The archaeological and numismatic evidence for Roman trade in the Indian Ocean from the Augustan annexation of Egypt up to the early third century ce shows that the most intense period of contact and exchange was in the late first century ce. The arguments presented here challenge two major positions, which assert either a peak during the Julio-Claudian period or a continuing intensity of contact until at least the late second century ce.
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Whitcomb Donald S. Whitcomb Donald S. & Johnson Janet H. Roman Ceramics Quseir al-Qadim 1980 Preliminary Report 1982 Malibu American Research Center in Egypt 51 115
Whitehouse David Begram Reconsidered Kölner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte 1989a 22 151 157
Whitehouse David The Periplus and Gandharan Art Journal of Roman Archaeology 1989b 2 93 100
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See, e.g., Warmington 1928: 82 and Fraser 1972: 174, who argue that radical developments took place in the Augustan period (similarly Raschke 1975: 244); see also Strauss 2007: 237-8, who sees little trade before the Roman annexation of Egypt; Parry 1999: 213-4 thinks that, given Strabo’s failure to mention the port of Barygaza, trade in the Ptolemaic period did not reach India; P. Gupta 1991: 123 argues that Augustus would have taken time to consolidate his hold over Egypt, implying that the trade did not develop fully until the first century ce; Tchernia, 1997a and 1997b, argues for an increasing presence of Italian merchants in trade in the Julio-Claudian period; Whittaker 2004: 21 argues that Roman annexation brought increased liquidity that could finance the trade.
McLaughlin 2010: 105 speculates, on the basis of the third-century Chinese text the Weilue, that goods from Persia may theoretically have been shipped through the Persian Gulf, around the Arabian Peninsula, and up the Red Sea and thus sees the Alexandrian Tariff as dealing exclusively with Indian Ocean imports. However, the presence of Levantine and North African items make this less likely.
Young 2001: 209 has noted that nothing in the Alexandrian Tariff indicates that it can be equated with the tetarte, the 25% tax that was levied on Indian Ocean goods at Alexandria.
For various estimates, see Agarwala 1985: 5, Slane 1991: 212, Thapar 1997: 13, Suresh 2004: 99, 182-3, App. 3, Will 2004: 334-404, and Tomber 2009: 48. Ray 2010: 10 states that about 55 sites in India have Dressel 2-4.
See literary description in Strabo, Geog. 17.1.45 and Pliny nh 6.26.102-3; an inscription of tolls for travellers across the Eastern Desert: Koptos Tariff, ogis 674 = igrri. 1183 = I. Portes 67; the Muziris papyrus mentions a customs house at Koptos (P. Vindob. G 40822 recto, col. 2.4-9); for delivery of goods to Myos Hormos and Berenike, see the business receipts of Nikanor family (Nikanor Archive, O. Petr. 200-304), and the customs receipts found at Berenike (O. Ber).
Sidebotham 2011a: 244: 34% of the coins date to the fourth to fifth centuries and are almost exclusively Egyptian; see also Sidebotham 1999, Sidebotham 2000: 169-78, and Sidebotham and Seeger 1996.
For these inscriptions, see Cuvigny 2006c: 356 and Aphrodito inscription, I. Pan 68.
See Bernard 1972: 15; Young 2001: 41; I. Koptos 3, 38-39 (Augustus); 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49 (Tiberius); 1 (Claudius); 50 (Nero); 51 (Titus); 52, 53 (Domitian); 4, 5, 54, 55 (Hadrian); 56 (Antoninus); 57 (Maximinus Thrax); Strabo, Geog. 17.1.45.
See Brun 2006a: 196; Strabo, Geog. 17.1.53; on the use of camels, see Murray and Warmington 1967: 29.
For discussion, see Kennedy 1985: 156-7, Young 2001: 44, Alston 1995: 30, and Syme 1995: 249.
