George Orwell, Animal Farm: A Fairy Story (Penguin Modern Classics; Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1951), p. 114.

George Orwell, Animal Farm: A Fairy Story (Penguin Modern Classics; Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1951), p. 114.)| false
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Slavoj Žižek, Violence: Six Sideways Reflections (Big Ideas; London: Profile Books, 2008).

Slavoj Žižek, Violence: Six Sideways Reflections (Big Ideas; London: Profile Books, 2008).)| false
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Žižek, Violence, p. 1.

Žižek, Violence, p. 1. )| false
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Žižek, Violence, pp. 1-7.

Žižek, Violence, pp. 1-7. )| false
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Žižek, Violence, pp. 1-2, 174-80.

Žižek, Violence, pp. 1-2, 174-80.)| false
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Žižek, Violence, p. 124.

Žižek, Violence, p. 124.)| false
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Žižek, Violence, p. 3; emphasis original.

Žižek, Violence, p. 3; emphasis original.)| false
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Žižek, Violence, pp. 8-32.

Žižek, Violence, pp. 8-32. )| false
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Žižek, Violence, pp. 8-9.

Žižek, Violence, pp. 8-9.)| false
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Žižek, Violence, p. 1. Similarly, “The same philanthropists who give millions for AIDS or education in tolerance have ruined the lives of thousands through financial speculation and thus created the conditions for the rise of the very intolerance that is being fought” (Violence, p. 31).

Žižek, Violence, p. 1. Similarly, “The same philanthropists who give millions for AIDS or education in tolerance have ruined the lives of thousands through financial speculation and thus created the conditions for the rise of the very intolerance that is being fought” (Violence, p. 31).)| false
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Žižek, Violence, pp. 2-7.

Žižek, Violence, pp. 2-7.)| false
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Hector Avalos, Slavery, Abolitionism, and the Ethics of Biblical Scholarship (The Bible in the Modern World, 38; Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2011), pp. 23-95. Avalos’ book is directed towards refuting the claim that the Bible and biblical ethics were a central impetus to the abolition of slavery in the modern West (Slavery, p. 1); I make no such claim for the book of Job. Nevertheless, some of his criticisms of the ways in which scholars have minimized and excused slavery in biblical texts should be kept in mind.

Hector Avalos, Slavery, Abolitionism, and the Ethics of Biblical Scholarship (The Bible in the Modern World, 38; Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2011), pp. 23-95. Avalos’ book is directed towards refuting the claim that the Bible and biblical ethics were a central impetus to the abolition of slavery in the modern West (Slavery, p. 1); I make no such claim for the book of Job. Nevertheless, some of his criticisms of the ways in which scholars have minimized and excused slavery in biblical texts should be kept in mind.)| false
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Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), p. 13; emphasis original. Using comparative data from a very broad range of ancient and modern societies, Patterson identifies three constituent elements of slavery: violent coercion, natal alienation (i.e. social death), and complete dishonour (Patterson, Slavery and Social Death, pp. 1-14).

Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), p. 13; emphasis original. Using comparative data from a very broad range of ancient and modern societies, Patterson identifies three constituent elements of slavery: violent coercion, natal alienation (i.e. social death), and complete dishonour (Patterson, Slavery and Social Death, pp. 1-14).)| false
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Bales, Trodd, and Williamson, Modern Slavery, p. 31.

Bales, Trodd, and Williamson, Modern Slavery, p. 31.)| false
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Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, pp. 121-23.

Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, pp. 121-23.)| false
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Ibid., pp. 1-33, 93-120; Westbrook, “Slave and Master,” pp. 1640-47. Patterson argues that, whether through direct violence (capture in war, kidnapping, punishment) or through desperation (debt, abandonment, self-enslavement), slavery always originated (or was thought of as originating) as a substitute for death (Patterson, Slavery and Social Death, pp. 5, 105-131).

