1 Introduction1
This chapter is a survey and analysis of material objects common to a specific group of Alawi-Nusayri2 shrines located within the historic village of SutaÅı which was recently annexed to the town of SamandaÄ in the Hatay Province of Turkey.3 The specific focus on material objects found in these shrines serves as part of a larger, separate project I have undertaken about ritual healing practices of those living in this religiously-diverse area on the Turkish-Syrian border.4 In keeping with the theme of this edited volume, this chapter will limit its focus to understanding the crucial role material objects play in Alawi shrine visitation in this particular district of SamandaÄ. Not only is interaction with material objects essential to the rites of visitation, but also to the discovery and designation of the shrines themselves. Shrine activity is not an insular phenomenon within any society. In the SamandaÄ area, both the construction of shrine buildings and shrine visitation have enjoyed an observable proliferation over the past decade, a trend which can be seen as part of the growth in population and housing construction in general. Moreover, this role of material objects within the Alawi shrine culture stands in contrast to what is promulgated by the religious authorities of the Turkish state to be normative Islamic practice in shrine visitation.
The local use of terminology concerning shrines and visitation is at the center of understanding how the shrines themselves come into being through the visions of community members, which will be discussed in more detail in this chapter. Various types of domed-type structures (Arabic, qubba) have a long history in Islamic architecture in many regions, and in this area of Turkey this type of domed shrine, painted white with accents of green, is a reliable visual indication of Alawi presence in a particular village or district.5 The people of the SamandaÄ region are native speakers of Arabic, but most people, and certainly the younger generations speak Turkish, which is the language used in educational, governmental, and most professional settings. In accordance with local use of terminology, I refer to their places of visitation in the qubba-type design in the local Arabic dialect, as ziyÄra (Turkish, ziyaret)6 that is, a sacred place of visitation for ritual and festival purposes.7 The term ziyÄra is used for these sacred locales in their daily parlance, although some of the ziyÄra use the Turkish term for â[sacred] placeâ (Turkish, makam) in their formal signage. Of course, reference to the physical locale itself as ziyÄra derives from the widely understood meaning of the term as the practice of pious visitation in Islam, sometimes imprecisely translated into English as pilgrimage.
The practical purpose of a physical shrine structure is to signify and shelter a range of sacred material contents, which includes both man-made and materials harvested from the natural environment. This aspect of shrine culture â the kinds of objects and materials that adorn their interiors â was the main objective of this study initially. Restricting focus to the material objects within the shrines, however, leads to the additional re-consideration of larger questions concerning the process of claiming a certain locale to be a ziyÄra, that is, a sacred place worthy of visitation. The observable increase of ziyÄra construction in this area also provides opportunity to witness the dynamic identifying and establishing this type of sacred ground. Yet another local nuance in the use of the term ziyÄra helps us to understand the earlier, more obscure stages in the shrine-revelation process. Not only does the term ziyÄra signify the domed building (the shrine proper) but it also refers to the sacred presence before the construction of the concrete qubba-type structure. In other words, a ziyÄra initially manifests as a spiritual power illuminating a spot where a venerable figure once lived, an event in sacred history took place, or where a venerable figure is buried. When the term ziyÄra is used in this in this sense, it is understood as an invisible, yet powerful presence which makes itself known through the dreams and visions of people within close proximity. Once a particular place has been revealed as a ziyÄra, that is, a place in possession of a charismatic power, the next step is to identify the presence of its power. It is during this time that the ziyÄra becomes associated a venerable figure, or several figures. While this stage in the process still needs more research, the identities of the sacred figures seem to be discerned by the original seers in heavy consultation with the familyâs shaykh. The ultimate goal is then to construct a domed building to enshrine the sacred ground and the contents it accrues. Once constructed, this building is also referred to as ziyÄra, although technically speaking, its edifice exists to shelter the original ziyÄra that was present before a structure was built above it. As it unfolds in stages, this process emphasizes the central role of materiality in contemporary Alawi shrine culture: spiritual dreams and visions manifest in physical reality through the demarcation and construction of a physical space. Due to lack of funds, a proper domed structure may await years or even decades to build, but as mentioned above, this process has accelerated recently. In the meantime, the presence of the ziyÄra is demarcated physically in some way, often by the deliberate placement of rocks and the presence of materials of thurification, such as censers, matches, and incense.
2 Alawi Shiʿism
In the context of Alawi-Nusayri ShiÊ¿ism, exploring material culture âbeyond Karbalaâ yields ample opportunity for Alawis do not see the Karbala events in terms of a cosmic tragedy, maintaining that a substitute was martyred in place of Husayn. While Alawis do not mourn on the Tenth of Muharram, they use the occasion to commemorate Husaynâs immortality.8 Technically within the category of Imami ShiÊ¿ism, it is standard to categorize Alawis and similar sects (such as KızılbaÅ-Alevis of Anatolia and the Balkans) apart from mainstream Imami or Twelver ShiÊ¿ism, a distinction that is upheld by Alawis themselves.9 In other words, the exceptionalism of Alawi religiosity â ritual, spiritual authority, social structure, liturgical calendar â is acknowledged and even emphasized. Past efforts to assimilate Alawis to Sunni Islam or to orthodox Imami ShiÊ¿ism have yielded equivocal results (Firro 2005).10 In order to delineate both their distinction and their common Imami (Twelver) patrimony, the Alawis and similar sects are sometimes referred to as âhyper-ShiÊ¿aâ or âultra-ShiÊ¿a,â offering an alternative to the former term, âextremistâ ShiÊ¿a in the academic literature (Olsson 1998).
