the singular favor that God granted him, revealing to him so early the betrayal that the Moriscos, Turks and confederates had hatched against his royal person, and against his kingdoms and vassals, recognizing that this favor with many others had come from his powerful hand.1
Various early modern historians, including Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, Diego de Guzmán, and Antonio de León Pinelo, record another procession later, the following March of 1611, along this same route from the church of Santa MarÃa to the Descalzas Reales convent. Philip III participates, dressed in white and accompanied by the Court and his councilors, to once again celebrate the expulsion of the Moriscos.2 These accounts initially suggest that the image of
In stark contrast to these official accounts that connect the Virgin of Atocha to expulsion, a curious letter written by a Morisco exiled in Algiers paints quite a different picture of the Marian iconâs connection to some members of the Morisco community who once lived in Madrid and now found themselves exiled to the other shore of the Mediterranean Sea. In 1618, a Morisco by the name of Antonio de Ocaña wrote from Algiers to a friend still in Madrid to tell him about his life post-expulsion. As he begins to describe some of the tragic events, he pauses to ask the Virgin of Atocha to watch over and protect him as he endures life as a covert Christian in Muslim lands. He pleads, âBlessed Virgin of Atocha, my intermediary and lady, help us all and intercede for us; use the wonders here that you use there with your devotees.â3 The Virgin of Atocha in Antonio de Ocañaâs letter is far from the one described in the official accounts of the expulsion. In fact, the Moriscoâs use of spatial deixis, with adverbs of place âhereâ and âthere,â instead connects the image of the Virgin to Moriscos all the way from Madrid to Algiers, creating a continuity of devotion and suggesting that some Moriscos may have taken their ideas and even visual and material culture surrounding the Virgin with them into their diaspora.
This essay delves into this question by examining a selection of relaciones de sucesos (news pamphlets) similar to Antonio de Ocañaâs letter published in the years surrounding the expulsion to consider some of the ways in which Moriscos may have brought their beliefs and practices surrounding Mary with them to North Africa. In contrast to the official literature that sought to justify the expulsion, these short, printed news pieces reflect a wider variety of public opinion, even if they too could be manipulated for certain outcomes or be
As Henry Ettinghausen notes, âthe relaciones did much more than just inform. They helped form, and they reflect, their readersâ world view and self-image.â5 This meant that they could reinforce dominant attitudes about Moriscos, but they could also reflect other popular beliefs that their readership held about this minority. AgustÃn Redondo is among the scholars who have dedicated the most attention to what these texts have to say about the Morisco expulsion.6 His research has demonstrated that while a large majority of relaciones do echo the ideas espoused by the apologists of the expulsion, other news pamphlets display a certain sympathy toward Moriscos, sometimes even explicitly questioning the inhumane measures adopted to uproot these individuals from their homes and communities.7 As his work has shown, the variety and profusion of relaciones published in the years following the expulsion offer a rich source for exploring how Moriscos were represented by the early modern public. Yet a specific focus on how the authors of these relaciones imagined Moriscosâ connection to the Virgin Mary, and Marian images in particular, remains mostly unexplored in these writings. By investigating these texts we can glean important details about how Moriscos held onto their ideas
1 The Virgin Mary in Morisco Culture
Before delving into the content of the relaciones that I examine in this essay, a brief discussion is necessary about the place of the Virgin Mary, or Maryam as she is known in the Qurâan, within Morisco culture.8 Both Christians and Muslims living in the Iberian Peninsula were keenly aware of Maryâs revered place between Christianity and Islam. Even authors like Bernardo Pérez de Chinchón who wrote texts dedicated to refuting Islamic doctrine and practice recognized Mary as a common denominator between Christian and Muslim cultures. In his Antialcorano (1532)âa collection of twenty-six sermons reputedly preached to Moriscos in Valenciaâhe devotes the penultimate sermon to the Virgin Mary. In this address he stresses how Mary is a shared element between them, showing how the Qurâan and Christian doctrine are both correct to honor and serve this holy woman.9 On the other hand, Morisco authors also took note of the shared cult of the Virgin Mary, praising her in a variety of their writings. The Mancebo de Arévalo, for example, includes a chapter on the excellence of Mary in his Tafsira (ca. 1532â33), a work he composed in Aljamiado to comment on different elements of Islamic doctrine. He first exalts her above all women for her purity and ability to not succumb to earthly pleasures, and he later admires her spirituality.10
Given these tensions, a variety of early modern authors used their writing as a tool to negotiate how to represent Moriscosâ relation to Marian icons. Lope de Vega is one of the authors who explored these issues in his plays and he approaches the topic from various angles. While at times he portrays Muslims as inclined to reject images of Mary, at others he suggests that Moriscos participated alongside Old Christians in festivities related to Marian icons. In his
2 Marian Beliefs and Material Culture between Two Shores
A fascinating relación published in Málaga in 1612 provides an excellent starting point for examining Moriscosâ role in the circulation of Marian beliefs and material culture between the shores of the Mediterranean Sea (Figure 9.1).18 The author of this text, a resident of Sanlúcar de Barrameda named Gaspar Serato, claims to relay some miracles that an image of the Virgin of la Caridad performed, linking the martyrdom of a young Morisco couple with an account of miraculous healing in Morocco. The pamphlet begins with the impending expulsion of the Moriscos mandated by King Philip III and follows the life events of a Morisca named MencÃa from Extremadura to Andalusia and finally to Morocco. Despite the authorâs approval of the Morisco expulsion, MencÃa is characterized as an âhonorable Moriscaâ and a âtrue Catholic.â19 She was raised in Trujillo by Doña Juana de Bera, her Christian governess, who instructed her
Gaspar Serato, Relación verdadera que se sacó del libro donde están escritos los milagros de nuestra Señora de la Caridad de Sanlúcar de Barrameda (1612), f. 1r
COURTESY OF THE HISPANIC SOCIETY MUSEUM & LIBRARY, NEW YORK.
