Across the Islamic world, Islamist groups have chosen to join popular protests stemming from the 2011 Arab Spring. In Morocco, however, an exception emerged. The countryâs main Islamist opposition political party â the Justice and Development Party (hizb al-aâdala wa al-tanmia) â declined invitations to join demonstrations organized by the February 20th Movement for Change. Under what conditions do Islamist movements support Arab Spring uprisings? Why did the PJD choose to stay outside these protests demanding greater reform? The PJD, some scholars argue, did not support Arab Spring unrest because it is a co-opted Islamist movement. In contrast, I argue that the PJD refused to join the protests because it thought it could leverage them to its advantage. By threatening the Moroccan regime to leave formal party politics for the street, the Islamist party used the unrest to increase its bargaining power, sideline its rivals, and win its policy demands. This threat to âun-moderateâ empowered the PJD to get what it wanted from the regime during the Arab Spring.
Purchase
Buy instant access (PDF download and unlimited online access):
Institutional Login
Log in with Open Athens, Shibboleth, or your institutional credentials
Personal login
Log in with your brill.com account
âScott Shane, âIslamist Group is Poised to Be Power in Egypt, But its Intentions are Unclear,â New York Times, February 4, 2011, 8.
âRobert Worth, âJordanians Go to Polls Under Cloud of a Boycott,â New York Times, November 10, 2010, 14.
âEthan Bronner, âJordan Faces a Rising Tide of Unrest, but few Expect a Revolt,â New York Times, February 5, 2011, 8.
âMark Vilensky, âTunisiaâs Prime Minister Calls it a Day,â New York Times Magazine http://nymag.com/daily/intel/2011/02/tunisia_1.html
âEllen Lust, Structuring Conflict in the Arab World: Incumbents, Opponents, and Institutions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 38-60.
âThierre Fabre, âRoi du Maroc et du Business,â Challenges, issue 303, May 31, 2012, 60-61.
âJohn Entelis, Islam, Democracy, and the State in North Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 53.
âLust, 2005. Ibid. 59-60.
âRussell E. Lucas, âMonarchical Authoritarianism: Survival and Political Liberalization in a Middle Eastern Regime Type,â International Journal of Middle East Studies, 1 (February 2004), 108.
âJason Brownlee, âThe Muslim Brothers: Egyptâs Most Influential Pressure Group,â History Compass (May 2010), 425-427.
âKurt Weyland, âThe Arab Spring: Why the Surprising Similarities with the Revolutionary Wave of 1848?â Perspectives on Politics, 10:04, (December 2012), 2.
âCarrie Rosefsky Wickham, âStrategy and Learning in the Formation of Egyptâs Wasat Party,â Comparative Politics, 36 (2004), 211-214.
âJillian Schwedler, Faith in Moderation (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
âMichaelle Browers, Political Ideology in the Arab World: Accommodation and Transformation (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
âMohammed Hafez, Why Muslims Rebel (New York: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003).
âJames D. Morrow, âAlliances: Why Write Them Down?â Annual Review of Political Science 3 (2000): 78-79. Also: James D. Morrow, âAlliances and Asymmetry,â American Journal of Political Science, 35 (1991), 904-933.
âWillis 1999, Ibid. 46.
âBilal Talidi, 2008a. Ibid. 119-121
âAbdelilah Benkirane, al-harakat al-islamiyya wa ishkaaliat al-manhaj (Casablanca: al-najah al-jadid Publishers, 1999), 29
âSaadeddine Othmani, âfi al-syiaasa al-sharaâiaâ al-fourqaan (1986): 2.
âFred Halliday, âTunisiaâs Uncertain Future,â Middle East Report 163 (1990): 26.
âMichael Willis, âMoroccoâs Islamists and the Legislative Elections of 2002: The Strange Case of the Party that Did Not Want to Win,â Mediterranean Politics 9 (2004): 60-63.
âYatim et. al., 2006. Ibid. 34-35.
âIn the 1990s, the regime tapped Khatib to host secret peace negotiations at his home between an advisor of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Hamas leader Khalid Mashil. See: Sabah, âLaqa tarikhi bayna mustashaar yitzhak rabin wa khalid mishal bibayt khatib,â July 16, 2012, 1.
âAccording to Ellen Lust (2005), we could consider this a transition from outside to inside the regimeâs structure of contestation (pp. 38-48).
âAmr Hamzawy, âParty for Justice and Development in Morocco: Participation and Its Discontents,â Carnegie Papers 93 (2008): 20.
âAbdelgan Belout, âBenkirane yataras al-moutamir al-jahoui al-thaani lihizb al-adala wa al-tanmia,â at-Tajdid, 965, July 5, 2004, 1.
âEva Wegner and Miquel Pellicer, âThe Moroccan Justice and Development Party in Local Government: Do Islamists Govern Differently?â Robert Schuman Centre For Advanced Studies (2009): 17-18. Andrew Watrous, âIslamist Participation in Alliance-Building at the Sub-National Level in Morocco,â Fulbright Moroccan Studies Symposium Presentation (2010).
âFarid Boussaid, âThe Rise of the PAM in Morocco: Trampling the Political Scene or Stumbling into it?â Mediterranean Politics 14 (2009). Kevin Köhler, âAll the Kingâs Men: The Emergence of the Authenticity and Modernity Party (PAM) in Morocco,â IPRIS Maghreb Review 6 (2010): 1-2.
