Introduction
Participatory Visual Media
As a filmmaker and arts-based researcher, I have had the privilege of working in community-based projects using multiple forms of participant-generated visual media. These experiences have led me to reflect on the creative process of developing visual media that both honour and amplify previously unheard voices, and the role images can play to promote critical thought, raise awareness, and engage in social action. I agree with Deborah Barndt’s claim that this form of media “is always part of a broader, ongoing process, linked to critical education and collective organizing for change” (2001, p. 35).
The creative process behind the camera involves an intersection of listening, watching, and discussing images. I have found that it is in the midst of these pedagogical spaces where critical moments of consciousness occur and where individuals also become active participants in transformational learning. My interest in participatory visual media, where people come together and create film and photographs for the purposes of education, awareness, and political action, is further influenced by theories of grass-roots organizing (see Alinsky, 1971; Pyles, 2009), the histories of documentary and community photography (see Braden, 1983; de Cuyper, 1997; Rosler, 1989/2003),
While exploring the literature on visual media and social change, I found examples that held certain commonalities in both academic and community settings. Unlike traditional approaches such as documentary photography where communities were typically presented as objects of the camera, these examples cited community groups’ uses of photography as a means to communicate their own lived experiences and perspectives around a topic or issue of concern. The visual stories produced by community members were subsequently shown in different community forums in efforts to inspire action and raise awareness of social justice issues (see Braden, 1983; de Lange, Mitchell, & Stuart, 2007).
Over the last 30 years, there has been a growing interest in participant-generated visual media (Guillemin & Drew, 2010; Li, 2008). These methodologies often involve community members using visual media to learn to communicate their own perspectives (Li, 2008). These methods have been used to honour local knowledge (Insight, n.d.), to explore lived experiences (Bery, 2003), and as a means of emancipatory praxis (White, 2003). Examples of collaborative visual methodologies include participatory video (White, 2003), digital storytelling (Walsh, Shier, Sitter, & Sieppert, 2010), and photovoice (Guillemin & Drew, 2010).
The following section considers the historical trajectory of documentary traditions during the social reform era and the community photography movement that gained momentum during the 1960s. These earlier trends provide further insight into the evolution of photography as a tool to help community members raise awareness of social justice issues and concerns.
Taking Action Through the Use of Images
Social Reform, the FSA and the Early Traditions of Documentary Photography
In 1926, Scottish filmmaker John Grierson coined the term ‘documentary’ to describe work based on “interpretations of reality” (Wells, 2003, p. 252). Although Grierson was referring to the use of film, the phrase ‘documentary photography’ was soon adopted in reference to early photographers who used their photographic images in social change efforts. Early methods of the documentary tradition are often defined within the framework of the Progressive Era (1880–1920) in the United States (Solomon-Godeau, 1991). The work of early documentary photographers was intended to effect social change through the power of the image (Szto, 2008). Documentary photography gained significant influence and exposure during this period, as middle-class reformers often desired objective and rational approaches to describe and examine social problems (Szto, 2008).
Photographers covering the Great Depression during the 1930s also adopted a similar approach (Szto, 2008). During this period, the United States government initiated a New Deal legislation with its goals to insure social security for all Americans by way of relief and reform (Szto, 2008). In 1934, the photo division of the Farm Security Administration (FSA) was created as a means of fostering support of the New Deal Relief program. Under the direction of Roy Emerson Styker, photographers documented the social impact of the Great Depression between 1935–1943. These photographs were often published in magazines and journals as a means of educating the public on the New Deal project whilst challenging public perceptions of America’s social well being (Szto, 2008). When the FSA documentary project finally ended, over 270,000 photographs had been taken that represented various aspects of rural poverty (Szto, 2008, p. 106).
Several people who were photographed in the FSA project also evolved into cultural symbolic icons. An example is Dorthea Lange’s 1936 photograph ‘Migrant Mother’ which is one of the most reproduced documentary photographs in history and has become an archetypical representation of suffering (Curtis, 1986). Wells (2003) notes that the position of the mother, the absence of the father, and the exclusion of details anchoring the photograph to a particular place and time reflected universal similarities in the condition of human kind. It was through these aesthetics that Lange made it possible “for the picture to be seen as a universal symbol of motherhood, poverty, and survival” (Wells, 2003, p. 39).
