Considering the significance of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn in Karbala and its role in developing collective ShiÊ¿i identity1 during the first Islamic century (Anno Hegirae, hereafter AH), any relevant associations would come to be seen as symbolic, becoming part of the sacred memory of the Imami (Twelver) ShiÊ¿i community. Pilgrimage visits and material objects, such as the soil taken from Husaynâs grave, would play a pivotal role in this regard.2
In the context of reviving his memory and recounting his status, the grave soil of Husayn has occupied a prominent position. The ShiÊ¿i imams presented it as an object through which the community could strengthen its physical and spiritual dimensions. The related reports can illustrate how the soil was fundamentally presented as a source of blessing and that these blessings were mainly to be pursued by, though not limited to, therapeutic oral use, and how much of the subsequent discourse revolved around the conditions, names, and advantages of its use and other uses. These statements are made despite the absolute prohibition by ShiÊ¿i jurists of orally consuming any other soil (Al-Khuʾi 1991, 88), as well as the chastisement of those who consume soil from the graves of any other imam. The venerative history of the soil can be seen in the formation of certain rituals, such as placing the soil in a newbornâs palate, tasting it for recuperation, and using it to break the fasting month of Ramadan on the feast of Eid al-Fitr.
It is fitting to place contemporary studies and debates on the grave of Husayn in the sense of more general studies on the tradition of tabarruk (seeking blessings)3 in which members of the community pursue blessings through the bodies or objects of prophets and saints. In his study on mimesis, mediation and ingestion, Finbarr Barry Flood elaborates on various devotional practices amongst Christians and Muslims involving bodily engagement, to argue that not only are such rituals common to many religious traditions, but that they embody the capacity of materiality to mediate sacrality that exists both transculturally and transhistorically (Flood 2014, 461). While it falls outside the context of practices sanctioned in modernity as a fitting response to material and objects associated with sacred figures, Flood (2014, 462) suggests that the resistance and longevity of some of these practices have in fact caused them to conform to modern technologies, further stressing their significance to religious tradition participants. Parker Selby (2017, 53) highlights the aspect of seeking blessings by drawing parallels between the practice of Christian and Islamic saint cults, elaborating on how both show devotion to a martyrâs final resting place and occupy themselves by collecting relics associated with a saintâs body. He recalls several cases where both Christian and ShiÊ¿i traditions speak of using the grave soils of saints for their curative and talismanic properties and concludes that the ShiÊ¿i practice of using Husaynâs grave soil may have been borrowed from a wider tradition of pilgrimage shared by pre-Islamic Jewish, Greek, or Roman religions (Selby 2017, 58).
Josef Meri (1999, 51â52) suggests that the grave soil of Imam Husayn and the soil of Karbala more generally played a significant role as an object of veneration and a source of blessing. Since the phenomenon of seeking blessings requires physical as well as spiritual interaction with the object of devotion, many ShiÊ¿i pilgrims to Karbala would orally consume the grave soil or take an amount back with them for continued benefits. In his extensive analysis on the motif of the soil of Karbala, Khalid Sindawi (2012, 21â40) concludes that while the soil, due to its association with misfortune, was considered cursed during the first two Islamic centuries, the communityâs attitudes towards it eventually changed. As it was also the burial place of Husayn, they went from considering it cursed to seeing it as sanctified. This attitude was often justified through various traditions, such as those granting it higher significance than the soil of Mecca and those associating it with past prophets and messengers. Mehreen Jiwan (2019) in her study expounds on the notion of the soilâs scent and how it was employed as a means of shaping the ShiÊ¿i worldview. According to Jiwan, the scent of the grave soil is the means through which the ShiÊ¿i experience Husaynâs spiritual presence with which they desire to build a connection. She concludes that smelling the soil of Karbala constructs a collective memory which revolves around mourning Husayn, making present the loss of the imam, as well as linking the community to its hagiographic past and salvific future.
