1 Introduction
In the early fifteenth century, the Portuguese Monarchy began to expand beyond the Iberian Peninsula, first to North Africa with the conquest of Ceuta in 1415, from where they sailed to all over Africa and reached India (1498) and Brazil (1502). The first ships were caravels, Mediterranean-style vessels weighing around 50–150 tonnes. However, as the decades progressed, fleets became larger, more complex and permanent. Maritime warfare forced the Iberian Empires to invest more sizeable sums in the construction and maintenance of ocean-going vessels, which were paramount not only to keeping the maritime empires connected, but also to ensuring the arrival of income for the always needy Royal Treasury.1 This encouraged the Iberian Empires to take steps not only to protect home-grown trees, but also to ensure the importation of the required wood through merchant timber networks.2
Such large warships and ocean-going vessels were highly complex technological creatures, and they required very specific types of wood, especially for the structural timbers and masts. Consequently, the Portuguese Crown took several steps to ensure the construction of these ships. Among other elements,
In addition, it was necessary to guarantee a steady supply of high-quality timber to the shipyards. The tree species most commonly used at the Lisbon shipyards were Quercus suber, Pinus pinea and Pinus pinaster.4 Consequently, these species turned out to be strategic for the Early Modern Portuguese Monarchy, which issued an extensive range of administrative documentation concerning their protection, availability, production and scarcity. Early Modern policymakers and shipwrights deliberately crafted the argument about the scarcity of wood and timber to legitimise new forest policies.5 Therefore, it is not surprising that claims of timber shortages were directly related to the availability of these tree species.
Numerous authors have studied Portuguese forestry legislation on hunting and shipbuilding.6 In Portugal, the royal forests began to increase in number and extension in the late thirteenth century. The montaria-mor was the main institution entrusted with protecting the royal forests for hunting and shipbuilding from at least the 1300s to the 1700s.7 As some authors have correctly pointed out, the monteiro-mor ordinance or regulation issued in 1605 noted a scarcity of timber for shipbuilding which was endangering vassals’ well-being and the survival of the Portuguese Monarchy.8
For this reason, the objective of this contribution is a) to create maps showing the limits of the management and protection of the forest area according to the monteiro-mor ordinance of 1605; b) to determine the potential distribution of Quercus suber, Pinus pinaster and Pinus pinea (established through Integrated Suitability for Tree Species); and c) to use different scenarios to provide an approximation of the number of trees available in the jurisdictional territory of the monteiro-mor ordinance of 1605.
2 Materials and Methods
Cartography is a handy geographic tool for understanding human decisions and ascertaining the spatial dimension of human activity in a territory. Unfortunately, prior to the late eighteenth century, no historical maps reflect systematic information about management areas or existing resources in the spaces studied here.
2.1 Cartographic Approach to the Limits of the Monteiro-mor Ordinance or Regulation of 1605
The legislative compilation carried out by the judge of the royal forests (juiz das coutadas) Heitor Botelho in 1584, during the Union of the Crowns, constitutes one of the most crucial documentary corpuses of Portuguese forestry legislation, together with the law or regulation of the monteiro-mor of 1605.10 The aforementioned compilation of 1584 includes legislation issued throughout
The monteiro-mor ordinance of 1605 governed the obligations, duties and privileges of the monteiro-mor and the staff under his supervision. The monteiro-mor was responsible for the montaria-mor, which was the main institution entrusted with the protection and preservation of the royal forests from the fourteenth to the early nineteenth century in Portugal.12 The ordinance of 1605 constituted a benchmark in Portuguese forestry legislation because it gathered a legislative effort that the Crown had carried out since the fifteenth century. Moreover, this legislation detailed hundreds of private woodlands that contained suitable (in the present or in the future) trees to produce sturdy timber for naval construction.13 It was one of the most important Portuguese forestry laws until the mid-1700s.