However, these early documentary traditions are also criticized for appropriating a paternalistic approach to addressing social issues (Burgin, 1982; Rosler, 1989/2003; Sekula, 1984). The methods used reflected the power of the privileged to define the experiences of the oppressed. The act of photographing those who did not have access to a means of representing themselves further reinforced dominant social relations (Rosler, 1989/2003). Braden (1983) notes that documentary photographers such as Hine, Riis, and those of the FSA appealed to pitying those presented as helpless victims of misfortune, and in choosing to appeal to that emotion the audiences for these pictures were not the people experiencing the issues but were reform-minded individuals. Thus, the documentary photographer acted as an interpreter of people’s experiences (Braden, 1983).
Community Photography
Community photography was revived during the 1960s as a result of changes in Western societies that were heavily influenced by the American Civil Rights movement, second wave feminism, and protests against the Vietnam War (de Cuyper, 1998). The process involved blending visual images with other artistic forms, and was considered art that was created by non-professionals, with a recognition that the content was relevant to the respective artists (Braden, 1983). These projects were often set up in low-income industrial areas of urban cities, and aimed to encourage people on the margins of society to learn about and articulate their own histories and experiences through creative visual methods such as photography, posters, photomontages, and photo stories (de Cuyper, 1998). These projects often emphasized collaborative efforts and collective involvement by community groups (Braden, 1983; de Cuyper, 1998; Wells, 2003).
Community photography involved learning to create images to explore experiences and connections with others. As one of the main goals was to counter hegemonic conceptions of gender, class, and race, a plan for the distribution of these images was central to the social change goals of these projects (Braden, 1983; de Cuyper, 1998). In efforts to develop solidarity and to support learning to engage in social action, these methods predominantly targeted local communities experiencing similar issues. Community photography exhibits were often used to alert people to issues of immediate concern, and provided a focus for community meetings and discussion groups (de Cuyper, 1998).
Whereas Tagg (1998) asserts that amateur photography “will rarely be seen as impacting social change to any degree” (p. 18), Braden contends that groups such as
The photovoice process shares many aspects of community photography as a pedagogical practice that aims to be both an emancipatory and social transformative endeavour. And similar to the early methods of documentary photography, photovoice involves the use of images as a tool to learn about and communicate societal issues, and advocate for social change. The following sections explore the goals and theories informing the photovoice methodology.
The Emergence of Photovoice: an Active Collaboration Between Researcher and Participant
Visual Research and Participant-Generated Photography
Visual research refers to both the study of the visual as a topic of inquiry and the use of visual-oriented tools as methods of collecting and analyzing data (Wagner, 2006). Examples of the visual as a topic of inquiry include the investigation of social behaviour and cultural ways in which images are appropriated and read in everyday life. The examination of different forms of representation and interpretation occur through content analysis and semiology of an image and the exploration of the ways in which photographs convey meaning, to whom, and for what purposes (Rose, 2007; Wagner, 2006). Visual oriented methods such as photographic pictures, drawings, and videos are also applied by researchers using approaches to describe, portray, or analyze a social phenomena (Harper, 1988; Rose, 2007).
Photography is amongst the most widely recognized forms of visual social scientific data (Wagner, 2006). During the 1990s, scholars in the fields of anthropology and sociology began advocating for a collaborative approach between researcher and participant in the use of photography, beginning with the notion that photographs are not simply a mode to record data, but a medium through which new knowledge can be created (Chaplin, 1994; Harper, 1998). A method that evolved out of this period was “photo-elicitation” (Harper, 1988). Photo-elicitation describes the process of using photographs to stimulate dialogue during individual and focus group interviews (Harper, 2003). There are primarily two dominant approaches to this process. The first involves the researcher taking photographs and showing the participants pictures of themselves or aspects of their environment, and asking them to talk about what they see (Frohmann, 2005). The second approach involves the participant taking the photographs. This is based on the assumption that the process of engaging in image production will reveal what the participant considers most
The Emergence of Photovoice
During the 1990s, when new approaches were developed, image-based tools quickly evolved into participant-generated visual media methods due to the focus of community-based research and participatory approaches that grew in popularity and focus, especially within cross-cultural research (Brooks, Poudrier, & Thomas-MacLean, 2008; Castleden, Garvin, &Huuayaht First Nation, 2008; de Lange et al., 2007; Gotschi, Freyer, & Delve, 2008; Reason & Bradbury, 2006; Wang, 1999; Wang & Redwood-Jones, 2001; White, 2003).