Ibid., pp. 1-33, 93-120; Westbrook, “Slave and Master,” pp. 1640-47. Patterson argues that, whether through direct violence (capture in war, kidnapping, punishment) or through desperation (debt, abandonment, self-enslavement), slavery always originated (or was thought of as originating) as a substitute for death (Patterson, Slavery and Social Death, pp. 5, 105-131).)| false
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Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, p. 122.

Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, p. 122.)| false
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Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia, p. 648.

Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia, p. 648.)| false
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Chirichigno, Debt-Slavery in Israel and the Ancient Near East, pp. 145-85. See also Lemche, “Hebrew Slave”; Lemche, “Manumission of Slaves”; Tsevat, “The Hebrew Slave”; Westbrook, “Slave and Master”; Carmichael, “Three Laws”; Hezser, Jewish Slavery in Antiquity. On the disparity between biblical materials and historical realities, it should be noted that Magdalene’s examination of some recently available (though largely unpublished) documents from exiled Judeans in Babylonia shows that slavery was practised, but provides no evidence of special treatment for Hebrew slaves (Magdalene, “Slavery between Judah and Babylon,” pp. 113-34). Her observations suggest that it is tenuous at best to assume that the distinctive characteristics of the biblical slavery laws correspond to actual practises. However, they do reinforce the point that slavery was a familiar part of society throughout the ancient Near Eastern context. With regard to my discussion of the presentation of slavery in the book of Job, I make no assumption that the institution in view in Job conforms to the biblical slavery laws, but rather consider it in the context of the broader common features of ancient slavery.

Chirichigno, Debt-Slavery in Israel and the Ancient Near East, pp. 145-85. See also Lemche, “Hebrew Slave”; Lemche, “Manumission of Slaves”; Tsevat, “The Hebrew Slave”; Westbrook, “Slave and Master”; Carmichael, “Three Laws”; Hezser, Jewish Slavery in Antiquity. On the disparity between biblical materials and historical realities, it should be noted that Magdalene’s examination of some recently available (though largely unpublished) documents from exiled Judeans in Babylonia shows that slavery was practised, but provides no evidence of special treatment for Hebrew slaves (Magdalene, “Slavery between Judah and Babylon,” pp. 113-34). Her observations suggest that it is tenuous at best to assume that the distinctive characteristics of the biblical slavery laws correspond to actual practises. However, they do reinforce the point that slavery was a familiar part of society throughout the ancient Near Eastern context. With regard to my discussion of the presentation of slavery in the book of Job, I make no assumption that the institution in view in Job conforms to the biblical slavery laws, but rather consider it in the context of the broader common features of ancient slavery.)| false
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Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, pp. 111-12. There is very little in the way of evidence to help determine the proportion of slaves in the population at different times. There is one set of figures given for the returning exiles, which numbered 42,360 people in the assembly (קהל) returning from exile and 7,337 slaves (Ezra 2:64-65; Neh. 7:67-68). There is a resonance with Job 1:3 in this enumeration of people and property: “Care is taken to make plain that slaves were not included in the assembly; they come more into the category of property, like the animals in the next verse” (H.G.M. Williamson, Ezra, Nehemiah [WBC, 16; Waco, Tex.: Word Books, 1985], p. 38). It is not necessary to accept the accuracy of these figures to propose that they indicate that slaves formed a substantial minority in the post-exilic population. Dandamaev suggests that this figure may give some indication about the proportion of slaves in Babylonia at that time (Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia, p. 218). As Snell observes, “The irony of a recreated Israel celebrating its freedom with the help of slaves was lost on the exiles” (C. Daniel Snell, “Slavery in the Ancient Near East,” in Keith R. Bradley and Paul Cartledge (eds.), The Cambridge World History of Slavery; Volume 1: The Ancient Mediterranean World [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011], pp. 4-21 [18]).

Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, pp. 111-12. There is very little in the way of evidence to help determine the proportion of slaves in the population at different times. There is one set of figures given for the returning exiles, which numbered 42,360 people in the assembly (קהל) returning from exile and 7,337 slaves (Ezra 2:64-65; Neh. 7:67-68). There is a resonance with Job 1:3 in this enumeration of people and property: “Care is taken to make plain that slaves were not included in the assembly; they come more into the category of property, like the animals in the next verse” (H.G.M. Williamson, Ezra, Nehemiah [WBC, 16; Waco, Tex.: Word Books, 1985], p. 38). It is not necessary to accept the accuracy of these figures to propose that they indicate that slaves formed a substantial minority in the post-exilic population. Dandamaev suggests that this figure may give some indication about the proportion of slaves in Babylonia at that time (Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia, p. 218). As Snell observes, “The irony of a recreated Israel celebrating its freedom with the help of slaves was lost on the exiles” (C. Daniel Snell, “Slavery in the Ancient Near East,” in Keith R. Bradley and Paul Cartledge (eds.), The Cambridge World History of Slavery; Volume 1: The Ancient Mediterranean World [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011], pp. 4-21 [18]).)| false
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Hezser, Jewish Slavery in Antiquity, p. 285-300.

Hezser, Jewish Slavery in Antiquity, p. 285-300. )| false
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I.M. Diakonoff, “The Structure of Near Eastern Society Before the Middle of the Second Millennium B.C.,” Oikumene 3 (1982), pp. 7-100 (99).

I.M. Diakonoff, “The Structure of Near Eastern Society Before the Middle of the Second Millennium B.C.,” Oikumene 3 (1982), pp. 7-100 (99). )| false
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David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1966), p. 63. Dandamaev likewise argues that even though chattel slavery was only one form among the many ways in which labour was economically exploited in Babylonia, as an institution it had a disproportionately great social and ideological influence (Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia, pp. 660-61).

David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1966), p. 63. Dandamaev likewise argues that even though chattel slavery was only one form among the many ways in which labour was economically exploited in Babylonia, as an institution it had a disproportionately great social and ideological influence (Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia, pp. 660-61).)| false
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Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia, pp. 74-75; I.M. Diakonoff, “Slave-Labour vs. Non-Slave Labour: The Problem of Definition,” in Marvin A. Powell (ed.), Labor in the Ancient Near East (American Oriental Series, 68; New Haven, Conn.: American Oriental Society, 1987), pp. 1-3; Westbrook, “Slave and Master,” p. 1634. For example, Hammurabi calls the citizens under his rule his slaves (Codex Hammurabi § 129). Similarly in the Behistun inscription, Darius describes several officials, clearly high-ranking citizens who led battles on his behalf, as his slaves (L.W. King and R. ­Campbell Thompson [eds.], The Sculptures and Inscription of Darius the Great on the Rock of Behistûn in Persia: A New Collation of the Persian, Susian, and Babylonian Texts, with English Translations, etc [London: British Museum, 1907]).

Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia, pp. 74-75; I.M. Diakonoff, “Slave-Labour vs. Non-Slave Labour: The Problem of Definition,” in Marvin A. Powell (ed.), Labor in the Ancient Near East (American Oriental Series, 68; New Haven, Conn.: American Oriental Society, 1987), pp. 1-3; Westbrook, “Slave and Master,” p. 1634. For example, Hammurabi calls the citizens under his rule his slaves (Codex Hammurabi § 129). Similarly in the Behistun inscription, Darius describes several officials, clearly high-ranking citizens who led battles on his behalf, as his slaves (L.W. King and R. ­Campbell Thompson [eds.], The Sculptures and Inscription of Darius the Great on the Rock of Behistûn in Persia: A New Collation of the Persian, Susian, and Babylonian Texts, with English Translations, etc [London: British Museum, 1907]). )| false
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Van der Ploeg, “Slavery in the Old Testament,” p. 85.

Van der Ploeg, “Slavery in the Old Testament,” p. 85.)| false
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Clines, Interested Parties, p. 128.

Clines, Interested Parties, p. 128.)| false
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Žižek, Violence, p. 55.

Žižek, Violence, p. 55.)| false
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Norman C. Habel, The Book of Job: A Commentary (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1985), p. 87.