The ordinance indicates the limits of the forests and forest districts based on: 1) natural landscapes without precisely specifying the boundaries; 2) human elements that are difficult to trace today; and 3) a literal description of the landscape based on ancient toponymy and natural landscapes that have been modified over time, as well as manmade elements that no longer exist, making their exact georeferencing difficult. These were the same difficulties that Nicole Devy-Vareta faced when she tried to locate the woodlands and royal forests of the fifteenth-century Óbidos forest district.14
It may be concluded from an analysis of the 1584 compilation of forestry legislation and the law of 1605 that: a) the main population centres that acted as the “capital or main centres” of the forest districts, including those of Colares, Sintra and Sierra de Sintra, were already established because these districts were still royal forests, despite not being included in the ordinance of 1605, though they were regulated by several provisions listed in the compilation of 1584; and b) as for the limits of the forest areas included in the ordinance, in
However, in this essay, we preferred not to push the boundaries further to the south for two reasons: a) the Portuguese Monarchy did not appoint new keepers to safeguard such a large area, whose protection it would have been impossible to ensure; and b) although the historical documents on timber supplies from 1605 to 1640 include references to logging timber (pine) from this area (Alcácer do Sal) to the shipyards of Lisbon, it is not known if there was a permanent administrative staff in place to protect it.15 Furthermore, we included the boundaries of the Palmela forest district, located on the left margin of Tagus River from around Samora Correia up to the Atlantic Ocean and Setúbal, even though the regulation of 1605 specified the disbandment of this royal forest. We made this decision for two reasons: 1) it was not the first time that the Crown decided to dismantle this forest;16 and 2) this area had supplied timber for shipbuilding for centuries.17 The legal situation of the royal forest of Montemor-o-Novo, which had been disbanded in 1498 and again in 1605, remains unclear.18
The new maps we generated show our first approximation of the forestry limits of the scope of jurisdiction of the monteiro-mor regulation of 1605, based on current cartography and using the historical sources on forestry legislation.
The current maps used are the Administrative Limits (Direção-Geral do Território (Portugal), 2018) “Geographical information given by the Direção-Geral do Território,”
In addition to the population centres and the hydrographic network, we chiefly used the watershed lines24 and the Digital Elevation Model (MDE) to generate digital maps. With these two elements, the hydrographic basins of rivers were determined from the 1st to the 3rd levels25 and, in some cases, other watersheds were used to subdivide hydrographic basins.
We attempted to generate maps that “interpret” the meaning of the values reported in the historical documents. These maps provide an approximation by taking into account the geographical limits and natural elements that were probably used by the officers of the Portuguese Monarchy to create, select and establish the limits of the royal forests.
Topography was the primary element we used to define the geographical space covered by the monteiro-mor ordinance or regulation of 1605, as it would have facilitated the mobility and extraction of forest resources. Given the technology, infrastructure and resources of the time, we considered that the summit line is a natural border that would have covered this extension and/or would have fallen within the area of influence of the “capital or main headquarters” of the forest districts. We used ArcGIS Desktop 10.8 and the Coordinate System ETRS_1989_Portugal_TM06 (EPSG: 3763). Basic spatial analysis operations were carried out (selection by attributes, area of influence or spatial overlap).
3
The main Portuguese species used for crafting vessels in Lisbon shipyards according to shipbuilding treatises, archival sources and material remains from archaeological sites were Pinus pinea, Pinus pinaster and Quercus suber.26
Undoubtedly, establishing the location of forest resources is fundamental in determining availability and the load capacity that human activity can exert on forest spaces. Unfortunately, there are no precise data on the extension (area of the forestry species being exploited) and characteristics (number of trees or volumes per species) for the historical period studied here. We examined different scenarios and assumptions to achieve an approximate quantification of the forest area in question and the number of trees available per year (for example, for shipbuilding or other activities that required this resource).
We calculated the approximate area of influence of the limits of the monteiro-mor ordinance or regulation of 1605 using the maps generated in the previous section (Figure 6.1).
