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Anderson 2012b, 2012c, 2012d.

Anderson 2009, pp. xii, xii–iii; Anderson 1992, p. 5.

Anderson 2009, p. 425.

Badiou 2008.

Anderson 2009, p. 213.

Anderson 2009, p. 79.

Moravcsik 2007.

Anderson 2009, p. 49. Narcissus also decorates the dust jacket of The New Old World. See also Anderson’s more recent demolition of Jürgen Habermas, responsible for ‘a new paroxysm’ of this narcissism: Anderson 2012e (heavily overlapping with Anderson 2012a).

Anderson 2009, pp. 85, 88.

Anderson 2009, p. 88.

Anderson 2009, p. 5. See Milward 1984 and 1992.

Anderson 2009, pp. 20–1.

Milward 1984, Chapters IV and XII. For my own brief account, see Callinicos 2009, pp. 170–4.

Anderson 2009, p. xv.

Anonymous 1972, pp. 2, 3. Nairn’s much more differentiated analysis of the attitude of British capital towards entry into the EEC makes some shrewd points about the City’s ability to benefit from membership that have been amply confirmed by Britain’s scooping up of around 40 per cent of euro trading despite staying out of Economic and Monetary Union (a success that is now a matter of some dispute between Britain and France as the eurozone pursues a much higher degree of integration): Nairn 1972, pp. 13–28.

Harman 1971.

Anderson 1992, Chapter 6.

Anderson 2012e. See Brenner 2006.

Anderson 2005, p. 258; see Chapter 12 for Anderson’s appraisal of Brenner as historian and political economist.

Anderson 2005, pp. 272, 261. The main debate on Brenner’s original statement of his interpretation of postwar capitalist development – Brenner 1998 – appeared in Historical Materialism, 4 and 5.

Moseley 2004, pp. 147, 154. The scale of Anderson’s error about Marx and money can be elicited from de Brunhoff 1976, Itoh and Lapavitsas 1999, and Moseley (ed.) 2005. Thus, for example, Riccardo Bellofiore, while differing with the detail of Moseley’s argument, agrees that ‘Marx’s originality lies in his “monetary labour theory of value” ’: Bellofiore 2004, p. 174.

Carchedi 2001, building on the theoretical foundations laid in Carchedi 1991. Other Marxist critiques of EMU include Callinicos 1997 and Bonefeld (ed.) 2001.

Carchedi 1991, p. 288.

Carchedi 2001, especially Chapters 3 and 4; see also Carchedi 1991, Chapter 7. Harold James’s history of the origins of EMU is deeply impregnated with neoclassical orthodoxy and tends to discount the role of geopolitics, but he documents how the negotiations leading up to EMU, reinforced by the crisis of the ERM in 1992–3, converged on a single currency dominated by a European Central Bank modelled on the Bundesbank as the politically independent guarantor of Germany’s strong currency/high export regime: James 2012, Chapters 7–9.

Anderson 2009, pp. 15, 14, 15. Anderson draws here on Duchêne 1994.

Anderson 2009, p. 86.

Hayek 1949, p. 269; see Anderson 1996b, reprinted in Anderson 2009.

James 2012, p. 6.

Anderson 2009, pp. 24, 31. The wording of the last passage differs slightly, but not significantly, from the original article: Anderson 1996b. Anderson’s prognosis corresponds to the expectations of Monnet, who wrote in 1958: ‘the current Communities should be completed by a Finance Common Market which would lead us to European economic unity. Only then would . . . the mutual Communities make it fairly easy to produce the political union which is the goal’; quoted in Duchêne 1994, p. 312. Though as French Minister of Finance Delors orchestrated the Mitterrand presidency’s neoliberal turn in 1983, Anderson’s interpretation of his motives receives some corroboration from an anecdote of Samir Amin’s (told during a talk at Marxism 2012 in London, 6 July 2012). When Amin said to Delors that you did not have to be a Marxist to see that a monetary union could not work without a state, he replied that this very weakness would push the EU onto the path of greater political integration.

See Callinicos 2010a, pp. 96–104, on the EU’s chaotic response to the crash, and, on the eurozone crisis, Georgiou 2010 and Lapavitsas, Kaltenbrunner, Lambrinidis, Lindo, Meadway, Michell, Painceira, Pires, Powell, Stenfors, Teles and Vakiotis 2012.

Anderson 2009, p. 52.

Barker 2012.

Anderson 2012a, p. 58.

Anderson 2009, p. 540.

Moravcsik 2007.

Anderson 2009, p. 16. Oddly, while other minor errors have been left standing (thus the great Genoa protests against the G8 summit were in July, and not, as Anderson says, May 2001: Anderson 2009, p. 307), the original version of this essay (Anderson 1996a) correctly places the British referendum in 1975.

Anderson 2009, p. 25. For aficionados of far left micro-politics, Anderson refers here not to the main leader of the Socialist Party of England and Wales, but to the nineteenth century Austro-Hungarian statesman Count Eduard Taaffe.

Anderson 2009, p. 534; compare Caldwell 2009.