Traditionally, Alawis were known as ghulÄt or âexaggerators,â not only distinguishing their beliefs from Sunni Islam, but more emphatically to distinguish their position from mainstream ShiÊ¿i Islam.11 Certainly the theologies of the sects identified as ghulÄt, especially in their deification of Ali, appear to diverge sharply from other subgroups of ShiÊ¿ism (such as Imami, Ismaili, and Zaydi), but the historical relationship between the established, legalistic forms ShiÊ¿ism and the ghulÄt has been more complex. Alawis trace their origin to Muhammad, Ali, and Salman al-Farsi, the three components of their complex godhead.12 However for some time, historians have also acknowledged the common ShiÊ¿i origins of what they later identified as a distinct sect. Of course, for most of its history, the sect has been associated with the name of Muhammad ibn Nusayr al-Namiri (d. 883). According to the Alawi tradition, Ibn Nusayr, was a disciple of the last two visible imams of the Twelver lineage, Ali al-Hadi (d. 868) and al-Hasan al-Askari (d. 874). Not only was Ibn Nusayr privy to the inherited esoteric knowledge of the imams, but also acted as the conduit of their esoteric knowledge to future generations of believers (Arabic, muʾminÅ«n), which is the self-identifying term employed in Nusayri theological treatises.13 Influenced by the work of Ali Amir-Moezzi on the history of early Imami doctrine, historians have recast ghulÄt groups, including what came to be known as the Alawi-Nusayris, as integral components of early Imami ShiÊ¿ism (Amir-Moezzi 2004). In fact, concepts which came to define the ghulÄt, such as cyclical sacred history, metempsychosis (Arabic, al-tanÄsukh), creaturely incarnation of the deity (Arabic, al-ḥulÅ«l), were also present in the esoteric content within the Twelve Imamsâ teachings, according to the earliest sources (Amir-Moezzi, 128). This early convergence of certain elements, between what has become âorthodoxâ and what came to be considered âheterodox,â leads some historians to see the Alawi as a surviving cult surrounding the charismatic authority of the living imams, an earlier stage before their teaching became routinized through a legalistic tradition.14
Aside from their Ali-centered theology, Alawis are also defined by their spiritual-social stratification, which is determined by the elite transmission of knowledge. Long known as a religious system divided along the lines of a small body of initiated members and the general body of believers, only initiated individuals fully participate in some of the sectâs rituals. As a wisdom tradition transmitted through the master-disciple relationship, elaboration of the beliefs of the sect are conveyed in their entirety only to those male members who have undergone an extensive initiation process.15 But as observation in the field has indicated, the famous secrecy of Alawi theological teachings is better understood as a spectrum within the entire community which includes women and non-initiates as well (Procházka-Eisl and Procházka 2010, 91â92). That is, while substantial content of the âsecretâ teachings is known among all the community members (and beyond), formal instruction of these teachings is still guarded by the hereditary charismatic leaders, known as shaykhs.16 Nevertheless, the division between initiated and uninitiated â a division deemed essential to the Alawi social structure â may have formed as late as the thirteenth century when Alawi communities merged with prominent tribes in the Nusayri Mountains. According to this view of Alawi history, secrecy is a socio-historical development, rather than an original feature (Friedman 2010, 51â56, 144â145).
Given the two-tiered structure of the Alawi social system as it has evolved, the role of material culture can be approached through two distinct vantages: that of the elite and that of the general, uninitiated laity. This chapter adopts an ethnographic approach, focusing on open and public practices of the Alawi religion, including ubiquitous shrine visitations and a busy calendar of festivals, which are commemorated through animal sacrifice, often within the grounds of the shrines.17 However, certain rituals, such as those described in manuscripts and private teachings, also offer possibilities to explore Alawisâ distinct material culture. The use of incense, candles, and especially wine within the rituals exclusive to the initiated contributed to the Jesuit historian Henri Lammensâ early twentieth century theory of the Christian origins of the Alawi religion.18 Indeed a discernable material culture is revealed in Alawi manuscripts especially those concerning ritual precept. A prominent feature of an Alawi ritual involves the preparation, sanctification, and consumption of wine. In these ritual manuals, the wine is the sacred substance that manifests in the triune deity in the rites.19 A full analysis of Alawi ritual, which would certainly advance our theological understanding, would include aspects of this and other such material sacramentals. However, approaching Alawi material religion from this insiderâs point of view will always have its limitations, whether due to the restriction of ritual participants to the initiated, the ethical responsibility of the researcher in preserving the valued privacy of the initiated community, or both.
Nevertheless, the secret teachings of the sect held the first scholars who studied Alawism in captive fascination and mark the beginning of modern scholarship concerning the Alawis. Sometimes missionaries at the same time, writers like Samuel Lyde (d. 1860), who declared himself the first European to âlive amongâ Alawis, translated and published the rare manuscripts they managed to obtain.20 In both their content and the culture perpetuating their secrecy, these manuscripts established a mystique around Alawism which endures to the present. A sensationalized account of secret Alawi teachings published in 1863 by an Alawi convert to Christianity added to this intrigue as the author met a violent death, rumored to be in retribution for revealing the âsecretâ (Krieger 2014, 567â568). Despite resistance from the adherents of these teachings, the dissemination of Alawi texts has been taking place since the nineteenth century when Alawis first became the subjects of academic and missionary study.21 Over the past decade, access to the formerly concealed written materials of the sect has accelerated, and controversy continues to accompany their contents as the question of antinomian rites are revisited.22
3 The Place of ZiyÄra in Alawi Communities
As intriguing as the secret teachings of the Alawi religion were to European audiences in the nineteenth century, early scholars also recognized that the ziyÄra was a central aspect of Alawi religiosity, and a good part of what identified Alawis as such. Since the eighteenth century foreign travelers have noted the striking visuals of the domed, white-washed ziyÄra in the areas inhabited by Alawis in modern-day northern Syria and southern Turkey. These domed ziyÄra were historically free standing, and not part of a larger complex, although occasionally kitchens and storage buildings were added. These structures continue to serve as reliable identity-markers of Alawi residents in a particular area throughout northern Syria and the Hatay and Ãurkova regions of southern Turkey where most of the Alawi population is found today. Although we have little first-hand information about ziyÄra among Alawis before the nineteenth century, it is likely that the practice of designating and visiting local sacred places goes back much further, though certainly not as far back as antiquity as nineteenth century archeologists liked to imagine.23 The lack of reference to the practice of ziyÄra in Alawi manuscripts must be attributed to the lack of need to elaborate such a common practice among the elite authors of these manuscripts, rather than the absence of the practice itself. Given the association of the foundational Nusayri leadership with the imams, it is possible that the practice of visitation originated with the tomb-shrines of the imams and other early ShiÊ¿i figures.24 As Nusayri communities made their way to the mountainous Syrian coastline where they finally settled in the late medieval period, the practice of ziyÄra proliferated as the sacred figures associated with them became localized.25 A thorough inquiry into the origin and proliferation of ziyÄra among Alawis will take into account a variety of Islamic and pre-Islamic sacred places that Alawi ziyÄra reflects. Possible antecedents, whether ritual, aesthetic, or material, would include the Kaaba, the tomb of the Prophet Muhammad, and extend to the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem as well as the Church of the Holy Sepulcher and other local Christian sites. Not only mausoleums proper, that is, structures enshrining tombs, but a variety of sacred buildings constructed to enshrine sacred materials such as rocks, should be considered in comparison.
This brings up the fundamental question of the practice of Alawi visitation in contrast and comparison to other forms of visitation across the Islamic world. Pilgrimage apart from the greater and lesser hajj, often distinguished as ziyÄra or pious visitation, is a vast and varied practice and a phenomenon identifiable in Islamic history since the death of the Prophet Muhammad. Interaction with the sacred dead or with the âsaintsâ through the pious visiting of their tombs has also been the subject of a vast body of secondary literature.26 With this widespread phenomenon in mind, treating the Alawi ziyÄra as a singular and unique phenomenon can lead to emphasizing the otherness or even the exoticism in Alawi religiosity, which has imbalanced even academic treatments of the Alawis since the beginning of scholarship about them. This uneven impression is particularly apparent when considering the Alawi ziyÄra in a village of mixed identities; in fact, a substantial number of Sunnis from the village in which I conduct research also regularly visit the villageâs established and emerging ziyÄras. The opposite, however, is not the case: Alawi villagers generally do not attend the villageâs Sunni mosque, thus a discernable distinction manifests itself in this respect.