This relación is revealing because it suggests that MencÃaâs belief and cultural practices surrounding the Virgin Mary are closely tied to material culture, thus illuminating popular opinions about how some devotional images crossed the Mediterranean Sea with Moriscos and ended up in North Africa. Before her exile from Spain, MencÃa externalizes her beliefs materially by wearing a scapular that functions as a talisman with protective properties linked to the Virgin. Even when coerced by her husband to remove the sacred garment, she tucks it away and remembers it when praying to Mary. After her forced journey to Morocco, her material practices become more discreet. She only takes out the image of the Virgin of La Caridad to worship when alone, and in the absence of a rosary she substitutes her own fingers to pray to Mary. Approaching this relación of Morisco expulsion and Mediterranean diaspora through the lens of materiality is productive in that it not only highlights different ideas about some Moriscosâ relationship to devotional objects, but it also shows how these objects may have allowed these individuals to act out their beliefs. As David Morgan contends, âmateriality mediates belief ⦠material objects and practices both enable it and enact it.â21 In this sense, the devotional materials allow MencÃa to embody her beliefs surrounding the Virgin Mary and take both objects and ideas about the Madonna to North Africa, since her beliefs are predicated on the Marian material culture that she holds closely. However, these same objects are also used by her husband to enact his beliefs as a Muslim. When Solimán exhorts his wife to convert to Islam, the first thing he
Despite Gaspar Seratoâs claims to having written down a âtrueâ account of these events, it is difficult to gauge the extent to which this relación has any basis in Morisco lived experiences and beliefs. Mercedes GarcÃa-Arenalâs research on the Moriscos in Morocco illuminates some important connections between these individuals and the protagonists of Seratoâs relación.22 Among those expelled, roughly 80,000 Moriscos from Andalusia, Extremadura, and Castile went to Morocco. Like MencÃa and her husband Solimán who were originally from Extremadura, many of these Moriscos were martyred in Morocco for publicly proclaiming their Catholic faith.23 It is also worth noting that in the years before their expulsion, some of these Moriscos had been candidly displaying their religious devotion, especially the women who wore white tunics and carried heavy crosses among other images.24 These details call to mind MencÃaâs public devotion and the ways in which she materially externalized her Catholic faith. Furthermore, some historical documents do suggest that a few Moriscos may have had a connection to the Virgin of La Caridad. In 1609, shortly after the Marian image began to arouse more attention and veneration, the Duke of Medina Sidonia decided to establish the Brotherhood of Our Lady of La Caridad (Hermandad de Nuestra Señora de la Caridad) to worship this Virgin. Since its establishment, the brotherhoodâs book of rules allowed members of all ranks of society to join without the need to provide âproof of blood purityâ or declare whether or not they were Old Christians.25 On 19 August 1613, for example, a Morisco was among those recorded in the brotherhoodâs minute book (libro de actas) as associating himself with this organization, even if this
In addition to these details, the name given to the Morisca protagonist in Seratoâs relación doesnât seem to be an arbitrary choice, as it bears some interesting connections to the image of the Virgin of La Caridad worshiped in Sanlúcar de Barrameda. Although few documents survive about the origin of this image, they all point to a woman named MencÃa as the one who ordered a Marian image to be sculpted in Seville. According to various accounts, she was not pleased with the result and brought the image back to the artist. This castoff image was later purchased by a certain Pedro de Ribera Sarmiento, who took it with him to Sanlúcar and donated it to the hospital to be venerated as the Virgin of La Caridad.27 In the hospital, another woman named MencÃa is also connected to the image, although it is unclear if she is the same person who initially ordered the image. Between 1609 and 1612 this MencÃa sold silk ribbons that were cut to the height of the Virgin of La Caridad and stamped with her image to raise money for the sanctuary.28 While some of the details in Gaspar Seratoâs relación are likely elaborations of the events, the origin of the image and the brotherhoodâs tolerance of a more diverse membership seem to suggest that Serato was at least somewhat inspired by the popular culture and beliefs surrounding the Virgin of La Caridad as he penned the relación.
MencÃaâs life story and eventual martyrdom is curiously linked in the second half of Seratoâs relación to another account related to the image of the Virgin of La Caridad, this time beginning in Morocco and later circling back up to Spain. Upon MencÃaâs death, some officials alerted MawlÄy Muḥammad al-Shaikh al-MaʾmÅ«n, son of Aḥmad al-Manṣūr, to this occurrence, and the story then turns to the kingâs personal circumstances. Due to an illness that caused his legs to swell, he sends a messenger to Sanlúcar de Barrameda to fetch some oil in a lamp burning in front of the same image to which MencÃa was devoted. The Duke of Medina Sidonia sends some of the Virginâs healing oil with an emissary to Morocco, and as soon as MawlÄy Muḥammad al-Shaikh applies it he is said to be healed. In appreciation of the miracle, the king sends an offering back to the Virgin of La Caridad in Spain.29
Leaving aside what are certainly some fabricated details in Seratoâs relación, it is still important to consider this account because it suggests that debates about Marian icons traversed cultural and imperial boundaries, linking ideas about Moriscos and their reception of Marian iconography in Spain to broader implications throughout their Mediterranean diaspora. As Mercedes GarcÃa-Arenal and Gerard Wiegers have argued, issues concerning Moriscos go far beyond being a question of only local or national interest in Spain, and as such they must be examined through a wider Mediterranean lens.36 Other scholars such as Mayte Green-Mercado have also recently drawn attention to this point, showing how âstudying the Moriscos within their Mediterranean setting brings forward connections and continuities that would otherwise be obscured by an exclusively Iberian perspective.â37 Seratoâs relación makes this point clear, as it highlights how Moriscosâ reception of Marian icons and ideas about Mary was not isolated as a merely local issue in Spain, but rather how these ideas traveled with Moriscos and were transformed for different purposes into their diaspora. Furthermore, when this pamphlet is read alongside other sources, it offers some insight into public opinion and how it attempted to shape debates about the ways in which Moriscos cultivated devotion to Marian icons and carried it with them to North Africa post-expulsion.