However, these studies do not date the advent and development of this tradition in the early ShiÊ¿i community, and it would be inaccurate to conclude that it was widespread in the years immediately following Husaynâs martyrdom. In the larger sense, the study of the formation and development of turbat rituals in the early ShiÊ¿i community remained somewhat unknown. The present study argues that many extant reports related to the grave soil of Husayn should be regarded with respect to the historical development of these rituals in the early ShiÊ¿i community. By way of a historical and textual study of the primary sources of Twelver ShiÊ¿ism, this chapter will include an account of the origin and development of the rituals of the seeking blessings in the grave of Husayn. This study sheds light on the discourse surrounding the soil of Karbala and, more specifically, contributes to a deeper understanding of its development in the early ShiÊ¿i community.
1 Karbala, Turbat al-Husayn, and Early Shiʿi Collective Identity
Although before the martyrdom of Husayn, the Muslims had just been divided into two dominant parties, namely the supporters of the Alid family and the supporters of Muʿawiyya, the distinct Shiʿi community due to a specific code of conduct and shared collective memory did not yet exist (Nakash 1993, 161). Knowing when a Twelver Shiʿi collective identity was formed rests on knowing the exact point in time the Shiʿa4 began seeing themselves as a community distinct from the general populous, and furthermore, distinct from other Shiʿi trends and off-shoots.
Maria Massi Dakakeâs Loyalty, Love and Faith: Defining the Boundaries of the Early ShiÊ¿ite Community is perhaps the most significant work which provides an overview of collective identity formation in ShiÊ¿ism.5 Dakake focuses on two early concepts â walÄya (divine authority) and imÄn (belief)6 â which were ever-present in ShiÊ¿i literature and highlights three stages of the development of the collective ShiÊ¿i identity. In the first stage, the ShiÊ¿a began to recognize themselves as an active and self-sacrificing group whose members would assert their association through personal beliefs. In the second stage, which took place during the later period of the Umayyad dynasty, the ShiÊ¿a would adopt more absolutist and selective views, such that they would view themselves as a community chosen by God, existing in a world which was divided into believers and disbelievers. In the third and final stage, which occurred during the initial period of the Abbasid dynasty, the ShiÊ¿a adopted a subtler, albeit hierarchical, view of the members of their community; this view was fundamentally concerned with their co-existential relationship with the majority, the non-ShiÊ¿i community. These early years served as the catalyst for the formation of a set of religio-legal norms and paved the way for an integrated community which would eventually distinguish itself from the rest of the Muslim community (Dakake 2000, iii).
Perhaps no other event in Islamic history has played as prominent a role in shaping collective Shiʿi identity as the martyrdom of Husayn and his companions in the Battle of Karbala. One of the most significant events during the formative period of Shiʿism was the martyrdom of the third Shiʿi imam, Husayn, in Karbala in 680. The Battle of Karbala instilled certain perceptions within the Shiʿi community which culminated in a distinct theology, rooted in the belief of a divine leader appointed directly by God. While the tragedy of Karbala had a deep impact on the perceptions of Muslim communities, for the Shiʿa it transcended mere emotional commitment or desire for retribution.
The events of Karbala quickly paved the way for a discourse which highlighted a symbolic stance against an oppressive power, whose climax was the martyrdom of Husayn. This event was a movement which altered the prerogative of the subsequent Shiʿi imams; that is to say, it was a transition from Husayn, a politically active individual whose intention was to implement just government, to his relatively silent successor (Moghadam 2012, 14). After Karbala, instead of the imam being recognized as a politically active authority whose role was to rectify the transgressions committed against the rights of Ahl al-Bayt, the family of the Prophet Muhammad, the imam was instead considered to be a possessor of religious and political insight which constituted the divine Islamic revelatory teachings. Though Muslim societies in general had been politically unstable since the middle of the second century AH, this was a crucial period for the Shiʿa to express themselves against various opponents and religious trends which enjoyed political support (Sachedina 1995; Kohlberg 1975, 396; Hodgson 1955, 1).
During the times of the fifth and sixth imams, Muhammad al-Baqir (d. 114/ 732) and Jafar al-Sadiq (d. 148/765), the collective ShiÊ¿i identity became well-formed (Pakatchi 1380 AHSh, 158â159). The Twelver ShiÊ¿a are indebted to the imamsâ efforts in formulating a religio-legal ShiÊ¿i doctrine, which was previously unclear, and even influenced by the Ê¿Ämma (commoners). An explicit report from al-Sadiq shows that though ShiÊ¿i imamate sequentially began from the first century AH, âthe ShiÊ¿a before [al-Baqir] did not know what they were required to know from the permissible and the impermissible,â (al-Kashi 1409 AH, 424) and the source for their knowledge on these matters was the non-ShiÊ¿a. With al-Baqirâs efforts, the ShiÊ¿i doctrine, particularly in matters of law, began to take shape, and eventually, the ShiÊ¿a became less dependent on others for their religious inquiries.