Syme 1995: 249 suggests an Augustan date due to the presence of two legionaries with the name Lollius, both from Ancyra (M. Lollius was legate of Galatia in 25-22 bce); Alston 1995: 30 suggested that the presence of a soldier named P. Flavius son of P., indicates a Flavian date; contra Alston 2007: 3.
See Cuvigny 2005: 36, K534 (raid by barbarians) and 96, K694 (be on guard).
See E. Turner 1950: Papyrus 40 “della raccolta Milanese (Collezioni del Castello di Milano).”
P. Turner 1989: 8-9, 62 suggests a minimum estimate of 25 pounds being carried per coolie (manual labourer) so conceivably the figure could be even higher; see also Suresh 2004: 26, 170-1 who suggests the figure of 10,000 aurei.
For these estimates, see P. Turner 1989: 23, De Romanis 2012: 167, Tchernia 1995a: 1003, Tchernia 1995b: 154, Tchernia 1997b: 264, Whittaker 2004: 21, and Tomber 2009: 42; see also a report of 2000 well-preserved Roman gold coins from Ahmedabad (in Gujarat) that were purportedly discovered in the 1960s but which disappeared without detailed record; Rajgor 2004: 69; see also Appendix 3.
De Romanis 2012: 167 asserts that 5728 denarii (6% are Republican, the rest almost all Julio-Claudian) and 1243 aurei can be reliably identified: 4435/(5728 + 1243) = 64%. See also Appendix 2.
MacDowall 1996: 86: Vellalur 3-3.6g, some even less than 3g; also P. Turner 1989: 70-1: Nasthullapur: Augustan denarii 3-3.8g, Tiberian denarii 2.6-3.7g.
See Kulke and Rothermund 1986: 93, 99, 102, Morrison 1997: 95, Thapar 1978: 64, and P. Turner 1989: 15, 43, 120; Suresh 2004: 65 argues that, in Andra Pradesh, where some high-quality imitations of Roman coins circulated, these coins were used as currency (both imitation and genuine); for other arguments in favour of some level of circulation of Roman coins as gifts in India see De Romanis 2006: 69-82.
Sutherland and Carson 1984: 4-5, 134 and Carson 1990: 224; for a recent reinterpretation of purity of post-ce 64 denarii, see Ponting 2009: 269-75.
Suresh 2004: 74, 173, but, concerning the Adam hoard, MacDowall 1996: 91 suggests a burial date c. 70 ce, given the similarity in the weights of the coins to those in comparable hoards in the Roman Empire.
See Bolin 1958: 72-74, P. Gupta 1991: 129, Tchernia 1997a: 238-49, and Tchernia 1997b: 250-83 (Italians exporting denarii); Sewell 1904: 593, 599-601, 605-7 and De Romanis 1997: 119-28 (Julio-Claudian peak in trade); De Romanis 2012.
Tacitus, Annals 3.55, translation from De Romanis 1997: 119-28; see also Suetonius, Vespasian 9.2 and Sewell 1904: 594, 617. Wallace-Hadrill 2008: 332 notes that the emperors may have thought it beneficial to allow the elite to destroy itself through competitive spending.
See also De Romanis 2012: 175, for the face-value ratio of pre-64 ce denarii and aurei, which he puts at 22% to 78% (just under 800 aurei and just over 5600 denarii).
Bolin 1958: 72-74, and Crawford cited in Tchernia 1995a: 1003, claims that the goods condition of many of the denarii indicated that they came directly from the mint. However, the absence of die links in most hoards makes it very unlikely they were acquired directly from the mint—MacDowall 1991: 147; MacDowall 1996: 83.
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The archaeological and numismatic evidence for Roman trade in the Indian Ocean from the Augustan annexation of Egypt up to the early third century ce shows that the most intense period of contact and exchange was in the late first century ce. The arguments presented here challenge two major positions, which assert either a peak during the Julio-Claudian period or a continuing intensity of contact until at least the late second century ce.
| All Time | Past 365 days | Past 30 Days | |
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| PDF Views & Downloads | 250 | 19 | 6 |