3 Marian Advocations and Local Belonging
Turning now to another pamphlet published in Seville just two years earlier, we find that the anonymous author of Relación del sentimiento de los moriscos (1610) also relates the emotions of Moriscas expelled from the same port as MencÃa.38 This relación shows how particular advocations of the Virgin Mary
Since the author is anonymous, it is difficult to know the extent to which he may be relating firsthand knowledge of these emotional encounters or in what ways they reflect his own inventiveness. Furthermore, the authorâs personal opinions about Morisco religiosity are also apparent throughout the pamphlet, amplifying the complexities in approaching this material. In one case, for example, he faults the Moriscos for going to church âdressed in gold and silk, in fabrics and brocades; not for devotion but rather to be looked at.â43 Yet a close reading of this account suggests that Moriscosâ public manifestations of Marian devotion are tied to questions of their local belonging in Seville. While the author recalls how Moriscos responded as they were being expelled, it becomes evident that the emotions associated with leaving the city are closely linked to their specific places of participation within this urban center. Moriscos not only cried out the names of their communitiesâ parishes, including those of San Pablo, San Andrés, Santa Marina, San Julián, and San Marcos, but also their
The fact that the author of this relación notes specific advocations of the Virgin in reference to Moriscos is compelling if we take into consideration their religious indoctrination in Seville in the years leading up to the expulsion. In the Constituciones del Arçobispado de Sevilla (1609), for example, the chapters that focus on how priests should instruct Moriscos and keep particular watch over them require that all Moriscos be registered at a particular parish under the surveillance of a dedicated priest.44 Each of these priests, in turn, was made to keep an updated census of all the Moriscos in his parish so that he could âknow how they live.â45 Moriscos could be fined and punished for not regularly attending mass on Sundays and feast days, and they could not switch to another parish without the written permission of their assigned priest. These requirements were evidently created with the intention of maintaining control over the Morisco population, but another consequence of this condition was that Moriscos would become familiar with the particular iconography and Marian advocation associated with their local parish. Despite being forced to attend mass, some Moriscos may have developed a certain affinity for specific advocations of the Virgin Mary, whether or not they accepted the meaning behind them. It is also possible, of course, that these cries and offerings to the different Marian advocations in the city were also a last attempt on the part of Moriscos to avoid expulsion, but this relación does not propose that this was the case here. On the contrary, the author suggests that to a certain degree the Morisco merchant has a sense of local belonging and participation within the neighborhood that is connected to the Virgin of la Hiniesta, since he leaves an offering for her before his departure. It is worth mentioning that the advocations of the Marian icons described in this relación were located in some of the neighborhoods most heavily populated by Moriscos. In a census conducted shortly before the expulsion, San Julián was one of these neighborhoods, suggesting that some Moriscos might have identified the commonplace
While the Relación del sentimiento de los moriscos leaves open the possibility that Moriscos may have taken this sense of local belonging related to the Virgin Mary with them to North Africa, the relación about Antonio de Ocaña to which I referred at the beginning of this essay makes this connection more explicit. As I have mentioned, Antonio de Ocaña was a Morisco from Madrid who wrote to his friend back in Spain after the expulsion, begging him to turn to the Virgin of Atocha and the Virgin of Los Remedios in his prayers for Ocaña.47 More notably, Antonio himself relies on the first of these Marian advocations and calls out to her, trusting that the same Virgin that interceded for him in Madrid would now come to his rescue in Algiers.48 In the seventeenth century the Virgin of Atocha was seen as a symbol that one belonged to Madrid, forming a significant part of public rituals on the streets of the Spanish capital, and it is this feeling of a shared affinity towards Mary that Antonio seems to have taken with him to North Africa.49 Alongside these pleas, Antonio also pauses to remember his local priest, Father Juan Bautista de Madrigal, who instructed him in Catholic doctrine and practice.50 Curiously, this priest advocated for the use of images while giving sermons, claiming that it was especially effective to hold up an image at the end of a sermon causing âmany tears to be shed.â51 As we have already seen, some Moriscos forced into exile may have brought their interest in Marian images and other material vestiges of their life in Spain with them to North Africa. The last two relaciones discussed in this section contribute to this idea, but they also show how a regard for particular Marian advocations was tied in many ways to Moriscosâ everyday life in Spain whether or not this enthusiasm was rooted in religious beliefs.
4
The texts examined thus far serve as a springboard for thinking about the role that Moriscos had in the circulation of Marian beliefs and objects of devotion, at least as imagined by the early modern public. The authors of these relaciones also describe how this circulation aroused some preoccupation about the motives and implications behind this movement. As we will see, these concerns that Moriscos would bring images and ideas, even those related to the Virgin Mary, with them to North Africa emanated from both shores of the Mediterranean. In 1610 a certain Thomás de los Ãngeles wrote a relación that deals with the Moriscos expelled from Andalusia.52 The author claims to give an account of those Moriscos who abandoned their Christian beliefs upon their arrival in North Africa, and juxtaposes these individuals with five Moriscos who were martyred for not giving up their Christian religious practices. Although the narrative is fairly uninspired and follows that of many other similar relaciones, one aspect that is worth paying close attention to is the concern that Moriscos might bring religious material culture with them to the other shore of the Mediterranean Sea. The author claims that the king of Fez and Morocco enacted a set of rules that forbade Moriscos to bring any religious images with them, unless they represented the Prophet Muḥammad: âNone of them may pray any Ave Maria, nor Salve Regina and they must not bring rosaries, nor have any image, unless it is of Muḥammad, our prophet.â53 Here, perhaps, more than in any of the other cases, the author is carried away by his inability to comprehend any religion that would not make use of religious images, imagining that if Moriscos cannot bring rosaries or other prayers and images related to Mary, then they must have some figures of Muḥammad that could accompany them to North Africa.54 At the same time, this preoccupation that Moriscos would take images out of Spain subtly implies that some of them had cultivated a certain attachment to Marian prayers and objects of
Other relaciones show different concerns originating in Iberia about why Moriscos might take images or ideas about the Virgin Mary to North Africa. In the anonymous Carta de Barcelona a esta Corte (1625), the author writes out of âforced obligationâ to share the account of a freed Morisca slave named Juana Errada, noting that her last name points to the fact that she was branded (â[h]erradaâ) on her face.55 After her master passed away, she was freed and continued living in northern Spain years after the expulsion of the Moriscos was put into effect. She tried her best to give the impression that she was a Christian by confessing, taking communion, and praying every few days. The author, however, specifies how she was secretly a Muslim and in a long-term relationship with a Muslim faqÄ«h who went back and forth clandestinely between Spain and North Africa. The two were involved in a number of thefts, one of which involved breaking into a church and stealing an image of Our Lady of Peace, among other devotional objects. According to the author, their goal in doing this was to put these images âin the hands of our enemies in Algiers, to make a mockery of our faith.â56 When Juana was finally accused, she tried to burn down her house with all the evidence in it, including the image of the Virgin Mary, but the room where it was tucked away and the Virgin itself were left unscathed. Juana was finally sentenced to be burned to death, and the Virgin went on to perform many miracles. Unlike many of the other relaciones examined in this essay that imply that Moriscos had an affinity for the Virgin, this one in particular exposes the concern that Moriscos would take images out of Spain as a way to disdain Catholics and ally themselves with the Muslims of North Africa.