It was Public Health scholar, Dr. Caroline Wang, who first developed a participatory approach to photography, which is often referred to as “participatory photography” or “photovoice” (Molloy, 2007). Photovoice guides participants to use cameras to capture aspects of their life and community, and photos are then used to stimulate discussion and gain deeper insights into people’s lived experiences (Singhal, Harter, Chitnis, & Sharma 2007). However, a distinguishing feature of photovoice is the display of photographs in public venues in order to raise awareness in the community about the social issues raised, and to encourage community dialogue aimed at social change (Wang & Redwood-Jones, 2001). Photovoice emerged from Drs. Wang and Burris’ work in teaching language and literacy skills to women in the Chinese province of Yunnan. The women were guided to take photographs and combined them with their personal narrative to represent their lived experiences (Wang & Burris, 1997). These photographs and written texts were presented in a book titled Visual Voices: 100 Photographs of Village China by the Woman of Yunnan Province (Wang & Burris, 1997). Wang has since written extensively on the overall process, methodology, and ethics of photovoice (see: Wang, 1999; Wang, 2000; Wang, Burris, & Ping, 1996; Wang & Redwood-Jones, 2001).
Changing Learning Culture Using Photovoice as an Emancipatory Learning and Teaching Resource
The literature describing photovoice often refers to documentary photography, feminism, and Freirean pedagogy as the main underlying philosophies (Wang, 1999; Wang & Burris, 1997; Wang & Redwood-Jones, 2001). All three theories support participatory, dialogical, arts-based methods that privilege different ways of knowing the creative representation of lived experiences. Documentary photography suggests a grassroots approach to representation and democratic ways individuals and groups
Freirean pedagogy aims for transformative education through the interdependent concepts of community-led learning, participation, critical consciousness, and praxis (Fleuri, 2008; Wallerstein & Duran, 2003). This approach to critical consciousness involves reflecting critically about self in relation to the everyday socio-political conditions that impact personal circumstances. Freire argued that images are also tools for people to see their reality from a new perspective and to think about the circumstances that influence thir experiences. In this process, group dialogue further reveals themes that are embedded in the images, where participants interrogate these themes through the ongoing cycles of reflection – dialogue – action (Wallerstein & Duran, 2003).
Freire’s theory of dialogue provides a foundation to guide dialogical approaches that allow understanding of the ways images can be used to stimulate group discussion. By providing learners the opportunity to create photographs that represent their own experiences, images can be used to communicate their own knowledge, not only to others, but also to themselves. With regards to photography, using the camera can contribute in the transformative process of education and self-awareness.
Photovoice and Community-Based Research
Community-based research projects that use photovoice in efforts to transform conditions and address significant social issues, at the same time makes the research process an important pedagogical practice (Daniels, 2008). According to Banks (2003), participatory methods start with the assumption that community members are experts in their situations, thus the role of the community should involve active participation (p. 103). By valuing the knowledge and experiences of people, and through dialectical encounters with others, groups begin to find solutions and address the types of social change that must occur at the macro level in order to achieve a more just and equitable society.
There are three main goals that guide photovoice: (1) to enable people to record and reflect on their particular community’s strengths, needs and concerns; (2) to promote critical dialogue and knowledge about important issues through large and small group discussion of photographs; and (3) to reach policymakers, health
The overall process of employing photovoice varies from project to project, but usually involves a discussion with participants on the use of consent forms and training on how to use the camera. Individuals are given several weeks or months to take photographs, then the group comes back together to collectively analyze the photographic meanings. Wang and Burris (1997) also developed a reflexive process to support participants to take further action in their own learning to identify connections and comment on experiences in the photographs. This is demonstrated using the acronym SHOWED. (What do you See here? How does this relate to Our Lives? Why does this problem, concern, or strength exist? What can we Do about it?) The final aspect of the method is a public exhibit of the photographs, where policy makers and community members are invited to view the display.