Historically, activity centered around ziyÄra constituted a central aspect of religious activity among non-initiates of Alawi communities, both communal and individual. As Lyde observed in his popular 1860 monograph, Asian Mystery:
[F]or of all things which exercise a practical, religious, or rather superstitious, influence on them [the Alawi people], the zeyârehs are, without comparison, the most powerful ⦠nearly all good is looked for from them, and all ill dreaded from their displeasure. (Lyde 1860, 167)
Here Lyde uses the term ziyÄra by enjoining its two senses: both as a place of destination, but a place so entwined with a fearsome power as to become personified. The ziyÄra is something that can display displeasure from disrespect or neglect, but it is also something that grants healings, blessings, and boons. The process of establishing sacred ground is initiated by claiming the presence of a charismatic power which is also itself referred to as a ziyÄra. Once a locale has become established and the source of the ziyÄraâs power identified with a venerable figure, the term khayir (Turkish: hayır) is used to describe the blessings sought from the ziyÄra. It is similar to the use of the Arabic term baraka (Turkish, bereket) which is often used to denote the powers of a saint.
Whether the sacred ground is the site of a grave proper (Turkish, türbe), a cenotaph, or the place of sacred presence (Arabic, maqÄm; Turkish, makam), is usually irrelevant; pious visitors simply do not make such distinctions.27 Thus far, I have found no evidence that any of the ziyÄras in the village are sites of actual tombs or gravesites. Strictly speaking, the central marble constructions are cenotaphs, that is, empty âtombs,â constructed to appear as actual stone tombs in the same rectangular shape that has been the paradigm of sarcophagi construction in this region for millennia.28 Visitors refer to these interior block structures as maqÄm (âplaceâ), with most resembling the shape of the stone cenotaph that are still used in the villageâs two crowded hilltop cemeteries. The marble and stone rectangular boxes do not actually contain the remains of the dead as did the sarcophagi from pre-Islamic civilizations, but, as cenotaphs, mark the ground in which the body is buried beneath ground level (Blair 2010). Alawis also follow the general Islamic custom of the interring the bodily remains below the earth, with commemorative structures above ground level.
A ziyÄra can reveal itself as present on a certain locale in dreams, but often it is first indicated through the vision of a luminosity event. This event has been described to me as a descent of light from the sky in a stream or a streak terminating in a fixed spot, or sometimes as a glow of light emanating from the earth. This manifestation is observed by one or more witnesses who are the owners of the land, or their close relatives. The status of the location as ziyÄra is then confirmed through dreams, the discernment of the familyâs shaykh, or both. The land is then cleared from debris and consecrated with an animal sacrifice at the site. The area is initially demarcated as ziyÄra by the placement of concrete blocks or a few rocks. Once funds are raised, construction begins on the marble cenotaph(s) and the domed structure. It must be reiterated that neither the construction of a cenotaph nor the domed building creates a ziyÄra, but rather, these are physical markers that honor and protect a presence of ziyÄra that is a priori. In other words, the physical constructions house a ziyÄra that already exists. Determining precisely how long a ziyÄra has been recognized as such prior to the construction of a building is obviously more difficult. Except for two older ziyÄra structures in the village, the remaining majority are constructions built since the 1980s. However, their status as ziyÄra goes back much further.
Relatively small compared to the regional shrines of Antakya and SamandaÄ, the shrines I have surveyed and which I list in below come under the somewhat fluid categories of âneighborhood,â or âfamilyâ shrines.29 That is, they are small-scale constructions, with the precise location of these ziyÄra only vaguely known outside of the neighborhood in which they are situated. Many are within the confines of a familyâs domestic property (Turkish bahçe), almost as an extension of the family house. When I began this research in 2012, these ziyÄra were all under the jurisdiction of the SutaÅ Municipality. I now continue my research to ziyÄra located in what has become SutaÅ district of SamandaÄ, but in keeping with local usage, I still refer to the district as the âvillage.â Its population is religiously mixed, consisting mainly of Alawis but also Sunnis, with an Antiochian Greek-Orthodox quarter adjacent to the village. The village has been home to a single Sunni mosque since the 1920s. The mosque was built to accommodate and educate the clans of the village whose members had converted to Sunnism. This is a conversion narrative in which several prominent clans converted (rather, ârevertedâ to their original religion of Sunni Islam as they relay the circumstances) around the time of Hatayâs annexation to Turkey. The way villagers articulate the difference in religious affiliation between Alawi and Sunni is another indication of the importance of sacred space in the religious life of the village: Simply designated, there are âthose who go to the shrineâ (Turkish, ziyaret giden) and âthose who go to the mosqueâ (cami giden). Such vernacular designations relegate the terms âAlawiâ and âSunni,â which are never used in casual conversation, largely to the academic realm. And as noted earlier, many of the cami giden villagers also frequent the ziyÄra, in most cases for specific healing purposes.
As of my last visit to the village during the summer of 2019, there were fourteen ziyÄra within the historical boundaries of the village; several have been added since I began my research in 2012. As of this writing, twelve of these ziyÄra spaces are marked by the characteristic domed structures, while two are marked with both natural stones and cinder blocks. I interviewed the landowners on whose premises one of these recently revealed ziyÄra is situated, and they stated their plans for the construction of a physical, domed structure to permanently demarcate the site as sacred ground. The village now has twelve constructed ziyÄra â that is, sacred ground graced by domed buildings. The identity of these figures who are associated with these places are inscribed or painted on a sign and prominently displayed above the entryway of these constructions. Taken together, the status of the commemorated figures within the village spans the spectrum of Alawi charismatic types, including prophets, companions of Muhammad and Ali, shaykhs (both local and historical), and several places (makam) marking the presence of the ubiquitous Islamic saint Hıdır (Arabic, al-Khidr). The following list numerates all the fourteen revealed ziyÄra of the village, including those ziyÄra awaiting a formal construction of a domed building.30 If officially discerned, the names of each ziyÄra bear the identity of the figure associated with them, and are listed below as they appear on the entryways to the main domed shine buildings. In the section following the list below, the identities of these figures are explained:
Hz. Hıdır Makamı.31
Il Hıdır, MiÄdet Ä°l Yemin, Melek Cafer Tayyar.
Yedi Anbiya.
Åeyh Daher.
Nabi Yunes, Mikdet El-Yemin.
Sabuniye Höyük Ziyara (âThe Sabuniye Site Shrineâ). There is no name inscribed on this older structured ziyÄra which enshrines two cenotaphs. I designate the ziyÄra after the excavation site mentioned in note one because it is situated on a hilltop next to it.
Nabi Allah Edris, Åeyḫ Hasan Ä°bin Mekzün Sincari, Åeyh Muhammad Ä°bin Mekzün Sincari.
Yunus İbin Mete, H.Z. Hıdır.
Seyidne Hıdır, Nebi Hemzi, Yünüs İbin Mette.
Identified, unconstructed.
Nebi Yahya.
Seyidna El Hıdır, Melek Cafer El Tiyyor, Sultan Habib El Neccar.
Identified, unconstructed.
Åeyh Ali El Kebir, Åeyh Muhammad El Nurani Makamı.