Subsequently, a distinguished congregational identity began to develop, especially in Kufa, amongst al-Sadiqâs companions and students. This group came to be known as al-JaÊ¿fariyya. According to one report, when Abu Kurayba and Muhammad bin Muslim â two companions of Jafar al-Sadiq â were brought to Sharik b. Ê¿Abdillah b. Sinan, the judge of Kufa, to bear witness in a case, he addressed them as JaÊ¿fari Fatimi (Al-Kashi 1409 AH, 162). It was within this framework of identity-formation that the ShiÊ¿a began referring to the majority of the Muslim community as the Ê¿Ämma. It is not clear when the term Ê¿Ämma began to be used extensively amongst the ShiÊ¿a; however, the term does exist in a few reports attributed to al-Baqir, suggesting that it may have been common jargon amongst his companions. It is possible that the Arabic term maqÄlÄt al-Ê¿awÄmm (the doctrines of the masses or commoners), which was used to refer to an unknown group soon after the martyrdom of Husayn, may have been the initial basis for the termâs usage in later periods (Kohlberg 2011).
It was in such circumstances that traditions and anecdotes in reference to events related to the military campaign of Karbala developed a symbolism of religious affiliation to an afflicted and martyred Husayn. The sorrowful events of Karbala embodied various salient and symbolic qualities which helped to develop a shared collective memory for the ShiÊ¿a. The consequences of the event led to the formation of various social norms, fostered greater persistence and strength, and allowed for the differentiation of the ShiÊ¿a from the larger Muslim community, who they began to refer to as the commoners. Through the course of history, the ShiÊ¿a have consciously resorted to different rituals to invoke memories of the events of Karbala. Elements such as memorial services, chest-beating, pilgrimages and visitations to the shrines, and other similar acts have been used to shape identity and solidify collective memory. One such associated element is turbat al-Husayn, which has been used by the ShiÊ¿a throughout the centuries in various ways and for different reasons (Nakash 1993, 161â162). Sindawi (2012, 36â39) pointed out that turbat al-Husayn has served as an important element in developing the Twelver ShiÊ¿i sectarian identity.
2 Turbat al-Husayn as a Ritual of Seeking Blessings in Shiʿism
As the ShiÊ¿a developed their communal bonds under the guidance of al-Baqir and al-Sadiq, they came to be identified through numerous salient qualities and practices. In this light, the grave soil of Husayn became a well-known object of veneration and seeking blessings. A great part of these venerations was concerned with the consumption of the soil for its curative properties. According to the Twelver jurisprudential tradition, consuming soil from around the vicinity of any grave, or rather, all soil in general, is prohibited; the soil from the grave of Husayn is the only exception to this rule. According to a report attributed to al-Sadiq, eating soil is akin to eating âcarrion, blood and swine,â (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 AHSh, 285), which indicates the severity of its prohibition. It is important to note, however, that though the grave soil of Husayn is considered an exception, al-Sadiq has likened eating an excessive amount of it to eating the flesh and blood of the family of Husayn (al-Tusi 1411 AH, 466, 734). This statement highlights the fact that his grave soil should be orally consumed with precaution and only to the extent necessary.
The methods of consumption which formed part of this ritual of tabarruk for the nascent ShiÊ¿i community were not uniform. One of the methods reported involves taking a small amount of soil from Husaynâs grave and placing it on the palate of a newborn child (Al-Majlisi 1403 AH, vol. 98, 136). Another ritual relates to the celebratory occasion of Eid al-Fitr, which occurs after a month-long period of fasting during Ramadan, the ninth month of the Muslim lunar calendar. As per one report, the ShiÊ¿a are recommended to break their fast on the last day with a small amount of soil to mark the end of the fasting period and the start of a day of festivity (Nuri 1408 AH, vol. 6, 135). In most other extant accounts in Twelver works, the soil has generally been introduced as a treatment and a source of healing as we will demonstrate in this chapter. In some of these reports, a specific way of consuming the soil by mixing it with honey and saffron has been detailed. A few narrations describe its consumption by making it into a drink, while others delineate the preparation of a prayer bead mixed with water to be used for treatment (al-Tusi 1414 AH, 319â320). In some reports, a series of supplications have been prescribed for recitation while consuming the soil (al-Tusi 1411 AH, vol. 2, 734; Ibn Quluwayh 1356 SH, 280).