Norman C. Habel, The Book of Job: A Commentary (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1985), p. 87.)| false
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Carolyn S. Leeb, Away from the Father’s House: The Social Location of Na‘ar and Na‘arah in Ancient Israel (JSOTSup, 301; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), p. 42.

Carolyn S. Leeb, Away from the Father’s House: The Social Location of Na‘ar and Na‘arah in Ancient Israel (JSOTSup, 301; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), p. 42. )| false
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Carolyn S. Leeb, Away from the Father’s House: The Social Location of Na‘ar and Na‘arah in Ancient Israel (JSOTSup, 301; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), pp. 91-124.

Carolyn S. Leeb, Away from the Father’s House: The Social Location of Na‘ar and Na‘arah in Ancient Israel (JSOTSup, 301; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), pp. 91-124.)| false
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Carolyn S. Leeb, Away from the Father’s House: The Social Location of Na‘ar and Na‘arah in Ancient Israel (JSOTSup, 301; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), pp. 112-21. I disagree with Leeb’s proposition that the simplest and most convincing explanation for the use of the term in 1:19 is that Job’s children are not in view and are not harmed at all in the story (Away from the Father’s House, p. 117). The fact that Job’s children are specifically mentioned as being in the house at 1:18, the fact that the messenger “alone” has escaped, and the description of Job’s great grief (1:20) all suggest that Job’s children have indeed been killed. However, her discussion of the possibly deliberate ambiguity of the verse and her insight into vulnerability as the defining characteristic of the נער are nonetheless helpful.

Carolyn S. Leeb, Away from the Father’s House: The Social Location of Na‘ar and Na‘arah in Ancient Israel (JSOTSup, 301; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), pp. 112-21. I disagree with Leeb’s proposition that the simplest and most convincing explanation for the use of the term in 1:19 is that Job’s children are not in view and are not harmed at all in the story (Away from the Father’s House, p. 117). The fact that Job’s children are specifically mentioned as being in the house at 1:18, the fact that the messenger “alone” has escaped, and the description of Job’s great grief (1:20) all suggest that Job’s children have indeed been killed. However, her discussion of the possibly deliberate ambiguity of the verse and her insight into vulnerability as the defining characteristic of the נער are nonetheless helpful. )| false
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Clines, Job 1-20, p. 33; emphasis added.

Clines, Job 1-20, p. 33; emphasis added.)| false
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Clines, Job 1-20, pp. 183-84.

Clines, Job 1-20, pp. 183-84.)| false
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Clines, Job 1-20, pp. 445-46.

Clines, Job 1-20, pp. 445-46. )| false
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See also Alfred Jepsen, “Amah und Schiphchah,” VT 8 (1958), pp. 293-97; Westbrook, “The Female Slave,” pp. 214-38.

See also Alfred Jepsen, “Amah und Schiphchah,” VT 8 (1958), pp. 293-97; Westbrook, “The Female Slave,” pp. 214-38.)| false
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Marvin H. Pope, Job: Introduction, Translation and Notes (AB, 15; New York: Doubleday, 3rd edn, 1973), p. 201; David J.A. Clines, Job 21-37 (WBC, 18A; Nashville, Tenn.: Thomas Nelson, 2006), pp. 896, 912. There is scant reference to mining and mining technology in the Hebrew scriptures (only Job 28:1-11 speaks of mining directly, a foundry is mentioned in 1 Kgs 7:46, and the other literal and metaphorical references to refining and working metals and gems do not discuss the process of obtaining the raw materials). However, other ancient sources discuss the extremely difficult work of mining, usually carried out by slaves and criminals. For example, Strabo describes a mine worked by hundreds of slaves in desperate conditions, whose number is constantly diminished by accidents and disease from the noxious environment (Strabo, Geography, XII 3.40). Lauffer’s study of silver mining in Attica details the extreme conditions for thousands of slaves there (Siegfried Lauffer, Die Bergwerkssklaven von Laureion [Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 2nd edn, 1979]). Penal slavery in the mines was a feature of Roman criminal law (Joan Burdon, “Slavery as a Punishment in Roman Criminal Law,” in Léonie J. Archer [ed.], Slavery and Other Forms of Unfree Labour [History Workshop Series; London: Routledge, 1988], pp. 68-85). For more discussion of the social status of the miner in the ancient world, see R.J. Forbes, Studies in Ancient Technology (Leiden: Brill, 1963), vol. 7, pp. 223-32. It is not a great leap to suggest that the miners in view in Job would most likely have been enslaved.