First, it should be noted that five separate ziyÄra are marked for the immortal Hıdır, making him the most represented single figure associated with the villageâs ziyÄra. This is to be expected given the intense historical devotion to the figure among many Muslim communities, but especially Alawis.32 The central ritual space of the first ziyÄra, the Hz. Hıdır Makamı revolves around a central stone block in the shape of a square, upon which is a white-washed aniconic sculpture resembling a mountain. We will return to this exceptional ziyÄra dedicated exclusively to Hıdır below. The four additional ziyÄras bearing Hıdırâs name on their entryways commemorate his presence by means of unadorned sarcophagus-like cenotaphs that are more traditional in their rectangular shapes. In these ziyÄras containing more the conventional cenotaphs, Hıdır is listed alongside the other persons named on the entryways.
The Prophet Muhammadâs companion and Aliâs elder brother, Melek Cafer al-Tayyor possesses cenotaphs in two separate ziyÄras.33 Another companion of the Prophet, Mikdet el-Yemin,34 is also present through cenotaphs in two separate ziyÄras. Using the Arabic term nabi-Allah (âMessenger of Godâ) on the inscriptions, the prophets Edris,35 Hemzi,36 and Yahya37 each have ziyÄras bearing their names. It is the prophet Yunus (Jonah), however, who is the most frequent sacred presence in the village after Hıdır, marked by three separate ziyÄras bearing his name.38 The ziyÄra dedicated to a group of seven unnamed prophets inscribed simply as âThe Seven Prophetsâ (Yedi Anbiya) is likely referencing the Quranic âSeven Sleepers,â associated with Ephesus in early Christian lore.39 The physical representation of this sacred group in the center of the structure is also unique: it is a single square monolith, rather than discrete cenotaphs, as is usually the case for multiple presences within one ziyÄra structure. Five cenotaphs in total throughout the village are dedicated to shaykhs, including the renowned figure of Alawi history, Hasan Ä°bin Mekzün Sincari (d. 1240) and his son Muhammad Ä°bin Mekzün Sincari (they are named on the ziyÄra along with the Prophet Edris).40 The shaykhs named on the three remaining cenotaphs I assume to be local until more research can be conducted.41 Finally, one ziyÄra identifies Sultan Habib Neccar in its inscription, who was a companion of Jesus Christ, whose sarcophagus is located in a subterranean shrine beneath Antiochâs oldest mosque, the Habib-i Neccar Cami.42
Of course, the reasons for ziyÄra visitation are many, with the various types of ritual visits warranting separate treatment. Communal ziyÄra visits, for example, are elaborate including feasts and events such as initiation and first hair cutting. These activities usually center on the sacrifice of an animal, and then the preparation and distribution of food. While my primary research focuses on healing rituals, for purposes of material inventory my survey includes all objects employed during an âordinary visit,â that is an informal visit of an individual or small group for the purpose of general petitions.43 Briefly, an âordinary visitâ entails a ritual greeting at the threshold of a ziyÄra and then entry into the shrine, thurification, prayers of greeting and prayer of petition (duÊ¿Äʾ) in the central ritual space, and then circumambulation (thrice) around the central cenotaph(s). Specific petitions are common enough to be included in an ordinary visit. Following are the materials and their descriptions necessary for an ordinary visit, and they are housed in virtually every constructed ziyÄra of the village.
4 Survey of Materials
On a basic level, this survey of the material objects used in the ziyÄra of the village can be divided into two categories: mobile materials and foundational objects. The former category includes a host of materials with which visitors interact including petitionary objects, healing aids, sacred texts, and binding materials. Thus, they are objects that are placed and replenished at the ziyÄra according to the needs of the visitors (figure 10.1). Foundational objects refer to the graves, cenotaphs and constructed stone formations, and sometimes trees; in other words, the material that is integral to the sacred vicinity. Since these foundational objects represent the sacred figures that are identified with the ziyÄra site, they cannot be separated from the sacred ground without fundamentally altering the ziyÄraâs status or effectiveness. In other words, the building structure of a ziyÄra, if it exists, is secondary to the substrata of foundational objects. Some ziyÄra have existed in the SamandaÄ region for years, decades or perhaps centuries, marked by both ordinary and sacred stones and materials, and without formal structures enclosing them. However, in recent years the construction of the foundational materials and domed buildings (at the same time, if funds are sufficient) is something people invested in the ziyÄra are compelled to do. This duty to build above the discerned ziyÄra is relayed anecdotally as a directive given by the venerated figure in dreams. But the pattern to build upon the original revelation of a ziyÄra is well established in this area, even if drawn out over years or even decades.
Materials used in ritual visitation including incense, copies of the Quran, headscarves, and oil
© Amelia Gallagher
5 Incense
Of all the mobile objects that mark the presence of a ziyÄra in the village, incense is the most essential in my observation. Frankincense is provided in every ziyÄra in the village. Incense and censers are even observed on sites of newly revealed ziyÄra which lack physical structures as visual and ritual confirmation of the sacred vicinity (figure 10.2). Also found at all the ziyÄra are numerous censers (Arabic: mabkhar)44 and matchboxes. Two types of censers are used: a terracotta goblet-like vessel, which is more traditional and also a more manufactured design adorned with oasis palm trees on the sides of the exterior. I was informed that the latter censer is a gift often brought back from Saudi Arabia by male villagers who work there seasonally. The ziyÄraâs frankincense, which is often situated in the central ritual space atop the cenotaphs, is provided for the visitorsâ use in large metal bowls, and a few coins can be dropped in a metal padlocked donation box. It is the case that thurification is the central ritual activity in a short ordinary visit, and serves the purpose of ritually purifying the area before any greetings, circumambulations, or petitionary prayers are performed.
Demarcated area of a newly discovered ziyÄra
© Amelia Gallagher
6 Textiles
As far as head covering is concerned, it is an unofficial requirement in the SamandaÄ area for women to loosely cover their hair with a scarf before entering a ziyÄra and headscarves are provided for this purpose, often at the entrance on wire wall racks. In this village, younger women of child-bearing age cover their hair only for funerals, work in the fields, or heavy housework. In the case of a death in oneâs clan, the period of wearing the headscarf is extended to anything between a few weeks and a couple of years. However, except for children, females of the SamandaÄ region generally cover their hair for shrine visitation regardless of their age.
A young boy circumambulates the central ritual stone adorned with lace-covered Qurans
© Amelia Gallagher
As an extension of this purpose of covering to protect sacred things, textiles are universally used in the village for covering the marble cenotaphs or maqÄm of the central ritual space. These central stone axes are never bare, but draped with green satin, and sometimes piled with cotton sheets which are dyed green as well. Green is present in many shades and is of course associated with both the Alid family line and the figure of al-Khidr, the âGreen One.â Mass-produced prayer rugs are piled upon these green coverings. Copies of the Quran are placed on the central cenotaphs and are often covered with doilies made of the local hand-made white lace that is particular to this area (figure 10.3).