Though most reports about the grave soil concern its sanctity and the various methods of consumption, they have not been limited to these prescriptions. In Twelver jurisprudential works, extensive discussions have taken place with respect to the soilâs use as a clay tablet for prostration during prayer7 or for the purpose of making prayer beads (al-Tusi 1407 AH, vol. 6, 75). At the time of burial, it has also been recommended to place a small amount of this soil on the coffin (Shahid II 1422 AH, vol. 2, 383), such that the deceased may enjoy tranquility and ease when passing into the afterlife. Additionally, some have mentioned including a small amount of the soil of Husaynâs grave with objects for their safety while being transported.
3 The Earliest Debates on Turbat
Even though Ali Zayn al-Ê¿Abidin, Husaynâs son, played a unique role in highlighting the event of Karbala, the earliest report pertaining to turbat al-Husayn comes after his time. Extant reports in ShiÊ¿i sources indicate that veneration of the soil as a source of tabarruk and cure can be traced back to the early second century AH. Numerous narrations indicate that discourse concerning the grave soil developed as early as the first half of the second century, amongst which the traditions of the two imams, Muhammad al-Baqir (d. 177/733) and his son, al-Sadiq (d. 148/765), appear to be most prominent. However, even during these years the greatest number of reports specifically using the term turbat al-Husayn are attributed to al-Sadiq. The content and quantity of these reports are significant enough for one to assume that this specific discourse was prevalent during the first half of the second Islamic century. These reports lead us to a high degree of assurance that such discourse did indeed begin forming and developing during this period.
The debate around the practice of seeking blessings from the soil of Husayn was not distinct from the general practice of seeking blessings from the grave soil of the dead. It appears that seeking blessings from the tombs of the dead had a precedent in the Islamic community even before Husaynâs martyrdom (see later in this section). Due to his noble status, the practice of seeking blessings through the grave soil of Husayn was deemed to be of greater importance.
In some reports, the curative properties of Husaynâs grave soil have been discussed, while in others, the specific methods of consuming the soil for seeking blessings and cures have been described. In the earliest extant report on turbat, al-Baqir speaks about a paste prepared by mixing honey, saffron, and soil taken from the grave of Husayn for treating the sick (al-Barqi 1371, vol. 2, 500). In another narration, al-Baqir advises his companion, Muhammad ibn Muslim al-ThaqafÄ«, to consume a drink mixed with the grave soil of Husayn, to cure his illness (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 SH, 274â275).
Though the later Twelver ShiÊ¿i jurisprudential tradition would forbid the consumption of all soil except that of the grave of Husayn, it is important to note that in the aforementioned incident where Muḥammad ibn Muslim al-Thaqafi is cured by means of a drink al-Baqir prescribed him, there is no explicit mention of whether the soil used in that drink was from the grave of Husayn. Rather, al-Baqirâs narration suggests that the soil was taken from the graves of his forefathers. This wording implies that at that time, al-Baqir perhaps had not yet restricted therapeutic consumption of soil to the grave soil of Husayn; rather, it was inclusive of the graves of other ShiÊ¿i imams as well.
In another corroborative account attributed to al-Sadiq, he explicitly states that the grave soils of the Prophet, Ali, Hassan, and al-Baqir can cure ailments. The narration, however, is silent on the method of seeking this cure; hence, it cannot be concluded whether such healing is accomplished through oral consumption (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 SH, 280). Furthermore, in response to a question posed to al-Sadiq regarding the quality of prayer beads made from the grave soil of Husayn and Ḥamza (d. 3/624), Prophet Muhammadâs uncle and key aide in the formative years of Islam, al-Sadiq says that the merits of a prayer bead made from Husaynâs grave soil is so great that âit does tasbīḥ8 in the hand of a man without he himself actively glorifyingâ (Ibn Mashhadi 1419 AH, 367; al-Tabrisi 1412 AH, 281). This question and response acknowledge that the grave soil of Hamza had been used to make prayer beads, and was also seen as a source of blessing for the early Muslim community.