5
It is important to consider the genre of the relaciones de sucesos, as a focus on certain sources has tended to influence our understanding of Morisco religious practices. As Francisco Márquez Villanueva has stressed, âthe historiographical problem of the Moriscos is reduced, in no small part, to an aporetic situation in terms of sources.â57 Evidence that is focused on official sources, like those of the apologists of the expulsion or Inquisition cases, naturally has a propensity to emphasize how Moriscos diverged from Christian beliefs and practices, frequently grouping all Moriscos together as if they were one and the same. To complicate this issue, writings by the Moriscos themselves, either in Aljamiado or those penned by Moriscos exiled to North Africa, are also likely to corroborate these characterizations, as their texts are often polemical in nature and exist precisely to accentuate Morisco adherence to Islam.58 On the other hand, evidence that sheds light on Moriscos who were living their lives more fully as a part of Old Christian communities is recorded less frequently, since individuals on both sides had more reason to conceal these details than to proclaim them. Various scholars, such as Amalia GarcÃa Pedraza, have drawn attention to additional sources like last wills and other notarial records that present different perspectives on Morisco religiosity, charting how some Moriscos actively participated in Catholic brotherhoods as well as other Christian customs.59 However, more details are still necessary to flesh out other facets of how some Moriscos expressed their Christian lives, and how some of these practices may have followed them after the expulsion.60
Motivations for writing these relaciones, coupled with the publicâs demand for consuming this news, contribute to the complexities in approaching this genre. While these pieces were not commissioned by the Crown, they generally reflected the established power structure and presented news that would be favorable to the monarchy, the Catholic Church, and the military.61 This tendency means that relaciones were prone to advancing a âconsistently reassuring interpretation of realityâ that did not necessarily always coincide with the real world around them.62 Despite these limitations, the texts offer us a view of public opinion that would appeal to a wide readership, which helps shed light on readersâ anxieties and interests. This does not mean, of course, that the genre as a whole would display a unified vision of the Moriscos. As AgustÃn Redondo has shown, the pamphlets written in the years during and after the expulsion present a double view of Moriscos in the Mediterranean, with some upholding the anti-Morisco sentiments of the official discourse and others showing more sympathy for Moriscos and questioning the decision to expel these individuals.63 The same divergence is also true of the perspectives expounded about Moriscosâ reception of the Virgin Mary and material culture surrounding her cult. Even though many of the cases that I have discussed in this essay have suggested that Moriscos brought their beliefs and practices encompassing the Virgin with them into their diaspora, we cannot dismiss the
6 Concluding Remarks
One thread that remains constant throughout the majority of these examples is that when we look at how Moriscos may have brought their beliefs and practices with them as they settled in new locales in the Mediterranean, it becomes clear that Marian beliefs and material culture hold a special place. As we have seen, this is not a coincidence given the importance of Mary/Maryam in both Christian and Muslim cultures. The relaciones discussed here show how the politics surrounding the use of Marian icons, to a certain extent, appears to have followed expelled Moriscos to North Africa. Despite some of the challenges of approaching the genre of the relaciones or knowing with certainty which elements might be fabricated to fit the particular purposes of each author and audience, some additional textual and material evidence points to the fact that Moriscos did indeed take their beliefs, practices, and material culture related to the Madonna with them to North Africa, just as some of the news pamphlets imply. A suggestive case is that of a Morisco prayer that invokes the Virgin Mary as âour ladyâ and was written down in Maghrebi Arabic in the years surrounding the expulsion. The text reveals how some exiled Moriscos persevered in their devotion to the Mary of the Sacromonte and took this affection with them to North Africa. Now exiled to the other side
A similar interest in Mary seems to have persisted well into the eighteenth century among the families of expelled Moriscos living in North Africa. Cherite Castelli, a descendant of Moriscos in Tunis, continued to value a statue of Mary over a hundred years after the expulsion of the Moriscos was put into effect. According to Fray Francisco Ximénezâs diaries, penned in the first half of the eighteenth century, Castelli kept a Marian icon close to his storefront, not necessarily because it had any religious meaning for him, but rather because of its talismanic properties that he believed protected his merchandise. Ximénez documents how this descendant of Moriscos safeguarded the image of Mary, refusing various offers from others to buy the statue, and finally decided to donate it to a hospital in Tunis. Curiously, the same image that Castelli willfully conserved in North Africa was later printed on stamps which circulated back to Spain, where this image of the Virgin in Tunis was known for her miraculous favors of healing and protection.66
The relaciones examined in this essay also contribute to a growing interest in how Moriscos practiced Christian customs and beliefs. In an illuminating study on Moriscos and the Christian spirituality of early modern Spain, Luis F. Bernabé Pons has recently called attention to the need for more work on how some Moriscos articulated their Christian lives, noting how a focus on the âpersistence of Islamic faith and religious practice has to some extent obscured the fact that, in the historical and social context of long-term pressure toward acculturation, it became normal for many Moriscos to adapt themselves to the majority faith that engulfed them.â67 In turn, he considers the conditions present in Spain that could foment a certain level of shared devotional culture
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GarcÃa Pedraza, Amalia. Actitudes ante la muerte en la Granada del siglo XVI: los moriscos que quisieron salvarse. 2 vols. Granada: Universidad de Granada, 2002.
GarcÃa Pedraza, Amalia. âEl otro morisco: algunas reflexiones sobre el estudio de la religiosidad morisca a través de fuentes notariales.â Sharq al-Andalus 12 (1995): 223â34.
Green-Mercado, Mayte. Visions of Deliverance: Moriscos and the Politics of Prophecy in the Early Modern Mediterranean. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2019.
Guzmán, Diego de. Reyna católica: vida y muerte de D. Margarita de Austria reyna de España. Madrid: por Luis Sánchez, 1617.