7 The Quran
Several copies of the Quran adorn the tops of the central cenotaphs. These are hardcover decorated editions that are sold inexpensively in Turkey. The Qurans are not read or recited during ordinary visits, but rather used as ritual cultic objects. As the visitor circumambulates the cenotaph, these copies are touched, repeatedly opened and closed, and are kissed and placed to the forehead several times, in a traditional gesture akin to the respectful greeting of oneâs elders. The binding of many of these Qurans have worn away, and when the folios have become loose, they are not discarded, but remain on the cenotaph under a bag of incense to keep them in place.
8 Binding Materials: Cloth, Frankincense, Candles, and Coins
In the practice of binding, which is known in many parts of the world, a material object, such as a strip of cloth, is tied, nailed, or affixed to the sacred structure or to another object within its vicinity, such as a tree (Hasluck 1929, 93). The underlying motivations behind this action can be several, but within the ziyÄra investigated in this chapter, the visitor petitions the sacred personage through this material object, which binds the petition to the place of sacred efficacy. As seen in other ziyÄra across Turkey and elsewhere, strips of cloth are often tied to âpetition treesâ (dilek aÄacı) in this practice.45 What is notable for the ziyÄra presented in this chapter, however, is the location of the trees, many of which are found in courtyards and gardens of the ziyÄra complex. Two ziyÄra, however, housed trees within the shrine structure, growing out of the concrete flooring. One ziyÄra houses a thriving fig tree (Nabi Yunes, Mikdet El-Yemin), and the another, an olive tree (Seyidne Hıdır, Nebi Hemzi, Yünüs Ä°bin Mette).
The fig tree holds therapeutic properties (Turkish, Åifa), and grew through a crack in the floor of the ziyÄra after it was constructed. The olive tree came before the ziyÄra structure, however. A relative of the ziyÄraâs owner related that domesticated animals which had been yoked to the olive tree (both a sheep and a goat) had died. Death, whether in animals or humans, is a known consequence for not taking a ziyÄra claim seriously. Interpreting the animalsâ demise as a sign of the siteâs identity as a ziyÄra (manifest at this point as a fearsome power), the owner of the tree built a domed structure over the sacred olive tree. Both trees are hosts to numerous binding materials, including strips of cloth, tesbih (prayer beads) and unlit candles. Strips of green cloth taken from the textile material placed on the central cenotaphs for this purpose are also tied to iron grates over the window of the structure and on flag poles within the structure.
As just mentioned, tesbih and candles are also frequently used as binding materials. The tesbih are in a variety of materials and colors, and the candles are of the locally produced beeswax type, with pairs joined together by an uncut wick. Although I never witnessed the lighting of candles, nor have I observed any evidence of lit candles in any of these ziyÄra, bunches of unlit candles are frequently draped over tree branches (indoors and outdoors) along with other binding materials. Occasionally candles are draped over ropes that were tied to the cenotaphs themselves. Similarly, tesbih were often draped alongside these biding materials. Occasionally, they would be draped over the few iconic portraits or photographs.46
Classified here as another material for binding, raw frankincense is used in a way that can be described as a divinatory process (Procházka-Eisl and Procházka 2010, 202). The individual rocks are scraped along the wall of the structure or along the side of the cenotaph itself, with the petitioner releasing the pressure after a visible trace has been made by the amber pebbles in the hope that the incense will adhere to the wall. If it adheres, then the petition is likely to be granted. This practice was observed in most of the ziyÄras using frankincense. Only in one ziyÄra was physical evidence left showing this type of divinatory binding had been accomplished successfully with coins.
9 Therapeutic Materials: Oil, Water, Stones, and Trees
Small bottles of olive oil and water are present in most of the shrines, usually deliberately placed on the central cenotaph(s). Both liquids are used therapeutically, with water consumed, and both water and oil rubbed on the skin of petitioners. According to caretakers, bottles of oil and water are usually brought to ziyÄra on Thursdays, and then the visitor returns to collect and use their contents on Friday, which is the most auspicious day of the week. Cylinder-shaped stones, rendered smooth and shiny from use over time, are often placed against the walls for visitors to roll along their legs while seated for curative effect. Four separate ziyÄra in the village are known for their curative trees. Outside the Åeyh Daher shrine, a massive mulberry tree grew sideways to which visitors would bring children to pass under the trunk to counter bronchial problems (figure 10.4). This tree was chopped down in 2014 after it was damaged in an electrical storm, and the caretaker attesting that the number of people visiting the ziyÄra has declined since the removal of the famed tree. In the shrine in which the fig tree is growing inside mentioned above, the veins of the leaves are broken open, and the white liquid is applied to chronic skin conditions.
Mulberry tree with therapeutic properties
© Amelia Gallagher
These trees differ from other trees used for therapeutic or binding purposes, in that they are integral to the circumstances of the ziyÄraâs revelation to the locals in dreams and visions. As in the case cited above, anecdotes abound about how these trees have brought great distress, even death, upon those who have chopped them down. A large mulberry tree once grew directly behind the ziyÄra of Nabi Allah Edris, Åeyḫ Hasan Ä°bin Mekzün Sincari, and Åeyh Muhammad Ä°bin Mekzün Sincari. On its trunk, a stream of water seeped that was abundant enough to leave a visible mark. The water from this tree was rubbed on the foreheads of visitors, especially children, for general good health. A neighbor chopped down the tree (before 2015) because it encroached on his property and had died as a result, according to the ziyÄraâs owner, who relayed the events to me in a matter-of-fact manner. Another mulberry tree in the courtyard in front of the ziyÄra structure now produces water to the same curative effect.
10 Foundational Objects: Cenotaphs, Rocks, Constructed Mountains, and Trees
All the twelve ziyÄra in this village with constructed domed buildings house what appear to be sarcophagi-like cenotaphs. Properly speaking however, these are rectangular cenotaphs, constructed of local marble, as discussed above. It has been observed elsewhere that generally in Alawi ziyÄra, the approach to actual tombs and cenotaphs are not delineated among visitors (Procházka-Eisl and Procházka 2010, 88). In the ziyÄra of this village, when there are multiple cenotaphs, they are placed together in the central ritual space so that they can be circumambulated together, at once.
It is also standard in this village, and likely a common practice found in other Alawi ziyÄra, that the central cenotaph(s) are circumambulated several times, usually three. In one of the village ziyÄras, however, an anomalous configuration of three cenotaphs (Hıdır, MiÄdet Ä°l Yemin, Melek Cafer Tayyar) makes circumambulation impossible. In this particular ziyÄra, the corner of the cenotaph comes directly against one of the walls of the building, blocking visitors from making the customary ritual circuits. Such a placement must be deliberate and perhaps for reasons of âprohibited practiceâ that will be discussed below.