Although a few of the aforementioned incidents explicitly allude to the inherent blessings found in other grave soils, other reports emphasize that the seeking of blessings through ingesting and eating soil, regardless of its source, is prohibited upon the children of Adam, excepting the grave soil of Husayn (al-Majlisi 1403 AH, vol. 57, 154). The existence of reports which prohibit the consumption of soil indicates the presence of practices of seeking blessings through consuming the soil of gravesites belonging to noble personalities within the Muslim community. If the two aforementioned accounts of al-Baqir and al-Sadiq are true, it appears that the imams may have initially allowed the seeking of blessings through orally consuming the grave soils of a few selected figures. Eventually, however, they came to forbid these practices, prohibiting tabarruk in this specific manner. This prohibition would exempt the grave soil of Husayn.
These early instances describe how the grave soil of Husayn seems to have first been introduced to the Shiʿi community. The reports on the grave soil which date back to the former half of the second Islamic century indicate that the earliest use of the soil was as a cure for ailments, as specifically prescribed by al-Baqir and al-Sadiq. Narrations which would follow in the latter half of the second Islamic century would not only be greater in quantity, but more detailed as well.
4 Contribution of Imam al-Sadiq to the Development of Turbat Debates
During al-Sadiqâs imamate, which comprised the second quarter of the second Islamic century, the healing properties of Husaynâs grave soil continued to be emphasized. A report in which Abu Hamza al-Thumali â a companion of al-Sadiq â relates a conversation he had with al-Sadiq in Mecca on this subject illustrates how seeking cure and blessings through the grave soil had become so prevalent amongst the Twelver ShiÊ¿a that he questions the imam about the accuracy of such sanctification (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 AHSh, 280). Some reports even indicate that a paste mixed with the soil taken from the grave of Husayn was distributed for the treatment of the ill in Kufa during his time (al-Kulayni 1407 AH, vol. 4, 588).
As a result, certain developments also occurred during this period which differentiated it from those preceding it. Several rituals related to Husaynâs grave soil came into existence or became sanctified during al-Sadiqâs time, many of which did not have precedents during his fatherâs imamate. One such act involved encouraging the placement of a small amount of soil inside the mouth of a newborn child (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 AHSh, 278). However, it cannot be precisely established that this ritual had become a widespread practice amongst the ShiÊ¿a. It must be acknowledged that during a historical investigation of a community, the mere emphasis or encouragement of a practice seen in some accounts does not necessitate the prevalence of a practice in the community at large.
Another development which occurred during the mid-second Islamic century was the placement of detailed conditions on those who sought cure for their ailments from the grave soil. Surprisingly, some reports appear to emphasize that the healing properties of the soil are closely linked to the userâs assertion to the right of divine authority and leadership of Abu Ê¿Abdillah, an epithet which either refers to Jafar al-Sadiq or to Husayn himself (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 AHSh, 278).
As discourse amongst the ShiÊ¿a related to the sanctified status of Husaynâs grave soil expanded during al-Sadiqâs time, a new aspect, previously of little concern, began to be addressed. Questions arose related to the boundaries of the grave from where the soil could be taken, and which soil possessed the qualities and blessings that had become well-known to the ShiÊ¿a. In response to these concerns, it appears that the term ḥÄʾir, linguistically meaning a hollow land where water collects, came to be used for Husaynâs sanctuary, highlighting the boundaries which delineated the soil of his grave (Nuri 1408 AH, vol. 10, 331). In some traditions, these boundaries have specifically been defined and outlined (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 AHSh, 275, 280; al-Mufid 1413 AH, 145). This specification of boundaries was so precise and was taken so seriously that some would even dig holes around the grave of Husayn to mark it, to ensure that the correct soil was taken for seeking blessings (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 AHSh, 279).
Despite the prevalent practice of taking and using this soil, some accounts have indicated skepticism; individuals who used the soil to cure their ailments but did not see any results questioned the soilâs healing properties and whether it was truly blessed. In response to this, there are some narrations from al-Sadiq where he discusses required pre-conditions for the effectivity of the soil, and which situations would not result in any effect (al-Rawandi 1407 AH, 186).