Harvey, Leonard P. âA New Sacromonte Text? Critical Notes.â Revue de lâhistoire des religions 21, no. 4 (1984): 421â25.
Harvey, Leonard P. Muslims in Spain, 1500â1614. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004.
Infante, Catherine. The Arts of Encounter: Christians, Muslims, and the Power of Images in Early Modern Spain. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2022.
Infante, Catherine. âLa Virgen de Montserrat entre cristianos y musulmanes: el caso de âEl esclavo de su esclavoâ de Mariana de Carvajal.â Sharq Al-Andalus: Estudios Mudéjares y Moriscos 22 (2017â18): 185â99.
León Pinelo, Antonio de. Anales de Madrid de León Pinelo. Reinado de Felipe III, años 1598 a 1621. Edited by Ricardo Martorell Téllez-Girón. Madrid: Estanislao Maestre, 1931.
Madrigal, Juan Bautista de. Homiliario evangélico, en que se tratan diversas materias espirituales, y lugares notables de Escritura, en grande beneficio de las almas, y reformación de costumbres depravadas, y abusos introduzidos en el mundo. Madrid: Luis Sánchez, 1602.
Mancebo de Arévalo. Tratado [tafsira]. Edited by MarÃa Teresa Narváez Córdova. Madrid: Trotta, 2003.
Márquez Villanueva, Francisco. El problema morisco (desde otras laderas). Madrid: Ediciones Libertarias, 1998.
Morgan, David. âIntroduction: The Matter of Belief.â In Religion and Material Culture: The Matter of Belief, edited by David Morgan, 1â12. London: Routledge, 2010.
Nider, Valentina. âEcos de la expulsión de los moriscos en Italia entre relaciones de sucesos y literatura.â In La invención de las noticias. Las relaciones de sucesos entre la literatura y la información (siglos XVIâXVIII), edited by Giovanni Ciappelli and Valentina Nider, 725â46. Trento: Collana Labirinti, 2017.
OâBanion, Patrick J. ââThey Will Know Our Heartsâ: Practicing the Art of Dissimulation on the Islamic Periphery.â Journal of Early Modern History 20 (2016): 193â217.
Ocaña, Antonio de. Carta que Antonio de Ocaña, Morisco de los desterrados de España, natural de la villa de Madrid, embió desde Argel a un su amigo a la dicha villa, dándole cuenta del estado de sus cosas. Seville: por Juan Serrano de Vargas, 1618.
Pardo Molero, Juan Francisco. âDesdichados e imprudentes. Los moriscos y su expulsión en la memoria escrita del siglo XVII.â Tiempos modernos 31 (2015): 318â44.
Pereda, Felipe. Images of Discord: Poetics and Politics of the Sacred Image in Fifteenth- Century Spain. Translated by Consuelo López-Morillas. London: Harvey Miller, 2019.
Pérez de Chinchón, Bernardo. Antialcorano. Diálogos christianos. Conversión y evangelización de moriscos. Edited by Francisco Pons Fuster. Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 2000.
Redondo, AgustÃn. âLa doble visión en España de los moriscos expulsados, a través de unas cuantas relaciones de sucesos de los años 1609â1624.â In España y el mundo mediterráneo a través de las relaciones de sucesos (1500â1750), edited by Pierre Civil et al., 271â86. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2008.
Redondo, AgustÃn. âLâimage du morisque (1570â1620), notamment à travers les pliegos sueltos. Les variations dâune altérité.â In Les représentations de lâautre dans lâespace ibérique et ibéro-amériain, edited by AgustÃn Redondo, 2:17â31. Paris: Presses de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, 1993.
Relación del sentimiento de los moriscos por su justo destierro de España, y el número y cantidad que se han embarcados dellos, asà hombres como mujeres, y niños de todas edades hasta ahora. Y de las mandas que dexan hechas a iglesias y lugares pÃos, y otras cosas dignas de memoria. Lleva dos romances al fin muy gustosos. Seville: Fernando de Lara, 1610. In Romancero general o colección de romances castellanos anteriores al siglo XVIII recogidos, ordenados, clasificados y anotados, edited by AgustÃn Durán, 2:190â92. Madrid: Editorial Hernando, 1926.
Remensnyder, Amy G. âBeyond Muslim and Christian: The Moriscosâ Marian Scriptures.â Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 41, no. 3 (2011): 545â76.
Ruiz Lagos, Manuel (ed.). Moriscos: de los romances del gozo al exilio. Alcalá de GuadaÃra: Guadalmena, 2001.
Salazar, Juan de. PolÃtica española. Logroño: por Diego Mares, 1619.
Schleifer, Aliah. âMaryam in Morisco Literature: A Factor in the Preservation of their Muslim Identity.â In Actes du Ve Symposium International dâEtudes morisques sur: Le V Centenaire de la chute de Grenade, 1492â1992, edited by Abdeljelil Temimi, 2:679â94. Zaghouan: CEROMDI, 1993.
Schrader, Jeffrey. La Virgen de Atocha. Los Austrias y las imágenes milagrosas. Translated by Teresa Sans and Fabián Chueca. Madrid: Ayuntamiento de Madrid, 2006.
Segunda relación de la vitoria y alcance que las galeras de España y Portugal tuvieron de los Moriscos y Turcos cosarios, que andando a robar por el mar, saltaron sobre Cangas y Domato y Pontevedra: sabido por relación certÃssima y carta de los mismos que en ella se hallaron. Lleva al fin una Letrilla exemplar, Compuesto por Diego Ossorio de Bassurto. Valladolid: en casa de Francisco Abarca de Angulo, 1618.
Serato, Gaspar. Relación verdadera que se sacó del libro donde están escritos los milagros de Nuestra Señora de La Caridad de Sanlúcar de Barrameda. Málaga: por Juan Rene, 1612.
Vega, Lope de. El bautismo del PrÃncipe de Marruecos. Comedias, Parte XI, edited by Laura Fernández and Gonzalo Pontón, 2:823â954. Madrid: Gredos, 2012.
Vincent, Bernard. El rÃo morisco. Valencia: Publicacions de la Universitat de València, 2006.
Ximénez, Francisco. Colonia trinitaria de Túnez. Edited by Ignacio Bauer y Landauer. Tetouan: TipografÃa de Gomariz, 1934.