Central ritual space of the Hz. Hıdır Makamı
© Amelia Gallagher
As mentioned above, four of the five ziyÄra dedicated to Hıdır mark his place with sarcophagus-like cenotaphs alike in shape and size to all the others found within the village, both in the ziyÄra and in the cemeteries. In the singular ziyÄra dedicated to exclusively to Hıdır however, the Hz. Hıdır Makamı, the central ritual space is dominated by a central square marble block unlike any of the rectangle cenotaphs in the village. On top of it is a large mountain-like sculpture, which is in striking contrast to other ziyÄra interiors within the village (figure 10.5). In fact, this configuration of central ritual space, which is a sculpture resembling a mountain, can only be understood in relation to another ziyÄra located outside the village directly on the beach. The official inscription on the threshold of the large ziyÄra on the beach states: âThe Place of the Exalted Hızır, Peace be upon himâ (Hz. Hızir A.S. Makamı).47 Although more research is required, it is likely that the ziyÄra in the village is a direct replica of the interior of this regional shrine on the Mediterranean shore. Its central ritual space is a cut of a marble monolith, serving as a pedestal to a massive unburnished marble rock in the shape of a mountain. The original shrine on the beach is claimed and promoted as the meeting place of Hıdır and the Prophet Musa as described in the Sura of the Cave (Figure 10.6). While the replica shrine in the village remains small-scale, the growing renown of the beach ziyÄra is witnessed by the increasing number of tour buses that stop there, especially during the summer. Both of these ziyÄra employ the term makÄm on their threshold inscriptions, signaling that they are commemorating a very specific event of Quranic history.
Inscription referencing the Sura of the Cave (Surat al-Kahf, Quran: 18) in the Hz. Hızır Makamı in the Deniz district of SamandaÄ
© Amelia Gallagher
The configuration of these central stone structures in these two makam resemble the figuration found within the ziyÄra dedicated to the Seven Prophets (Yedi Anbiya). Likely this designation references the narrative of the Seven Sleepers, which is also found in the Sura of the Cave. The central axis of the Yedi Anbiya is also a large square monolith, and not separated into discrete cenotaphs. Of course, the Sleepers share a characteristic with Hıdır which would nullify the need for cenotaphs. They too are understood as individuals who defy mortality, lying in their tomb cave in a divinely induced sleep awaiting resurrection, according to the Sura of the Cave. Similarly, the central attribute of Hıdır is everlasting vitality, so even what may appear to be a tomb would be understood as a place of his presence, and not of his remains, which in any event, theoretically cannot exist.
11 Implications of Materiality in Alawi ZiyÄra
A ziyÄra is created from the ground up, figuratively and literally. Looking at this particular group of shrines from the point of view of their material contents has led to further analysis of the process of shrine revelation. For both visitors and the caretakers of this group of Alawi shrines, the material contents are vital in the discovery and practice of ziyÄra. While shrine construction in this area continues and even accelerates in all its material interaction, there are some indications of disapproval of this aspect of religiosity in other areas.
In some Alawi shrines of pre-war Syria, a process of âorthodoxificationâ has been observed. Certain practices like those that were described in this chapter were disapproved or even prohibited including the use of candles, incense, therapeutic stones, and binding with cloth.48 In a similar manner, the Turkish Ministry for Religious Affairs (Diyanet IÅleri BaÅkanlıÄı) disseminates a list of prohibited behaviors associated with visitation. This list is posted in places (makam, türbe) of pious visitation, all over Turkey in recent years. Although I have never observed the prohibitive list within or near any ziyÄra identified as Alawi such as what is described in this chapter, I have observed the list in larger shrines this region which are visited by both Sunnis and Alawis. These include the Eshab-i Kehf in Tarsus, the regional sacred site dedicated to the Seven Sleepers mentioned earlier. The list of prohibitions is also displayed in the tomb-shrine attached to Antakyaâs Habib-i Neccar Cami, the historical mosque situated over the tomb of the legendary martyr whose cenotaph is also found within a ziyÄra in the village (Seyidna El Hıdır, Melek Cafer El Tiyyor, Sultan Habib El Neccar). In the negative imperative mode, capitalized, with explanation marks, twelve actions are listed as âforbidden according to the religion of Islamâ:
Vows are not taken!
Animal sacrifices are not made!
Candles are not lit!
Cloth is not tied!
Stones and coins are not affixed!
Bowing or crawling are not permitted!
Money is not given!
Food items are not left!
Faces are not rubbed with hands!
Wishing for a cure/healing from the tomb of the saints [yatırlar] is forbidden!
Tombs of the saints [yatırlar] are not to be circumambulated!
Sleeping in the tomb is not permitted!
Although controlling certain ritual behaviors may be the main objective of these directives, the role of material objects within these rites is integral, and the censure of material paraphernalia from the Ministry is clear. Candles, stones, coins, food, and cloth are all essential materials in the ziyÄra in this survey. It would be a worthy study to investigate whether these directives have in fact affected actual practice. The tombs of the Habib-i Neccar Mosque, where these directives are displayed, are placed in such a way that make circumambulation impossible. This obstruction of ambulatory passage is also seen in one of the villageâs ziyÄra mentioned above (Il Hıdır, MiÄdet Ä°l Yemin, Melek Cafer Tayyar). Although more research is needed to determine the reason for the unique configuration of cenotaphs in any particular ziyÄra.
The Alawi concept of ziyÄra is multi-faceted and can be seen throughout the process of shrine discovery and construction. From revelation to materialization, though its multiple stages, the ziyÄra is understood as a presence, place, and practice. The most renowned ziyÄra in the SamandaÄ region and its replica in the village are identified as the meeting place of Hıdır and Moses as recounted in the Quran (18: 60â82). Within that Quranic episode, the meaning behind Hıdırâs incompressible actions are revealed to the prophet Moses. That is one of the reasons why Louis Massignon referred to this Quranic chapter as the âApocalypse of Islamâ (Massignon 1969). The process of establishing a ziyÄra is also like an apocalypse in that it is not something that is built so much as something revealed. Those privileged individuals who witness the luminosity are then deeply compelled to commemorate their revelation in material reality, as stones, trees, and mountains to encircle and enshrine.
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The area discussed in this chapter was struck by the Turkey-Syria earthquakes on February 6, 2023. The townspeople and structures of SamandaÄ were devastated. Most of the shrine structures suffered significant damage and many of the shrinesâ caretakers and their families lost their lives.
This chapter uses Arabic and Turkish words where necessary. Transliterations from Arabic are provided with full diacritics for technical terms only. Simplified romanization is used for proper nouns, place names, events, and commonplace Arabic terms. Technical terms and proper names in modern Turkish are provided in original Turkish romanization.
SamandaÄ is located on the Mediterranean coast, thirty minutes outside of Antioch. SutaÅı is known among its inhabitants by its Arabic place name, Sabuniye, which is also the name used to designate the Bronze-Iron Age archeological site located within its vicinity. On this site see Pamir (2013). The village of SutaÅı/Sabuniye was incorporated into the city of SamandaÄ (Arabic, Suadiye) as a neighborhood in 2016, and I continue to focus my research on this section of the city.