In addition to the theological belief in divine authority, having certainty in the grave soilâs effects, as well as keeping it out of the reach of the devils and the djinn,9 were also conditions for one to see considerable results of the soil. In a few reports, it is emphasized that the moment the soil is removed from the sanctuary, it is no longer under the protection of angels, and devils and genies can corrupt its effects by touching it themselves (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 AHSh, 281). It is perhaps for this reason that other reports specify etiquettes and supplications for the moment the soil is taken from Husaynâs sanctuary. These would have been prescribed out of the possibility that, once removed from its source, the soilâs effects would cease to exist (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 AHSh, 283â284).
5 Development of Turbat Rituals in the Second Half of the Second Islamic Century
In the second half of the second Islamic century, a report from the seventh ShiÊ¿i imam â Musa al-Kazim (d. 183/799) â signifies that by the time of his imamate, the practice of taking soil for blessings from the graves of righteous and noble personalities had become widespread. This act was censured, as demonstrated by al-Kazimâs explicit prohibition to his companion ânot to take anything from my soil for the purpose of seeking blessings, for all our soil is prohibited except the soil of my grandfather Husaynâ (al-Saduq 1420 AH, vol. 1, 100â104). In another report, he echoes the sentiments of his father, JaÊ¿far al-Sadiq, emphasizing that the oral consumption of soil is prohibited, as is the consumption of blood, carrion, and swine, but that consuming soil from the grave of Husayn is an exception to the rule and a cure for all ailments (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 AHSh, 285).
The era of al-Kazim differs from that of his forefathers, al-Baqir and al-Sadiq, in that the sanctity of the soil became deeply associated with the essence of Shiʿism, to the extent that no Shiʿa was expected to be free of this linkage to turbat. In one report, al-Kazim claims that the Shiʿa of the imams can never do without four things, one of them being a prayer bead made from the soil taken from the grave of Husayn (al-Tusi 1407 AH, vol. 6, 75; Kashani 1406 AH, vol. 14, 1531). This report is unprecedented, as the reports attributed to the previous two imams do not provide such explicit definitions of what composes a Shiʿi identity, nor do they specifically delineate the soil of Husayn as being a critical component.
Another unprecedented practice which seems to appear during al-Kazimâs time is the placing of a small amount of soil on the coffin of the deceased. There is no extant reference to this act in the narrations of al-Sadiq or al-Baqir (al-Tusi 1407 AH, vol. 6, 76; 1411 AH, vol. 2, 735).
By the end of the second Islamic century and beginning of the third, a few remnant traditions attributed to Ali al-Ridha (d. 202/818), the eighth ShiÊ¿i imam, highlight the continuation of his father, al-Kazimâs, teachings. Al-Ridha emphasized the healing properties and sanctified status of the soil (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 AHSh, 278â279; al-Ridha 1406 AH, 345). Under these conditions, a new practice emerged â namely, the placing of the soil in a wrapped cloth as a source of protection and safety. In many cases, the soil was placed with any object meant to be transported or mailed until it reached the safety and protection of its recipient (Ibn Quluwayh 1356 AHSh, 278).
6 Turbat and Twelver Shiʿi Written Heritage in the Middle Ages
It was earlier mentioned that the earliest Twelver ShiÊ¿i source on the soil of Husayn is the third Islamic century work al-MaḥÄsin. Despite this, the reports compiled in works written after al-MaḥÄsin are of such reliability that they may be depended upon to argue for the presence of discourse concerning the grave soil dating back to the second Islamic century and extending into the third Islamic century. Their quantity, subject matter, and methods of transmission are such that an unprejudiced reader can be convinced of the existence of a discourse much earlier than the date of the book in which it first makes an appearance.
Subsequently, the fourth Islamic century was most notable for the appearance of what would be the earliest collection of narrations on the subject. Ibn Quluwayh al-Qumi (d. 367/977) compiled KÄmil al-ZiyÄrÄt, the most significant Imami work on the practice of visiting the graves of the ShiÊ¿i imams. A large portion of this book concerns the visitation of Husayn, and, by extension, the soil around his grave. Many reports in this work indicate a development of the discourse regarding the soil during the beginning of the second Islamic century.