Juan de Salazar, PolÃtica española (Logroño: Diego Mares, 1619), 182: âla singular merced, que Dios le hizo, revelándole tan con tiempo la traición, que los Moriscos, Turcos i confederados tenÃan urdida contra su Real persona, i contra sus Reinos i vassallos: reconociendo que este favor con otros muchos le havÃa venido de su poderosa mano.â All translations into English are my own unless otherwise indicated.
On the chronicles, see Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, Relaciones, de las cosas sucedidas en la Corte de España desde 1599 hasta 1614 (Madrid: MartÃn AlegrÃa, 1857), 435; Diego de Guzmán, Reyna católica: vida y muerte de D. Margarita de Austria reyna de España (Madrid: Luis Sánchez, 1617), 195rv; and Antonio de León Pinelo, Anales de Madrid, de León Pinelo. Reinado de Felipe III, años 1598 a 1621, ed. Ricardo Martorell Téllez-Girón (Madrid: Estanislao Maestre, 1931), 92. It is possible that the event described by Juan de Salazar is in effect the same described by these other chroniclers, since León Pinelo notes that another author has erroneously attributed this procession to the prior year, but he does not specify the source. For more on these processions, see Trevor J. Dadson, Los moriscos de Villarrubia de los Ojos (Siglos XVâXVIII): historia de una minorÃa asimilada, expulsada y reintegrada (Madrid-Frankfurt am Main: Iberoamericana, Vervuert, 2015), 365; Antonio DomÃnguez Ortiz and Bernard Vincent, Historia de los moriscos. Vida y tragedia de una minorÃa (Madrid: Biblioteca de la Revista de Occidente, 1978), 198; Juan Francisco Pardo Molero, âDesdichados e imprudentes. Los moriscos y su expulsión en la memoria escrita del siglo XVII,â Tiempos modernos 31 (2015): 329; and Jeffrey Schrader, La Virgen de Atocha. Los Austrias y las imágenes milagrosas, trans. Teresa Sans and Fabián Chueca (Madrid: Ayuntamiento de Madrid, 2006), 94.
Antonio de Ocaña, Carta que Antonio de Ocaña, Morisco de los desterrados de España, natural de la villa de Madrid, embió desde Argel a un su amigo a la dicha villa, dándole cuenta del estado de sus cosas (Seville: por Juan Serrano de Vargas, 1618), 2v: âVirgen santÃssima de Atocha, abogada y señora mÃa, ayudadnos a todos, y interceded por nosotros, usad las maravillas aquÃ, que usáis allá con vuestros devotosâ [emphasis added].
AgustÃn Redondo, âLa doble visión en España de los moriscos expulsados, a través de unas cuantas relaciones de sucesos de los años 1609â1624,â in España y el mundo mediterráneo a través de las relaciones de sucesos (1500â1750), ed. Pierre Civil et al. (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2008), 286. MarÃa Carmen Carriazo Rubio, âLa imagen del morisco en las relaciones de sucesos del siglo XVII,â in El saber en al-Andalus. Textos y estudios, ed. Fátima Roldán Castro and Isabel Hervás Jávega (Seville: Universidad de Sevilla, 2001), 3:126.
Henry Ettinghausen, âThe News in Spain: Relaciones de sucesos in the Reigns of Philip III and IV,â European History Quarterly 14 (1984): 15.
See Redondo, âLa doble visión,â 271â86, and AgustÃn Redondo, âLâimage du morisque (1570â1620), notamment à travers les pliegos sueltos. Les variations dâune altérité,â in Les représentations de lâautre dans lâespace ibérique et ibéro-américain, ed. AgustÃn Redondo (Paris: Presses de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, 1993), 2:17â31. Carriazo Rubio, âLa imagen del morisco,â 3:119â34, has also focused on the representation of Moriscos in a variety of similar relaciones de sucesos in Spain, while Valentina Nider, âEcos de la expulsión de los moriscos en Italia entre relaciones de sucesos y literatura,â in La invención de las noticias. Las relaciones de sucesos entre la literatura y la información (siglos XVIâXVIII), ed. Giovanni Ciappelli and Valentina Nider (Trento: Collana Labirinti, 2017), 725â46, has examined mentions of the Morisco expulsion in the news pamphlets printed in Italy.
Redondo, âLa doble visión,â 273.
The Qurâan dedicates its nineteenth sura (chapter) to Maryam, and other verses also celebrate her above all women. For more on the place of the Virgin Mary between Christian and Muslim cultures within the specific context of the Iberian Peninsula, see MÃkel de Epalza, Jesús entre judÃos, cristianos y musulmanes hispanos (siglos VIâXVII) (Granada: Universidad de Granada, 1999), 161â90.
Bernardo Pérez de Chinchón, Antialcorano. Diálogos christianos. Conversión y evangelización de moriscos, ed. Francisco Pons Fuster (Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 2000), 363.
Mancebo de Arévalo, Tratado [tafsira], ed. MarÃa Teresa Narváez Córdova (Madrid: Trotta, 2003), 265â66. Another significant example is that of the Lead Books of the Sacromonte in which Mary figures prominently. See Amy G. Remensnyder, âBeyond Muslim and Christian: The Moriscosâ Marian Scriptures,â Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 41, no. 3 (2011): 545â76. For a broader summary of Mary/Maryam in Morisco literature, see Aliah Schleifer, âMaryam in Morisco Literature: A Factor in the Preservation of their Muslim Identity,â in Actes du Ve Symposium International dâÃtudes morisques sur: Le V Centenaire de la chute de Grenade, 1492â1992, ed. Abdeljelil Temimi (Zaghouan: CEROMDI, 1993), 2:679â94.
Felipe Pereda, Images of Discord: Poetics and Politics of the Sacred Image in Fifteenth-Century Spain, trans. Consuelo López-Morillas (London: Harvey Miller, 2019), 172.
Pereda, Images of Discord, 121â89.
Borja Franco Llopis, âAproximación al carácter polisémico e intercultural de las representaciones marianas en el imaginario valenciano del siglo XVI,â in Imatge, devoció i identitat a lâèpoca moderna (segles XVIâXVIII), ed. Silvia Canalda and Cristina Fontcuberta (Barcelona: Edicions Universitat Barcelona, 2014), 101â15.
