene in which warriors confront each other. From the north of the Celtiberian domain, in the territory of the Berones of the upper
Iconography of musical instruments associated with warfare from Western Europe: a. Arnoaldi miror (from Adam 2003) ; b. Arnoaldi situla (from www.gutenberg.org); c. Bormio stelae (from Pauli 1973: 92); d. Sant Miquel de lliria ware (from Bonnet Rosado 1995: 442); e. coin B23 from Helm (from Prokisch 1993: 39); f. coin marked with LOUTISKOS (from Guadán 1979: 76); g. coin marked with DUBNOREIX (from Goudineau 1990: 93); h. coin with horseman holding a carnyx (from De La Tour 1965: pl. XLIII); i. Gundestrup caldron panel (from Goudineau 2006: 60–61)
This short series of examples serves to highlight the recurrence of horns in the iconographic register of late prehistoric western Europe, albeit with chronological differences between areas, and a variety of representations depicting two main types: a curved and an elongated form. At present we cannot directly link the archaeological remains of metal mouthpieces to a particular shape of composite horn. What can be said is that the artefacts unearthed seem to coincide with the last phase of appearance of these instruments in depictions, that is during the 1st century B.C.35
The variety of musical instruments associated with Late Iron Age military contexts in western Europe show regional and cultural particularities, but also a common desire to produce effective and identifiable instruments of audible command. Interestingly, these instruments seem to evolve over time with the development of specific objects during the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C. that used metallic or ceramic materials so to differentiate the individuals who used them. These carnyces and ceramic horns are mostly found in communal structures, settlements and sanctuaries, and while this context does not necessarily mean a collective use, their absence from funerary contexts might suggest that they were not strongly associated with a particular individual. Instead, they may have a symbolic significance, that saw them conserved through the generations in certain houses or ritually deposited in sanctuaries. By contrast, composite horns seem to be more intimately linked to individuals, as they are systematically and almost exclusively deposited in graves. As a corollary we might suggest that changes in their forms correspond to changes in the
2 Visual Communication
The transmission of visual information involves different aspects of both body and gesture. Of course, the transmitter needs to be seen to be understood, so tools that enhance communication are important, especially during battle.
Carnyces were not just musical instruments, they also communicated visually: the length of the horn and its elaborate bell extended well above the height of the trumpeter forming a highly visible signal. Metal ears attached to the bell accentuated its visibility (Figure 3.2). The latter are removable, probably for signalling purposes; the addition or removal of one or both ears act as a kind of semaphore that supplements the sound information. Thus, the carnyx can communicate both visually and audibly: it is a complete tool for transmitting information. This use of ears as a semaphore may also explain why these objects are found in some sanctuaries without the other parts of the carnyx. The ears may be deposited as a pars pro toto of the whole musical instrument,37 but also as a symbol of visual communication.
Few Iron Age standards are preserved in the archaeological record of western Europe. The most readily identifiable are zoomorphic elements of about 40 cm length, made of—usually, copper-alloy—metal sheet. A good example of this type is the boar discovered at Soulac-sur-Mer (Gironde) (Figure 3.5a).38 The boar is fitted with a band holding a board of perishable material as well as a half-sphere for the wooden shaft, which leaves little doubt that this object was mounted and raised above head height. Other standards of this type have been found, significantly at Tintignac, where one was found in the same pit as carnyx elements.39 This type of standard also seems to be depicted on Gaulish iconographic coinage of the DUMNORIX type (Figure 3.4g).
Visual instruments of communication: a. boar sign from Soulac-sur-Mer (from Moreau et al., 1995: 11); b. spearhead GSA1139 from Gournay-sur-Aronde with holes (from Brunaux and Rapin 1988: 226); c. standard end from grave 38 and d. from grave 106 in Numancia necropolis (from Jimeno et al., 2004: 85, 131); e. standard end from Cuenca museum and f. its restitution with bronze sheet socket (from Lorrio and Almagro-Gorbea 2005: 41, 57)
ILLUSTRATION: A. BERTAUD
From Iberia we know of similar objects that are small figurines of equipped horsemen (Figure 3.5e).42 These objects are fragmentary, but one example shows that they were associated with a long copper-alloy sheet socket, which suggests it was mounted on a wooden shaft and positioned at a certain height (Figure 3.5f).43 As with the Celtiberian standards, we cannot assume a direct visibility of the figurine beyond more than a short distance. Again, it is possible to hang pennants of perishable material from the object; however, in this case there are no attachment rings, so any fabric would need to be tied between the legs of the animal. As in some Celtiberian cases, it is the shape of the object itself that facilitates the insertion of a staff and the attachment of pennants.
Another example of a somewhat different type of standard-mount, has been recovered from the sanctuary of Gournay-sur-Aronde, in Gaul. The object is a spearhead (GSA 1139; Figure 3.5b) of similar morphology to the others, but with
Standard-mounts seem to appear in various western European Iron Age contexts, mainly between the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C. They have several complementary functions: as symbols of elite or group distinction, with a characteristic representation using mainly copper-alloys; as a frame for displaying perishable materials, or at least elements that can be attached and removed as needed. In this way we can envisage them as types of banners that carried identity information or communicated to a group, including to manoeuvre military contingents.
