Diversity raises some critical issues when it comes to inclusivity and recognition by modern liberal—and pluralistic—states, none more so than when it comes to language. Language is power and it reflects the politics of power. That is why this book is so important. It deals with these politics of language recognition and literacy/language competency and acquisition. I rather like the quotation that Fiona uses from the Council of Europe which talks of the “language and intercultural competencies which will enable them [migrant children] to operate effectively as citizens, acquire knowledge and develop open attitudes to otherness.”
Language is at the very core of identity in both a personal and communal sense. But it is also the key to ensuring that individuals, families and communities are incorporated into the modern state. Language use and recognition by the state determines which languages are valued—and which are not. Language literacy is a determinant of accessing resources and opportunities, whether in educational settings or in relation to employment. Equally, language discrimination and the devaluing of particular languages reinforces the privilege of some and the marginalisation of others. All of this becomes even more important as mobility and migration add to the diversity of modern states. As this book makes abundantly clear, what policies are adopted and developed in plurilingual situations becomes a way of defining linguistic privilege—and disadvantage.
A central task for those governing these ethnically and linguistically diverse states is how to reflect that diversity in policies and programmes. I see social cohesion as involving five different components (following Jane Jenson): belonging, inclusivity, participation, recognition and legitimacy. All have language and linguistic dimensions and all should involve policies that address the language underpinning of social cohesion. As Fiona notes, language policies in Aotearoa New Zealand’s context remain “patchy” in terms of goals such as inclusivity and recognition. Moreover, teacher education needs to address plurilingualism and how this fits with questions of recognition, social cohesion and inclusivity. The current model tends to focus on the learning and language needs of discrete groups (refugees, international fee-paying students, Pasifika)
Evidence of what works and evidence that promotes policy development and debate is very important as the demography and diversity of liberal states continues to change. This book contributes to such developments and debates and I would urge practitioners, policymakers, those responsible for decision-making as politicians or community leaders and the general public to take note of this research and its observations and recommendations.
Paul Spoonley
Massey University