Alawi proponent-missionaries (dÄÊ¿Ä«) can be traced back to the ShiÊ¿i Hamdanid court of Aleppo in the tenth century. By the eleventh century, Latakia on the Syrian coast became an additional base for Alawi leadership, and settlements along the coast of Northwestern Syria gradually spread from there. As a demographic group, the Alawi were estimated to be about 10 % of the total population of Syria before the Syrian Civil War. In Ottoman times, what is now the province of Hatay (Antakya) was part of the district (sancak) of Ä°skenderun and then ruled as part of the French Mandate of Syria following World War I. When taken over by the Republic of Turkey in 1939, Hatay contained several Alawi-majority districts.
While qubba is the most general term to denote a domed construction, it is generally associated with a tomb, which is commonly termed mazar. However, nomenclature has varied over region, time, and status of the entombed. For example, the term mazar is not used in this community. On the varied terms associated with sacred tombs in Islamic history, see Diez (2012).
The plural forms in the Arabic or the Turkish are ziyÄrÄt and ziyaretler respectively. But I will only use the term in the singular in the interest of simplicity.
Procházka-Eisl and Procházka also note the term ziyÄra used in this way, to designate a place of sacred visitation. They further note the less-frequent extension of the term to mean the sacred person or saint associated with the locale (Procházka-Eisl and Procházka 2010, 112â113).
On the meaning of Karbala among the Alawi from a textual standpoint, see Friedman (2010, 158â159); Bar-Asher and Kofsky (2002, 128â129). The day of Ashura is observed by visitation during which a prayer referred to as the ziyÄrat yawm Ê¿ashÅ«raʾ is performed. Matti Moosa (1988, 390â391) includes a translation of a hymn of praise to the undying Husayn performed for this occasion.
Especially in the Turkish context it is wise to emphasize the distinction between Anatolian Alevis and Alawi-Nusayris. Anatolian Alevism was shaped by the historical Bektashi and Safavid Sufi orders, and thus their (derogatory) designation as âḲızılbaÅâ came to be. This historical and spiritual heritage is not shared by âArap Aleviler,â as they are referred to in the Turkish colloquial. Everything from pious visitation to religious authority, sacred texts, and ritual have developed independently and distinctly within these two group designations. However, as both Alawis and Alevis are Twelver, Ali-based sects within the Sunni-majority republic of Turkey, these communities have developed a discernable socio-political solidarity which can be seen on the level pious veneration as well. Within the Alawi (Nusayri) shrines in my sample, this affinity has manifest with the appearance of characteristic Anatolian Alevi references and décor. Iconic images of Hac BektaÅ would be a common example of this cultural-political alignment in the Alawi (Nusayri) ziyÄra context.
On efforts to convert Alawis in the nineteenth century, see Alkan (2012) and Talhamy (2011). On modern Shiʿi fatwas and their irenic tendency toward the Alawi, see Talhamy (2010). For more recent developments see Mervin (2010).
On the origins of the ghulÄt accusation, Anthony (2012).
A tripartite divinity is a feature of several Ali-centered sects. For a comparison see âThe Ghulatâs âTrinityââ in Moosa (1988, 50â65). Aspects of the Alawi divinity are the subject of much elaboration both in the primary and secondary sources. The divine structure is revealed as a hierarchy with the maÊ¿na (âessence,â identified as Ali Ibn Abi Talib) of the ism (âname,â identified as the Prophet Muhammad), and the bÄb (âgateway,â identified as Salman al-Farsi). The three-fold nature of the divinity has caused some to seek its origins in Christianity as first seriously proposed in Lammens (1899, 461â493).
Regarding subsequent theological development after Ibn Nusayr, special mention is also given al-Husayn ibn Hamdan al-Khasibi (d. 957 or 969) for his influence, although most of his writings have not survived. Al-Khasibi brought the Nusayri doctrine to the ShiÊ¿i Hamdanid court in Aleppo, gaining a foothold for the community in Syria and is often cited as a âSecond Founderâ of Nusayri ShiÊ¿ism.
According to Stefan Winter, a proponent of this view of the emergence of the Nusayri ghulÄt, âNusayrism simply represented the Syrian variant of medieval Twelver ShiÊ¿ism rather than a radical departureâ (Winter 2016, 11).
Two recent theses have directly dealt with the sensitive issue of Alawi initiation into religious secrecy: Tendler (2012) and Erdem (2010).
Although a full treatment of the institution of Alawi shaykhs is still desired, these hereditary lineages likely go as far back to the tribal consolidation of Alawi communities achieved under the leadership of Abu Muhammad Hasan al-Makzun al-Sinjari (d. 1240) (Winter 2016).
The extensive calendar of Alawi festivals was given its final (and still vital) form by Abu SaÊ¿id Maymun al-Tabarani (d. 1034), a Nusayri scholar who brought the center of the community to Latakia. See Winter (2016, 28). Animal sacrifice (qurbÄn) often takes place on the shrine grounds, with the preparation and sacrifice taking place within buildings set apart from the main sanctuary. For an extensive account of the Alawi calendar, see Friedman (2010, 152â173).
This theory was elaborated in a series on the Alawi by Lammens (Lammens 1899). For his extended argument which cites archeological evidence in response to Dussaudâs thesis of the Phoenician origins of Alawism, see Lammens (1901, 33â50).
According to Matti Moosa, â⦠nothing else in the whole Nusayri religious system so fully reveals the essence of their creed than their belief in the manifestation of their God Ali in the consecrated wineâ (Moosa 1988, 398).
Lyde published extracts from a manuscript entitled Manual for Shaykhs in his popular 1860 account The Asian Mystery: Illustrated in the History, Religion, and Present State of the Ansaireeh or Nusairis of Syria (233â269). Lost for years, Lydeâs original manuscript has been recently identified, giving his study a renewed legitimacy (Krieger 2014).
Before Lyde, Alawi-Nusayri manuscripts were published by a translator for the Prussian Consulate in Syria (Catafago 1848).
Formerly guarded Alawi-Nusayri manuscripts are published by the Lebanese press Dar li-Ajl al-MaÊ¿rifa and edited under a pseudonym. The editors and publishers of the press are associated with other publications exhibiting âgreat hostilityâ towards the Alawi religion (Friedman 2010, 2â3). Nevertheless, Friedman and others maintain the authenticity of the primary sources published by the press. According to Krieger, with these publications, âour understanding of this [AlawÄ«-Nusayri] faith can increase exponentiallyâ (Krieger 2014, 13).
Lyde (1860) proposed a Canaanite origin for the Alawi religious practice, while the French archaeologist René Dussaud put forth an ancient Phoenician origin for the Alawi people (Dussaud 1900).
Though it is difficult to identify with certainty what constituted Alawi shrines in the earlier medieval period, because Alawism as such did not exist entirely as a separate category. The tomb of the famous Alawi leader al-Khasibi (d. 967 or 969) outside of Aleppo was venerated as such until modern times (Winter 2016, 20). Syrian territory also hosted numerous Alid sanctuaries which were recorded in Kitab al-Ziyarat of Ali ibn Ali Bakr al-Harawi (d. 1215). One such Alid shrine near al-Maskanah, which dates to 1076â1077, is dedicated to Khidr (Sourdel and Sourdel-Thomine 1974, 247â253).