Photovoice as a participatory research methodology is often used when working with marginalized populations (Gotschi, Freyer, & Delve, 2008; Wang, 1999, 2000; Wang & Burris, 1997; Wang & Pies, 2004). Some examples include: youth (de Lange, Mitchell, Moletsane, Stuart, & Buthelezi, 2006); people who are homeless (Wang, Cash, & Powers, 2000); Aboriginal women (Brooks, Poudrier, Thomas, & MacLean, 2008); rural African American breast cancer survivors (Lopez, Eng, Randall-David, & Robinson, 2005); and people with disabilities (Jurkowski & Paul-Ward, 2007).
Molloy (2007) notes that photovoice “allows diverse populations of oppressed individuals the opportunity to take social action by raising awareness in the community and among policy-makers” (p. 40). The use of photovoice offer researchers opportunities to gain deeper insights into people’s lived experiences, which may have been previously overlooked, rejected, or silenced (Singhal et al., 2007, p. 217). Researchers note that the this methods increases participants’ overall self-esteem (Molloly, 2007; Wang, 1999); builds rapport and trust within the group (Brooks et al., 2008), promotes critical consciousness (LeClerc et al., 2002; Wang et al., 2000), and honours different ways of knowing through artistic expression whilst removing the privileging of the written word (Castleden et al., 2008; Daniels, 2008). Photovoice also offers marginalized communities the opportunity for participation, collaboration, and a forum and space to document their concerns, issues and community assets through the use of photography. Wang and colleagues note that in sharing these photographs with the broader community, the method fosters social support, raises awareness of social issues, and enables community members to rethink issues from the perspective of marginalized groups, and thus serves as a catalyst for broader social change (Wang & Pies, 2004; Wang & Redwood-Jones, 2001).
Photovoice has also been blended with other media in a participatory framework. For instance, Barlow and Hurlock (2014) describe a participatory action research
A Participatory Action Engagement of Transformative Learning: The Right to Love Project
Both still and moving images in research and social action initiatives can be taken-up in the context of emancipatory learning. Engaging in the process of participatory video involves learners in the production of moving images to document and explore a topic of concern. This approach is also informed by the same theoretical framework as collaborative photography. One example of this is the The Right to Love: A Participatory Video Project (Sitter, 2012). This 12-month study involved adults with developmental disabilities creating a series of short videos on the barriers and supports of sexual rights for persons with disabilities. In this research, participants engaged in new forms of learning while also creating new resources for the learning of others. Participants did this through (1) the use of videos to position themselves in advocacy; (2) learning to strengthen community bridges; (3) developing new communication skills; and (4) providing new learning for others by presenting their visual stories.
In the Right to Love project, participants led their advocacy efforts by sharing their visual stories. Participants entered into these public spaces as educators and film-collaborators. These roles afforded participants a level of recognition as experts in their lived experiences. By approaching these interactions from a place of authority, participants extended and enhanced their community connections. They also recognized that audiences truly wanted to hear what they had to say. As one participant explained: “It really stands out what we’re all about and that we give the education to the public and we act on it. We say: Yes, we have the right to love, and we will act on it.” The comment also reflects the importance of power arrangements in the process of sharing knowledge and how images as media become more than an educational tool solely for the people who create and use them. As another participant described the process of distribution, “Our voices become louder and stronger. We’re also developing relationships with others inside and outside our group.”
Participants learned to build bridges within and beyond the community. Advocacy as storytelling further captivates the broader community as the visual stories personalized how people take up their cause. As one participant from the Right to Love study further explained: “Through our stories, there’s a human piece that
At a practical level, learners also developed new skills. This contributed to building self confidence. One participant described his experience: “I got to hold the camera and do interviews and I was scared because I never did that before, but [it] was the best thing I ever did…I tried my best. I thought maybe I did a bad job, but we all did a really good job.”