3 Passive Transmission of Information
Visual information is transmitted both actively and passively. Passive transmission occurs to distinguish a status, a function, membership of a group, or to claim elite status through the wearing and use of certain equipment and objects, especially those with specific material or high know-how to produce.46 The distinction of certain individuals by their clothing and equipment is evident in the military domain. Because armour has a large surface area and is highly visible it can carry visual information that distinguishes an individual or a group.
Metal helmets are elements of warrior distinction because only some had access to this type of protection. They are objects that grow around the head
Because of their size, shields were important media for iconographic representations and visual information. However, the perishable nature of shields means there are few archaeological examples. The Witham shield (United Kingdom) in copper alloy with the representation of a boar is an outstanding example of decoration on the latenian shields.54 Nevertheless, we can assume that most of the shields were painted, as they are depicted on Iberian ceramics (Figure 3.4d) and bas-reliefs, such as that from Bormio (Italy) (Figure 3.4c).55
In sum, the media of visual transmission would seem to have been varied and responsive to different needs. The distinction of certain individuals through specific military equipment indicates a will or a need to highlight leaders within a warrior group. This principle makes it possible to clearly establish the hierarchical organisation of the group in arms. It allows the first link in the chain of command to be quickly identified and able to give orders more easily that conduct to tactical organisation during battle.
4
This survey of different objects from Iron Age western Europe shows us that they were used to transmit several types of information. They were used to give orders, to signal hierarchy, and they allowed for the easy identification of elites. The main purpose of these objects was to communicate information from a person to another; in the context of warfare, allowing commanders to organize combatants on the battlefield. But these tools also asserted hierarchy between warriors. Thus, we can infer that late prehistoric warrior groups of western Europe were highly organized depending on context and necessity. Finally, I have argued here that these objects also played a central role in communicating between elites. Similarities between objects in a given area signalled community membership; whereas the individualisation of objects allowed for the differentiation of people who carried or used these tools. Thus, certain élites can be recognised through their specific command tools, together with specific equipment, such as decorated helmets or armour (Figure 3.4). To completely understand these objects, we have to mobilise an agency approach: élites can emphasise different aspects of their command tools to assert specific claims, such as those relating to hierarchy or membership. Alternatively, they could be used by a small group of warriors to assert affiliation to communities or peoples.
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See Alfredo Jimeno Martínez, José Ignacio de la Torre, Ricardo Berzosa and Juan Pablo Martínez, La Necrópolis Celtibérica de Numancia (Arqueología en Castilla y León 12. Soria: Junta de Castilla y León, 2004), p. 121.
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Jean-Louis Brunaux and André Rapin, Gournay II.
Ian Hodder, Studies in Human-Thing entanglement (Publisher: self publishing online, 2016), pp. 13–15.
José Gomez de Soto and Stéphane Verger, «Le casque d’Agris, chef d’œuvre de l’art celtique occidental,» L’archéologue 106 (2010), pp. 56–9.
Alain Duval and José Gomez de Soto, «Quelques considérations sur les casques celtiques d’Amfreville (Eure) et d’Agris (Charente),» in Aquitania supplément, 1. Actes du VIIe colloque sur les Ages du Fer en France non méditerranéenne, Angoulême, 1819–20 mai 1984 (Bordeaux: Aquitania 1986), pp. 240–41.
Raimon Graells Fabregat, Alberto José Lorrio Alvarado and Fernando Quesada Sanz, Cascos hispano-calcídicos. Símbolo de las élites guerreras celtibéricas (Mainz: Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, 2014).
see Fernando Quesada Sanz, El armamento ibérico. Estudio tipológico, geográfico, funcional, social y simbólico de las armas en la Cultura ibérica (siglos VI-I a.C.) (Montagnac: ed. Monique Mergoil, 1997), pp. 570–71.
See Michel Feugère, Les casques antiques. Visages de la guerre de Mycènes à l’Antiquité tardive, 2nd édition (Paris: Errance, 2011), pp. 75–77.
Alejandro Ramos Folques, “Hallazgos escultóricos en La Alcudia de Elche” Archivo Español de Arqueología 81 (1950), pp. 353–59.
Alexis Gorgues, “Les armes et les hommes. La mobilité des guerriers et ses enjeux dans le nord-est du domaine ibérique au IIIe s. a.C.,” in L’âge du Fer en Aquitaine et sur ses marges. Mobilité des hommes, diffusion des idées, circulation des biens dans l’espace européen à l’âge du Fer, Actes du 35e Colloque internationale de l’AFEAF (Bordeaux, 2-5 juin 2011), eds. Anne Colin and Florence Verdin (Bordeaux: ed. Aquitania Supplément 30, 2013), p. 550.
Edward Martyn Jope, “The Witham Shield,” The British Museum Quarterly 35 (1971), pp. 61–69.
Ludwig Pauli, “Per un’interpretazione”.