For a historical reconstruction of Alawi migration to their present areas of present settlement, see Winter (2016, 17â41). On the later, eighteenth century migration of the Alawi to the Ãukurova region in southern Turkey, see Procházka-Eisl and Procházka (2010, 49â54).
For a recent cross-cultural treatment of ziyÄra as a practice, see Rahimi and Eshaghi (2019); McGregor (2016).
This lack of distinction was also noted in the study of Procházka-Eisl and Procházka (2010). Citing a rare publication by an Alawi shaykh (Serin 1998), the theory of tashrīfa is described to explain the relationship of venerated figures with particular places. Tashrīfa refers to a sacred type of visit whereby a figure blesses a locale by virtue of his presence (ruḥ) at one point in time, and not by any physical remains (Procházka-Eisl and Procházka 2010, 88). It is also notable that the term mazar is not used, which is common designation in other regions to designate a tomb.
This would be apparent by the number of sarcophagi from various civilizations on display in the recently renovated Archeological Museum (Arkeologi Müzesi) located in Antioch.
This is adapted from Procházka-Eisl and Procházkaâs, categorization of âsanctuariesâ (as they translate the physical structures of ziyÄra). The other categories in their survey include the âsupra-regionalâ and âsupra-local,â (Procházka-Eisl and Procházka 2010, 183).
Spelling of names varies even within the village, so I have listed them here as they appear on the individual sites. The list here does not follow a particular pattern, but it does begin with the ziyÄra I have determined to the oldest in the village. It is dedicated exclusively to Hıdır (Hz. Hıdır Makamı, no. 1) overlooking the banks of the Orontes (Asi) River.
Hz. is an abbreviation of hazret (the Exalted), an honorific title often used as an expression of reverence to saintly figures of the Islamic faith. It denotes the âpresenceâ of the saintly figure and translates (roughly) as âhis eminence.â
Hıdır (as his name appears on the signs of the village ziyÄras), is the figure identified by Quranic commentators as the guide of the Prophet Moses in the Surah al-Kahf (18:62â80). With the etymology of his name connected to a vegetative green, âKhiá¸râ developed into an immortal savior figure in Islamic culture. Just as in Syria, the figure has particular relevance in the shrine culture of the Alawi in Turkey (Türk 2002). However, in Turkey âHızırâ is not a sectarian icon but is popular among many Muslim communities (Ocak 1985). The pioneering researcher René Dussaud acknowledged the importance of Khidr in Alawi âpopular religion,â referring to his veneration as the âcult of the non-initiatedâ (Dussaud 1900, 128â135). Tord Olsson expands on this theory of Hıdır by stating âto the non-initiates he certainly plays the same role as Ê¿Ali to the initiated, that is, as the corporeal manifestation of the divinity. It is thus very likely that the bulk of legends connect with Khiá¸r is an exoteric analogue to the esoteric myths which are linked to Ê¿Ali as the physical epiphany of the transcendent divinity â¦â (Olsson 1998, 181).
JaÊ¿far ibn Abi Talib is a cousin of the Prophet Muhammad and the brother of Imam Ali. He is reportedly one of the first converts to Islam. Referred to as âThe Kingâ (al-malik), and also as the one who flies (al-tayyar), he lost both arms in battle before is martyrdom in 629 CE and, according to Islamic mythology, was rewarded by wings in the Afterlife. Other ziyÄras dedicated to him in Syria and in Ãurokova are noted as well. See Procházka-Eisl and Procházka (2010, 137); Vaglieri (2012).
Another important figure in Alid history is al-Miqdad ibn Ê¿Amr (d. 653â4), a companion of the Prophet and early political supporter of Ali. According to Procházka-Eisl and Procházka (2010, 138â139), his ziyÄra in Mersin is frequented by Sunnis as well. On the designation of âMikdet El-Yaminâ as one of the five âorphansâ (yatÄ«m) in the Alawi hierarchy, see Bar-Asher and Kofsky (2002, 18, 86).
Probably the Quranic Prophet Idris, mentioned in surahs nine and twenty-one. Some later commenters linked the figure to Khidr. See Vajda (2012).
Identified as ânabiâ on his cenotaph, this figure is possibly referring to the revered Hamza ibn Ê¿Abd al-Muttalib, the uncle of the Prophet Muhammad who was martyred at the battle of Uhud (625). The prophetâs daughter Fatima reportedly took care of Hamzaâs grave (Haider 2016).
The Prophet Yaḥya ibn Zakariyya, John the Baptist of the New Testament. As the child of a barren and aged mother, his unlikely birth may have played a role in the decision to dedicate this ziyÄra exclusively to him. Petitions for fertility are commonplace in the village.
Yunus, twice designated in the village as âibin Meteâ (the son of his motherâs name, MattÄ). Replete with miraculous events in both scripture and legend, the story of Jonah incubating in the fish is especially beloved by the ShiÊ¿a for its prefiguration of occultation (ghayba).
This conclusion seems likely as the narrative of the Seven Sleepers is contained within the surah al-Kahf (18: 6â26), perhaps the most crucial surah shaping shrine culture in this area. Moreover, a large ziyÄra of the Seven Sleepers located in Tarsus is also well known to the villagers. Procházka-Eisl and Procházka (2010, 183) designate the Tarsus Ashab al-Kahf as a âsupra-regional sanctuary.â Though it is not an exclusive or typical Alawi ziyÄra, many of the villagers have been to the Tarsus site for pious visitation.
Known for his mystical treatises as well as his military defense of Alawi tribes against the Ismailis, Hasan al-Makzun al-Sinjari (d. 1240), âstands as perhaps the most prominent individual in Ê¿Alawi historyâ (Winter 2016, 37).
These three remaining shaykhs are Åeyh Daher (the sole cenotaph in this ziyÄra), Åeh Ali El Kebir and Åeh Muhammad El Nurani, (as their names and titles appear in their makam).
The structure of Antiochâs Habib-i Neccar Cami dates from the nineteenth century but was built upon an earlier mosque. The lore surrounding Habib âThe Carpenterâ is well known in Hatay. A companion of the prophet Jesus (Ê¿Isa), he died a martyr while proselytizing among the pagans of the ancient city of Antioch. Although the mosque is not officially a place of Alawi ziyÄra, many of the villagers have visited his subterranean tomb (which is shared with other of his companions).
Procházka-Eisl and Procházkaâs study characterize a similar type of visit as âtypicalâ (Procházka-Eisl and Procházka 2010, 195).
The Turkish buhurdan is the dictionary definition, but the term bakurluk is used in the local dialect.
An early survey of this practice in Anatolia is found in Hasluck (1929, 262â263). Can (2015, 50) refers to this practice as leaving a âmaterial memory of oneâs visit.â
The iconic images with the shrines were most often portraits of Ali, followed by the Twelve Imams, and Hac BektaÅ. Photographic representations of the Kaaba are also present.
On this ziyÄra, see Prager (2013, 49â50).
Dick Douwes interprets this âpurificationâ of Alawi shrines in Syria as an effort to align Alawi practice with accepted precepts of Twelver ShiÊ¿ism (Douwes 2013, 78).