Marvin H. Pope, Job: Introduction, Translation and Notes (AB, 15; New York: Doubleday, 3rd edn, 1973), p. 201; David J.A. Clines, Job 21-37 (WBC, 18A; Nashville, Tenn.: Thomas Nelson, 2006), pp. 896, 912. There is scant reference to mining and mining technology in the Hebrew scriptures (only Job 28:1-11 speaks of mining directly, a foundry is mentioned in 1 Kgs 7:46, and the other literal and metaphorical references to refining and working metals and gems do not discuss the process of obtaining the raw materials). However, other ancient sources discuss the extremely difficult work of mining, usually carried out by slaves and criminals. For example, Strabo describes a mine worked by hundreds of slaves in desperate conditions, whose number is constantly diminished by accidents and disease from the noxious environment (Strabo, Geography, XII 3.40). Lauffer’s study of silver mining in Attica details the extreme conditions for thousands of slaves there (Siegfried Lauffer, Die Bergwerkssklaven von Laureion [Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 2nd edn, 1979]). Penal slavery in the mines was a feature of Roman criminal law (Joan Burdon, “Slavery as a Punishment in Roman Criminal Law,” in Léonie J. Archer [ed.], Slavery and Other Forms of Unfree Labour [History Workshop Series; London: Routledge, 1988], pp. 68-85). For more discussion of the social status of the miner in the ancient world, see R.J. Forbes, Studies in Ancient Technology (Leiden: Brill, 1963), vol. 7, pp. 223-32. It is not a great leap to suggest that the miners in view in Job would most likely have been enslaved.)| false
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David Wolfers, Deep Things Out of Darkness: The Book of Job, Essays and a New English Translation (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans, 1995), pp. 350, 496.

David Wolfers, Deep Things Out of Darkness: The Book of Job, Essays and a New English Translation (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans, 1995), pp. 350, 496.)| false
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Heinrich Graetz, “Lehrinhalt der ‘Weisheit’ in den biblischen Büchern,” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 36 (1887), pp. 289-99, 402-410, 544-49 (410); Dhorme, A Commentary on the Book of Job, pp. 401-402; Michael B. Dick, “Job XXVII 4: A New Translation,” VT 29 (1979), pp. 216-21; Clines, Job 21-37, pp. 892, 896-97. There are several other proposed emendations. Gordis renders גר as “crater” based on the Arabic jawrat (“deep hole”), thus “cleaves a channel from the crater” (Gordis, The Book of Job, pp. 300, 305).

Heinrich Graetz, “Lehrinhalt der ‘Weisheit’ in den biblischen Büchern,” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 36 (1887), pp. 289-99, 402-410, 544-49 (410); Dhorme, A Commentary on the Book of Job, pp. 401-402; Michael B. Dick, “Job XXVII 4: A New Translation,” VT 29 (1979), pp. 216-21; Clines, Job 21-37, pp. 892, 896-97. There are several other proposed emendations. Gordis renders גר as “crater” based on the Arabic jawrat (“deep hole”), thus “cleaves a channel from the crater” (Gordis, The Book of Job, pp. 300, 305). )| false
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Dick, “Job XXVII 4,” pp. 216-21.

Dick, “Job XXVII 4,” pp. 216-21.)| false
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Following J.J.M. Roberts, “Niškaḥtî… Millēb, Ps 31:13,” VT 25 (1975), pp. 797-801 (800-801).