Pereda, Images of Discord, 172â74. Borja Franco Llopis, âLos moriscos y la Inquisición. Cuestiones artÃsticas,â Manuscrits 28 (2010): 96â99.
Dadson, Los moriscos de Villarrubia de los Ojos, 688.
Lope de Vega, El bautismo del PrÃncipe de Marruecos. Comedias, Parte XI, ed. Laura Fernández and Gonzalo Pontón (Madrid: Gredos, 2012), 2:895â906.
For a discussion on the image of the Virgin of la Cabeza between Christian and Muslim characters in this play, see Catherine Infante, The Arts of Encounter: Christians, Muslims, and the Power of Images in Early Modern Spain (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2022), 89â114.
Gaspar Serato, Relación verdadera que se sacó del libro donde están escritos los milagros de Nuestra Señora de La Caridad de Sanlúcar de Barrameda (Málaga: Juan René, 1612).
Serato, Relación verdadera, 1r.
Serato, Relación verdadera, 1râ3r.
David Morgan, âIntroduction: The Matter of Belief,â in Religion and Material Culture: The Matter of Belief, ed. David Morgan (London: Routledge, 2010), 8, emphasis in original.
Mercedes GarcÃa-Arenal, âThe Moriscos in Morocco: From Granadan Emigration to the Hornacheros of Salé,â in The Expulsion of the Moriscos from Spain: A Mediterranean Diaspora, ed. Mercedes GarcÃa-Arenal and Gerard Wiegers (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 286â328.
GarcÃa-Arenal, âThe Moriscos in Morocco,â 316â18.
GarcÃa-Arenal, âThe Moriscos in Morocco,â 318â19.
Fernando Cruz Isidoro, El Santuario de Nuestra Señora de La Caridad de Sanlúcar de Barrameda. Estudio histórico-artÃstico (Cordova: Publicaciones Obra Social y Cultural CajaSur, 1997), 157: âpruebas de sangre.â
Cruz Isidoro, El Santuario de Nuestra Señora, 121.
Cruz Isidoro, El Santuario de Nuestra Señora, 249â52.
Cruz Isidoro, El Santuario de Nuestra Señora, 78â80.
In Pedro Beltrán, La charidad guzmana, Biblioteca Nacional de España [BNE] ms. 188, 98r, the author attributes the gift to Muley Muḥammad al-Shaikhâs son, Muley Ê¿Abd AllÄh, who sent a lamp imprinted with a crescent moon to the Virgin of La Caridad. In Cruz Isidoro, El Santuario de Nuestra Señora de La Caridad, 323, 336, his research at the Archivo Ducal de Medina Sidona also notes a record showing that a lamp was sent from Morocco to the Virginâs temple.
Beltrán, La charidad guzmana, 92vâ98r.
Beltrán, La charidad guzmana, 91v. The Virgin of Montserrat that Beltrán refers to was, at times, also portrayed as a mediator between Christian and Muslim cultures in early modern Spain. See Catherine Infante, âLa Virgen de Montserrat entre cristianos y musulmanes: el caso de âEl esclavo de su esclavoâ de Mariana de Carvajal,â Sharq Al-Andalus: Estudios Mudéjares y Moriscos 22 (2017â18): 185â99.
Beltrán, La charidad guzmana, 93v.
Beltrán, La charidad guzmana, 94r.
Beltrán, La charidad guzmana, 95v.
Beltrán, La charidad guzmana, 97r.
Mercedes GarcÃa-Arenal and Gerard Wiegers, âIntroduction,â in The Expulsion of the Moriscos from Spain: A Mediterranean Diaspora, ed. Mercedes GarcÃa-Arenal and Gerard Wiegers (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 4.
Mayte Green-Mercado, Visions of Deliverance: Moriscos and the Politics of Prophecy in the Early Modern Mediterranean (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2019), 16.
There is no extant copy of the original publication, so I cite from Relación del sentimiento de los moriscos por su justo destierro de España, y el número y cantidad que se han embarcados dellos, asà hombres como mujeres, y niños de todas edades hasta ahora. Y de las mandas que dexan hechas a iglesias y lugares pÃos, y otras cosas dignas de memoria. Lleva dos romances al fin muy gustosos (Seville: Fernando de Lara, 1610), in Romancero general o colección de romances castellanos anteriores al siglo XVIII recogidos, ordenados, clasificados y anotados, ed. AgustÃn Durán (Madrid: Editorial Hernando, 1926), 2:190â92. See also the notes included in Manuel Ruiz Lagos (ed.), Moriscos: de los romances del gozo al exilio (Alcalá de Guadaira: Guadalmena, 2001), 215â24.
Relación del sentimiento, 191b: â¡Ay Sevilla, patria mÃa!â
Relación del sentimiento, 191b: âOtros llamaban a voces / a la Virgen del Rosario / y a la Virgen de Belén: / ella sea en nuestro amparo. / Tanto es su sentimiento / que a los niños en los brazos, / que criaban a sus pechos, / por leche les daban llanto.â
Relación del sentimiento, 191b.
Relación del sentimiento, 191b.
Relación del sentimiento, 191a: âvestidos de oro y seda, / de telas y de brocados; / mas no por la devoción / sino para ser mirados.â
Constituciones del Arçobispado de Sevilla hechas i ordenadas por Don Fernando Niño de Guevara, Cardenal i Arçobispo de la S. Iglesia de Sevilla, en la Synodo que celebró en su Cathedral año d[e] 1604; i mandadas imprimir por el deán i cabildo, canónigos in sacris sede vacante (Seville: Alonso RodrÃguez Gamarra, 1609), 19râ21v.
Constituciones del Arçobispado de Sevilla, 20r: âsaber cómo viven.â
Expediente sobre la expulsión de los moriscos de AndalucÃa, en 1610, reunido por comisión de D. Juan de Mendoza, Marqués de San Germán, BNE ms. 9577, 17r. For a comparative analysis of where Moriscos lived in Seville, see Michel Boeglin, âDemografÃa y sociedad moriscas en Sevilla. El padrón de 1589,â Chronica Nova 33 (2007): 218.
Ocaña, Carta que Antonio de Ocaña, 1r.
Ocaña, Carta que Antonio de Ocaña, 2v.