The fourth century AH is also when the ḥadÄ«th collector, Muḥammad bin YaÊ¿qub al-Kulayni (d. 329/941), compiled his opus magnum al-KÄfÄ«, the most authoritative Imami collection of ḥadÄ«th. He records some narrations on the soil of Husayn in his book (al-Kulayni 1407 AH, vol. 4, 588), chronologically placing his work before that of Ibn Quluwayh.
After Ibn Quluwayh, another well-known Twelver scholar and ḥadÄ«th collector, Ibn Babawayh al-Qummi (d. 381/991), commonly known as Shaykh al-Saduq, recorded several relevant narrations in various works (al-Saduq 1420 AH, vol. 1, 100â104; 1385 AHSh, vol. 2, 533). Most of these narrations do not allude to a new aspect of the discourse beyond what had been previously mentioned. Thus, it cannot be inferred that new practices or rituals related to the soil of Husaynâs grave had appeared in the fourth Islamic century which were not already present in the second and third centuries.
In short, references related to the soil amongst the Twelver ShiÊ¿is during the Middle Ages, the fifth to the tenth Islamic centuries, are illustrative of a continuous presence of a discourse. However, later discourse on the etiquettes of seeking cures and venerating the soil was deeply rooted in earlier Twelver works. This was particularly reflected during this period in works of supplications, visitations, and amulets. The fifth Islamic century scholar Abu JaÊ¿far Muhammad b. Hasan al-Tusi (d. 460/1067) in his work Miá¹£bÄḥ al-Mutahajjid wa-SilÄḥ al-MutaÊ¿abbid (âLantern of the Vigilant in Night Prayer and Weapon of the Worshipperâ) dedicates a separate chapter to the ḥÄʾir and its soil (al-Tusi 1411 AH, vol. 2, 731). He also narrates a few traditions on the topic in al-AmÄlÄ« (âThe Dictationsâ; al-Tusi 1414 AH, 319â320).
Fattal al-Nayshaburi (d. 508/1114), a sixth-century AH scholar, in his work Rawá¸a al-WÄÊ¿iáºÄ«n wa-Baṣīrat al-MuttaÊ¿Ä«áºÄ«n (âThe Meadow of the Admonishers and Insight of the Admonishedâ) also addresses this topic in a separate chapter (al-Nayshaburi 1374 AHSh, vol. 2, 411â412). In the same century, Hasan b. Fadl al-Tabrisi in his work MakÄrim al-AkhlÄq (âNoble Qualities of Characterâ), records narrations related to the soil in a chapter of its own (al-Tabrisi 1412 AH, 166â167). Qutb al-Din al-Rawandi (d. 573/1178) also dedicates a section in his book al-DaÊ¿awÄt (âThe Invocationsâ) to the soil and its healing properties (al-Rawandi 1407 AH, 185â187) and Ibn al-Mashhadi (d. 610/1213) in his work al-MazÄr al-KabÄ«r (âThe Great Sanctuaryâ) sets apart a chapter for narrations concerning the merits of the soil and the manners of its use (Ibn al-Mashhadi 1419 AH, 361â368). In the seventh century AH, Sayyid Ibn Tawus (d. 664/1266) in his work MisbÄḥ al-ZÄʾir (âThe Lantern of the Visitorâ) also transmits a few narrations regarding the soil and its etiquettes (Ibn Tawus 1417 AH, 255). Finally, in the ninth Islamic century, Ibrahim al-KafÊ¿ami (d. 905/1499) is seen to be discussing the merits and etiquettes pertaining to the soil in his works Balad al-AmÄ«n (âThe Sacrosanct Domainâ; al-KafÊ¿ami 1405 AH, 508) and al-Miá¹£bÄḥ (âThe Lanternâ) (al-KafÊ¿ami 1997 CE, 310).
7 Conclusion
Though previous works written on turbat al-Husayn have described it as an object of veneration by the Twelver ShiÊ¿a, the lack of clarity on its initial introduction to the ShiÊ¿i community may have led readers to believe that this practice was developed at the same time with the Battle of Karbala. The inattention in prior works regarding the grave soilâs place in the context of the historical role of the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth imams, al-Baqir, al-Sadiq, al-Kazim and al-Ridha, in linking turbat to ShiÊ¿i identity may lead to false assumptions regarding its legislation and communal significance prior to the time of these imams. A holistic analysis of the reports concerning the soil of Husayn, as seen through a historical lens, showed that this discourse contributed to the formation of ShiÊ¿i collective identity as a religious minority, particularly during the presence of the ShiÊ¿i imams, and due to their efforts to link the veneration of turbat to the essence of ShiÊ¿ism.