Following J.J.M. Roberts, “Niškaḥtî… Millēb, Ps 31:13,” VT 25 (1975), pp. 797-801 (800-801). )| false
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Dick, “Job XXVII 4,” pp. 217-18.

Dick, “Job XXVII 4,” pp. 217-18. )| false
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Dick, “Job XXVII 4,” p. 218. דלל II (“dangle”) is proposed only here, and conjecturally Prov. 26:7 (HALOT, vol. 1, p. 223).

Dick, “Job XXVII 4,” p. 218. דלל II (“dangle”) is proposed only here, and conjecturally Prov. 26:7 (HALOT, vol. 1, p. 223).)| false
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Dick, “Job XXVII 4,” p. 219.

Dick, “Job XXVII 4,” p. 219.)| false
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Gordis, The Book of Job, p. 348. Similarly, Mendelsohn reads rather a lot into 31:15, seeing Job as an advocate for radical equality: “The first man in the Ancient Near East who raised his voice in a sweeping condemnation of slavery as a cruel and inhuman institution, irrespective of nationality and race, was the philosopher Job. His was a condemnation based on the moral concept of the inherent brotherhood of man” (Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, p. 123). Habel’s assessment is perhaps more measured, but he too sees a “belief that a common Creator and a common human origin justifies regarding all mortals as equals with common rights before God and the court” (Habel, The Book of Job, p. 435). Richard Neville cites a number of other similarly exuberant commendations of Job’s ethical perfection (“A Reassessment of the Radical Nature of Job’s Ethic in Job xxxi 13-15,” VT 53 [2003], pp. 181-200 [181-82].)

Gordis, The Book of Job, p. 348. Similarly, Mendelsohn reads rather a lot into 31:15, seeing Job as an advocate for radical equality: “The first man in the Ancient Near East who raised his voice in a sweeping condemnation of slavery as a cruel and inhuman institution, irrespective of nationality and race, was the philosopher Job. His was a condemnation based on the moral concept of the inherent brotherhood of man” (Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, p. 123). Habel’s assessment is perhaps more measured, but he too sees a “belief that a common Creator and a common human origin justifies regarding all mortals as equals with common rights before God and the court” (Habel, The Book of Job, p. 435). Richard Neville cites a number of other similarly exuberant commendations of Job’s ethical perfection (“A Reassessment of the Radical Nature of Job’s Ethic in Job xxxi 13-15,” VT 53 [2003], pp. 181-200 [181-82].))| false
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Clines, Job 21-37, p. 1021. As he notes, God also creates animals, but that is not generally thought to give them equal rights with humans.

Clines, Job 21-37, p. 1021. As he notes, God also creates animals, but that is not generally thought to give them equal rights with humans.)| false
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Neville, “A Reassessment,” pp. 192-99.

Neville, “A Reassessment,” pp. 192-99. )| false
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Carol A. Newsom, The Book of Job: A Contest of Moral Imaginations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 196.

Carol A. Newsom, The Book of Job: A Contest of Moral Imaginations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 196.)| false
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Ellen van Wolde, Mr and Mrs Job (trans. John Bowden; London: SCM Press, 1997), p. 129.

Ellen van Wolde, Mr and Mrs Job (trans. John Bowden; London: SCM Press, 1997), p. 129.)| false
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Good, In Turns of Tempest, pp. 171, 387, 443 n. 22. I have yet to find any further comment on it either. Clines simply notes that not a word is said about the replacement of Job’s lost servants (Job 38-42 [WBC, 18B; Nashville, Tenn.: Thomas Nelson, 2011], p. 1237).

Good, In Turns of Tempest, pp. 171, 387, 443 n. 22. I have yet to find any further comment on it either. Clines simply notes that not a word is said about the replacement of Job’s lost servants (Job 38-42 [WBC, 18B; Nashville, Tenn.: Thomas Nelson, 2011], p. 1237).)| false
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Good, In Turns of Tempest, p. 387.

Good, In Turns of Tempest, p. 387.)| false
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