Schrader, La Virgen de Atocha, 96â99.
Ocaña, Carta que Antonio de Ocaña, 2râv.
Juan Bautista de Madrigal, Homiliario evangélico, en que se tratan diversas materias espi- rituales, y lugares notables de Escritura, en grande beneficio de las almas, y reformación de costumbres depravadas, y abusos introduzidos en el mundo (Madrid: Luis Sánchez, 1602), prologue: âse derraman muchas lágrimas.â
Thomás de los Ãngeles, Verdadera relación en la qual se declara el gran número de moriscos que renegaron de la fe católica, en la ciudad de Alarache, que confina con BerberÃa. Y del martyrio de cinco que no quisieron renegar, naturales de la ciudad de Córdoba (Zaragoza: Lorenço de Robles, 1610).
De los Ãngeles, Verdadera relación, 2v: âNo reze ninguno / Ave MarÃa, ni Salve / y que no traygan Rosarios, / ni tengan ninguna Imagen, / si no fuere de Mahoma / nuestro Profeta.â
It is worth noting that on at least three separate occasions Moriscos in Valencia and Zaragoza, precisely the publication location of this relación, were accused by the Inquisition of possessing an image of the Prophet in their homes, although this was not a common practice. See Franco Llopis, âLos moriscos y la Inquisición,â 97â99.
Carta de Barcelona a esta Corte, en que se da aviso de uno de los más estraños casos que se han visto, y es, que una muger esclava de treinta años, con fingidas apariencias de Christiana metida en un saco como hermitaño, confessando y comulgando cada quince dÃas; descerrajó una Iglesia, y robó el SantÃssimo, y la custodia, y una Imagen de nuestra Señora de la Paz, con más de tres mil ducados de joyas, y dos lámparas de plata, en la villa de Colibre. Declarasse cómo fue escondido, y cómo fue descubierto por una gitana, y el fin que tuvo ella, y un turco amigo suyo, en 30 de mayo de 1624 (Madrid: Bernardino de Guzmán, 1625), British Library [BL] ms. 593h22(9), in Noticias del siglo XVII: Relaciones españolas de sucesos naturales y sobrenaturales, ed. Henry Ettinghausen (Barcelona: Puvill Libros, 1995), 1r.
Carta de Barcelona, 1v: âen manos de nuestros enemigos en Argel, para hazer burla de nuestra Fe.â
Francisco Márquez Villanueva, El problema morisco (desde otras laderas) (Madrid: Ediciones Libertarias, 1998), 168: âel problema historiográfico de los moriscos se reduce, en no pequeña parte, a una situación aporética en materia de fuentes.â
On how the question of genre and sources influences analyses of Morisco religiosity, see Luis Bernabé Pons, âThe Moriscos and the Christian Spirituality of Their Era,â in Resistance and Reform, ed. Kevin Ingram, vol. 4, The Conversos and Moriscos in Late Medieval Spain and Beyond (Leiden: Brill, 2021), 236â37; Leonard P. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, 1500â1614 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 250â52; Patrick J. OâBanion, ââThey Will Know Our Heartsâ: Practicing the Art of Dissimulation on the Islamic Periphery,â Journal of Early Modern History 20 (2016): 195â96; Remensnyder, âBeyond Muslim and Christian,â 559; and Bernard Vincent, El rÃo morisco (Valencia: PUV, 2006), 131â43.
Amalia GarcÃa Pedraza, Actitudes ante la muerte en la Granada del siglo XVI: los moriscos que quisieron salvarse, 2 vols. (Granada: Universidad de Granada, 2002); GarcÃa Pedraza, âEl otro morisco: algunas reflexiones sobre el estudio de la religiosidad morisca a través de fuentes notariales,â Sharq al-Andalus 12 (1995): 223â34.
For a helpful summary of some areas that deserve more attention to better appreciate how some Moriscos lived out their Christian lives, see Bernabé Pons, âThe Moriscos and the Christian Spirituality,â 238â40.
Ettinghausen, âThe News in Spain,â 14.
Ettinghausen, âThe News in Spain,â 15.
Redondo, âLa doble visión,â 271â86.
For instance, in Segunda relación de la vitoria y alcance que las galeras de España y Portugal tuvieron de los Moriscos y Turcos cosarios, que andando a robar por el mar, saltaron sobre Cangas y Domato y Pontevedra: sabido por relación certÃssima y carta de los mismos que en ella se hallaron. Lleva al fin una Letrilla exemplar, Compuesto por Diego Ossorio de Bassurto (Valladolid: en casa de Francisco Abarca de Angulo, 1618), 2r, the author presumes that Don Juan de Austria was successful in defeating Moriscos and other corsairs in a battle because he confided in the Virgin whereas they put their trust in the Prophet Muḥammad. Instead of depicting the Virgin as a point of union, the pamphlet paints her as an ally of the Christian forces.
Ron Barkaï, âUne invocation musulmane au nom de Jésus et de Marie,â Revue de lâhistoire des religions 200, no. 3 (1983): 257â58. On this Morisco prayer, see also Harvey, âA New Sacromonte Text? Critical Notes,â Revue de lâhistoire des religions 21, no. 4 (1984): 421â25; Harvey delves deeper into the origin of this text, drawing more connections with the Mary of the Lead Books of the Sacromonte.
Francisco Ximénez, Colonia trinitaria de Túnez, ed. Ignacio Bauer y Landauer (Tetouan: TipografÃa de Gomariz, 1934), 190â91. For more on this Marian icon in Tunis, see MarÃa Cruz de Carlos Varona, ââImágenes rescatadasâ en la Europa Moderna: el caso de Jesús de Medinaceli,â Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 12, no. 3 (2011): 329â30, who studies it in relation to other Catholic devotional objects that circulated in North Africa. Also MÃkel de Epalza, âNuevos documentos sobre descendientes de moriscos en Túnez en el siglo XVIII,â in Studia historica et philologica in honorem M. Batllori (Rome: Publicaciones del Instituto Español de Cultura, 1984), 203, who mentions it within the larger context of descendants of Moriscos in Tunis.
Bernabé Pons, âThe Moriscos and the Christian Spirituality,â 236â37.
Bernabé Pons, âThe Moriscos and the Christian Spirituality,â 253â56.