The study of the existing reports showed the formation and development of turbat rituals between the second and third centuries, and the chronological interpretation of the reports indicates that the soil was not understood as the prevailing feature of Shiʿism during its formative period; rather, any reference to its sanctity should be interpreted as a by-product of the historical process.
The debate regarding turbat developed during the beginning of the second century AH as a major ShiÊ¿i ritual of tabarruk. Unlike other related works, this chapter was able to demonstrate that the soil was initially introduced by al-Baqir as an object of oral consumption and tabarruk, with the aim of curing ailments. By the mid-second century AH, contemporaneous to al-Sadiq, the soil had become part of ShiÊ¿i rituals performed during birth and funerary ceremonies. In addition to the expansion of related discourse, there were also attempts to address skepticism regarding the soilâs effects, as well as to delineate the limits of the ḥÄʾir from where the soil could be taken. In the second half of the second century AH, this discourse grew and further solidified. The ShiÊ¿i spiritual authorities, the imams, began introducing the belief in their authority as one of the conditions for ShiÊ¿ism, and the effects of consuming the soil were predicated on accepting the doctrine of walÄya. From the third century AH onwards, discourse on the soil continued to expand, albeit incrementally, as is reflected in various written works of the Twelver ShiÊ¿a.
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What is meant by collective identity in this chapter is a sense of belonging to a social group that is formed and shaped through the collective memories of that group. A collective memory is comprised of cultural and communicative memories of the past that are widely shared amongst community members and binds them together. See, Brunner (2005, 318â360).
Babak Rahimi and Peyman Eshaghi (2019, 7) in their collection of essays provide a thematic account of Muslim ziyÄra (pilgrimage). They consider the performance of ziyÄra less about how Islamic it is and more about what different ways pilgrims perceive, undertake, express, and internalize the performance. In this light, tabarruk rituals are subordinate to the performance of ziyÄra and are to be seen as merely one of many other significant practices that occur during pilgrimage.
Baraka is understood as a quality of intercession. Josef Meri (1999, 63) considers that baraka is transmitted in four primary ways, including âthrough physical contact, such as touching, hugging, and kissing a saint. Its recipient ordinarily does not receive enough of it to transfer it to a third party.â This is referred to as tabarruk. Richard Kurin (1983, 314) sees that blessedness is commonly conceived of as a transcendent spiritual (ruḥÄnÄ«) quality originating from Allah and transmitted through objects and persons closely associated with Him. Blessedness may become substantiated or imbued within material objects or human beings in the form of tabarruk (more information on tabarruk, see Arabestani 1398 SH: passim).
This volume uses Shiʿi, the adjective form derived from Arabic, to denote an attribute of a proper or common noun. Additionally, the Shiʿa, derived from the Arabic noun al-Shiʿa, is employed in this chapter as a reference to the Shiʿi religious community, a social category with a particular religious and political implication.
While most research done on ShiÊ¿ism tends to focus on its credibility and the evolution of the belief in imamate, Dakakeâs work investigates other aspects of the evolution of early ShiÊ¿ism, focusing instead on the changes that occurred within the community, rather than solely its leadership.
Unless otherwise stated, a simplified transliteration of Persian words is mostly used throughout this chapter. Where necessary, the Arabic term is provided in accordance with a simplified version of the IJMES transliteration.
While examining ShiÊ¿i jurisprudential opinions on soil as an object of prostration during á¹£alÄt (prayers), Robert Gleave highlights that the soil of Karbala has been subject to several legal debates. These discussions range from what constitutes disrespect to the soil, to whether it is permissible to break oneâs fast with it in the month of Ramadan, to placing it in the funeral bier before burial (Gleave 2012, 242).
Tasbīḥ refers to the repetitive utterances of short sentences in glorification of Allah, by saying, for example, subḥÄnallÄh, literally meaning âglorified be God.â
Djinn is an Islamic term referring to the otherworldly realm of the spirits and the demons.