The geographic space of the monteiro-mor ordinance or regulation of 1605
SOURCE: AUTHORS’ OWN ELABORATION, EUROPEAN DIGITAL ELEVATION MODEL (2016) AND RAMM, F. (2019)
To determine the potential distribution and attempt a quantification of the forest area, we carried out an Integrated Suitability assessment for Quercus suber,27 Pinus pinea28 and Pinus pinaster.29
Using Figure 6.1, we calculated the Integrated Suitability for these species within the proposed territorial limits of the monteiro-mor ordinance or regulation of 1605.
Our analysis made several assumptions: a) it was considered that 10% of the total forest area resulting from the Integrated Suitability for Tree Species consisted of good-quality, productive forest masses usable for shipbuilding. In addition, b) these productive forest masses were taken to have measured
The criteria established in the design of our scenario were pretty restrictive in order to approximate the minimum quality of the wood used for shipbuilding at the time and, especially, to work with the lower threshold to determine the forestry capacity and the sustainability of the forest management.
4 Results and Discussion
Mainland Portugal is located in the west part of the Iberian Peninsula. The northern part of the country is mountainous, an extension of the Galician Massif with the Serra da Estrêla and foothills of the Central System as its southern limit. The Douro River, embedded in the sharp relief, crosses this northern part of Portugal.
The Tagus River can be considered the natural element that marks the transition towards small mountain ranges and low plateaus and mainly through plains and broad valleys that characterize the centre and south of Portugal. A prominent feature of this area is the Alentejo Plateau, surrounded in its southern part by the elevations of the Algarve.
The whole of Portugal is located in the Mediterranean climatic zone with Atlantic influence. Temperatures increase as we move south, while rainfall decreases to aridity.
4.1 Cartographic Approach to the Limits of the Monteiro-mor Ordinance or Regulation of 1605
The monteiro-mor ordinance or regulation of 1605 stemmed from the need to structure and manage the territory. It was aimed at regulating and protecting a resource that was valuable for energy (domestic and industrial use), shipbuilding, food for people and cattle, shade for livestock, construction, and multiple uses for Portuguese dwellers. This regulation is of great relevance to understanding forest management at that historical moment; unfortunately, determining its spatial scope of action is a complex task, given the imprecision of many of its limits, the presence of ancient toponymy and natural landscapes that are difficult to locate today and constructions unoccupied by humans.
As an initial approximation, we drew up a proposal for the geographical space enclosed by the limits of the forests and forestry districts or the territorial scope of application of the monteiro-mor ordinance of 1605. The cartographic
Total area (in hectares) of the jurisdictional scope of the monteiro-mor ordinance of 1605
| Total area (in hectares) | |
|---|---|
| Monteiro-mor ordinance of 1605 | 1 918 584.67 |
Forest harvesting areas for shipbuilding were mainly located near the coastline or navigable rivers due to the wood-producing areas’ lack of access and transport infrastructure. We interpreted that the spirit of the ordinance stemmed from natural (hypsometry and morphology of the land, among other things) and spatial (maximum reference distances) criteria. In some cases, specifically in the Southeast area, we included hydrographic basins that it is logical to think would have fallen within the area of influence, although there is no absolute certainty. Therefore, this map should be considered an initial approximation, which can be improved on.