âMustapha Sehimi, âLa Grande Peur,â Maroc Hebdo International, February 24, 2011, 21.
âReda Dalil, âLes Fous du Phosphate,â Le Temps, July 23, 2011, 19-21.
âYounes Adam, âMouvement du 20 Février: Qui Tire les Ficelles?,â Puce, February 25, 2011, 32.
âMustapha Sehimi, âCoup de Force Islamiste,â MarocHebdo, May 27, 2011, 22-27.
âAbdelhaq Balshakr, âHal thaabat harkat 20 Febriaar fi tanjarat âalâadl wa al-Ihsan?â Akhbaar al-yom, 488, July 5, 2011, 1.
âMohammed Jaabouk, âLe trouble jeu de Mohamed Fizazi,â Le Soir, July 26, 2011.
âIsmail Rouhi, âal-adala wa al-tanmia bimanâa shabibatihi min al-mushaarika fi masirat al-ahd,â as-Sabah, issue 3377, February 20, 2011, 1.
âReda Dalil, âBenkirane lâomniprésent,â Le Temps, March 12, 2011, 32.
âIsmail Rouhi, Ibid. February 20, 2011, 1.
âAbdelhaq Balshakr, âJamaâa al-Moatasimâ¦min al-sijin ila al-qasar,â Akhbar al-yom, 372, February 19-20, 2011, 1.
âAziz al-Hiwar, âRaisouni yadou ila al-thoura wa al-kharouj âan al-hakim al-mustabideen,â al-Massae, November 16, 2011, 1. http://www.almassae.press.ma/print/34781
âAhmed Raissouni, âqadiyat al-sahra al-maghrabia wa al-wajib al-islamyi,â at-Tajdid, 2526, December 5, 2011, 7.
âMohammed Bouharid, âhal yamhou moatassim maqoula âal-ayaadi al-beidaâ lilislamiyeen?,â jaridat al-oula, January 23-28, 2011, 12-13
âHalima Abrook, âDaoudi: itha faaza al-PAM fi al-intikhabaat al-muqbala kulunaa gadi nawaliuo harakat aâshreen febrier,â Akhbar al-yom, issue 1432, July 13, 2011, 20.
âYounis Miskeen, âBenkirane yuhadid biltasouit biâlaâ ala al-dustour al-jadid,â Ahkbaar al-yom, issue 464, June 7, 2011: 2.
âAdaad Adil al-Karmousi, âMutalib al-Islamiyeen fi al-mayzaan,â Maghreb al-Yom, February 18-24, 2011, 12-13.
âRachid Baha, âRamid: itha lam natban al-malakia al-barlamaania sankoun khalf al-jamhouriyeen,â Sabah, issue 3404, March 23, 2011, 1.
âSaadedine Othmani interview, âRahabnaa âaoudat al-shabaab ila al-ihtihaam bilshan al-âam,â al-mashad, April 1-7, 2011, 25.
âJohn Waterbury, Commander of the Faithful: The Moroccan Political Elite (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970).
âReda Dalil, âPourquoi a-t-il fallu quâil parle?â Le Temps, July 2, 2011, 29.
âYounis Miskeen, Ibid. 2011.
âMohcine Lourhzal, â2012: lâanalyse de Lahcen Daoudi,â Le Temps, January 1, 2011, 32.
âMohammed Nafaa, âInterview: Lahcen Daoudi, président du groupe PJD à la Chambre des représentants,â Le Reporter, October 6, 2011, 19.
âMohammed Nafaa, âIl ne Faut pas que les Escobar reviennent!â Le Reporter, July 6, 2011, 12.
âSadik Boukuzoual, âRamid: naqtarah ishraaf al-qadaa âala al-intikhabaat,â Sabah March 31, 2011, 1.
âSanae Taleb, â98.7% de Oui,â Puce, July 8-14, 2011, 30.
âMohammed Nafaa, âJe maintiens que je suis pessimiste!â Le Reporter, October 6, 2011, 17.
| All Time | Past 365 days | Past 30 Days | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Abstract Views | 1048 | 130 | 22 |
| Full Text Views | 246 | 8 | 3 |
| PDF Views & Downloads | 178 | 14 | 0 |
Across the Islamic world, Islamist groups have chosen to join popular protests stemming from the 2011 Arab Spring. In Morocco, however, an exception emerged. The countryâs main Islamist opposition political party â the Justice and Development Party (hizb al-aâdala wa al-tanmia) â declined invitations to join demonstrations organized by the February 20th Movement for Change. Under what conditions do Islamist movements support Arab Spring uprisings? Why did the PJD choose to stay outside these protests demanding greater reform? The PJD, some scholars argue, did not support Arab Spring unrest because it is a co-opted Islamist movement. In contrast, I argue that the PJD refused to join the protests because it thought it could leverage them to its advantage. By threatening the Moroccan regime to leave formal party politics for the street, the Islamist party used the unrest to increase its bargaining power, sideline its rivals, and win its policy demands. This threat to âun-moderateâ empowered the PJD to get what it wanted from the regime during the Arab Spring.
| All Time | Past 365 days | Past 30 Days | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Abstract Views | 1048 | 130 | 22 |
| Full Text Views | 246 | 8 | 3 |
| PDF Views & Downloads | 178 | 14 | 0 |