The visual images were also also tools for others to learn. In the Right to Love project, participants indicated that showing the visual stories to family members presented an opportunity for parents to understand how denying their sexual rights had an impact on their overall wellbeing. For one participant, the videos served as a pathway to have difficult conversations with her parents. Before the project, she was unable to talk with her parents about love and sexuality, but the videos gave her the space and courage to open up the channels of communication: “The films have helped me create a safe space to talk about sexuality with my parents. We may not see eye-to-eye, but the films act as a springboard to talk about it.”
Photovoice: Helping Learners Become More Active Participants in Their Own Learning
More recently, educators have also engaged in different applications of photovoice in efforts for learners to be active participants in their own learning (Chio & Fandt, 2007; Cook, 2014; Edwards, Perry, Janzen, & Menzies, 2012; Warne, Snyder, & Gillander Gadin, 2012). As experiential learning requires greater involvement from students, students can apply their own knowledge and expertise to their learning, which can facilitate an increased sense of ownership associated with the overall process (Mulder & Dull, 2014). Through the engagement of photovoice, students are not passive recipients of education, but are actively involved in the concepts being explored which according to Lichty (2013) results in developing a deeper connection with course content.
Using photography to explore and reflect on topics in collaboration with other learners can also support the creation of environments that stimulate critical education while recognizing participants as active learners. For example, Warne et al. (2012) used photovoice to engage high school students in shaping healthy school environments. Unlike community-based photovoice projects, in this study photovoice was conducted in a classroom setting.
Photovoice as a pedagogical tool for self-reflection has been used in higher education. For example, Mulder and Dull (2014) integrated the photovoice process in a graduate social work course to encourage self-awareness through discussing and exploring lived histories through photographs. In this process, learners were asked to explore their own thoughts about their values and perceptions about social work.
Further Considerations of the Photovoice Process
Although photovoice continues to gain attention in both research and classroom settings, there are opportunities to further consider the ethical complexities associated with the process (Daniels, 2008; de Lange et al., 2006; Packard, 2008; Sinding, Gray, & Nisker, 2008). To date, the majority of the literature on ethics in photovoice has focused on issues such as privacy, copyright, and consent forms (Wang & Redwood-Jones, 2001). Although these are important contributions in understanding the process, these discussions predominantly focus on the requirements of Institutional Review Boards, with limited information on dealing with issues that transcend the legal aspects. There is also a paucity of literature that explores the perceptions and experiences of the participants when their photographs are publicly distributed. As noted by Sinding et al. (2008, p. 459), when this type of research is presented as art in the public arena, access to the work is deliberately arranged, and the recontextualizations of the research and participants’ stories become audible, visible, and felt by them in visceral and potentially lasting ways.
One of the three main goals of photovoice involves publicly displaying projects that are targeted to community members who hold various levels of decision making power, such as policymakers, health planners, and community leaders (Wang, 1999; Wang, Cash, & Powers, 2000; Wang & Redwood-Jones, 2001). However, by targeting distribution efforts aimed at ‘privileged’ groups within the community, the process risks reiterating dominant social relations, which also supports the earlier critiques inherent in documentary photography. To address these issues, it is worthwhile to explore other distribution opportunities that include community members and groups who can be mobilized for social action. There are many interesting and creative distribution methods that can be explored that include communities beyond the physical locality. Webpages and social media platforms such as Twitter also afford new ways of engaging online audiences. It is worthwhile to discuss these potential tactics with participants, as the methods should be guided by the needs and wants of the group.
What I have noticed in my community-based research is the value of ensuring the ongoing involvement of participants throughout the distribution phase. In many of
As noted earlier in the chapter, there are also blended and adapted forms of photovoice taking shape, in particular in the classroom setting that indicate adopting different goals associated with the photovoice methodology. As the process of photovoice continues to gain attention in both research and educational settings, researchers and educators must critically reflect and continue to document the ways in which images are used, presented, and distributed. In doing so, we develop a deeper understanding of the methodology and how it can be blended and adapted with other pedagogical tools in order to further develop photovoice as a form of participatory action engagement.
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