The cartographic proposal (Figure 6.1) is based on an analysis of the population centres that acted as the “capitals” of the forest districts and the topographical elements that provided precise references (for example, 20 kilometres north of the mouth of the Mondego river; or in the forest district of Coruche the territorial delimitation in the Montargil mountain range). We made an initial approximation by applying criteria for choosing limits similar to the interpretation made for the map of the Cork Oak Law of 1546.30
In the analysis carried out, in most cases we observed a certain correspondence between the Hydrographic Basin and the “capital” of the forest districts. For this reason, we considered that landforms and natural elements (lines of mountain peaks or hydrographic basins) could provide a valid approximation of the administrative limits. There is a sound basis for this assumption since, at the time, the accessibility of the land, the availability of important watercourses and the optimal location of the forest management centres
4.2 Estimating the Forestry Area and Number of Trees Available per Year for the Territorial Scope of the Monteiro-mor Ordinance or Regulation of 1605
The location of forest resources is an important factor in any production process, especially when there are technical and logistical limitations, as there were in the Early Modern Age when it came to harvesting timber for shipbuilding. Both the distance between the resource (the tree) and the place of processing (e.g., sawmill or shipyard) and, mainly, the area available for exploitation were very relevant to determining the supply of resources. In general, it was intended that the exploited forest masses and the shipyards should be as close as possible.32 This was because forests were cleared by dragging logs, with the aid of oxen and sometimes even on men’s shoulders, to waterways that allowed them to be transported by flotation.33
There is no precise documentation or cartography on forests (location, surfaces, etc.) and the activities related to their management in the kingdom of Portugal during the period studied here. Only general references can be found on the location of mountains, areas of forestry activity, etc., in historical records (Devy-Vareta 1985). At best, there are narrative maps of the limits of each of the forest districts, such as the compilation carried out in 1584 and the regulation of 1605, which have made it possible to generate the scope of this regulation (Figure 6.1).
For this reason, establishing the potential distribution of the forest species of Quercus suber, Pinus pinaster, and Pinus pinea helps ascertain the location and the exploitable area (Figure 6.2, Tables 6.2 and 6.3).
a) Hypsometry (in metres) of the geographic space of the monteiro-mor ordinance or regulation of 1605 (line in red). Integrated Suitability for b) Quercus suber, c) Pinus pinaster and d) Pinus pinea
SOURCE: AUTHORS’ OWN ELABORATION, EUROPEAN DIGITAL ELEVATION MODEL (2016), MAGALHÃES ET AL (2015A), MAGALHÃES ET AL (2015B) AND MAGALHÃES ET AL (2015C)
Estimation of forested areas (in hectares) for Quercus suber, Pinus pinaster and Pinus pinea
| Quercus suber | Pinus pinaster | Pinus pinea | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Monteiro-mor ordinance of 1605 | 607,661.63 | 420,719.88 | 627,647.31 |
Estimating the number of trees available in Figure 6.2 with the indicated density (trees/ha) considering each species to account for 10% of the forest area
| 25 trees/ha | 100 trees/ha | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| Quercus suber | Total number of trees | 1,519,154 | |
| Number of trees available each year (silvicultural rotation every 100 years) | 15,191 | ||
| Number of trees available each year (silvicultural rotation every 125 years) | 12,153 | ||
| Number of trees available each year (silvicultural rotation every 150 years) | 10,128 | ||
| Pinus pinea | Total number of trees | 6,276,473 | |
| Number of trees available each year (silvicultural rotation every 50 years) | 125,529 | ||
| Number of trees available each year (silvicultural rotation every 75 years) | 83,686 | ||
| Number of trees available each year (silvicultural rotation every 100 years) | 62,765 | ||
| Pinus pinaster | Total number of trees | 4,207,199 | |
| Number of trees available each year (silvicultural rotation every 50 years) | 84,144 | ||
| Number of trees available each year (silvicultural rotation every 75 years) | 56,096 | ||
| Number of trees available each year (silvicultural rotation every 100 years) | 42,072 |
These data (Figure 6.2, Tables 6.2 and 6.3) make it possible to establish the location and the theoretical area where these species grew. Although this starting point is approximate and based on scenarios, it is the first step towards evaluating the sustainability of resource management and human activity’s effects on these resources.
In addition, resource management is relevant to the productive process if its continuity or sustainability is desired. Wood was a strategic natural resource for human societies during the Middle and Early Modern ages34 and even until the end of the nineteenth century. Wood is renewable if adequately managed, providing goods (fuel, tools, building materials, etc.) and services to human societies since the dawn of history.35 These characteristics made it an essential resource and support for the activity and development of any country, especially in the Middle and Early Modern ages. Its importance reached such heights that some authors have called the Modern Age the “Wooden Age.”36
Forest management ensured that the felling of forest masses yielded the types and qualities of wood that were required for each use. Felling could be selective (aimed at specific pieces for shipbuilding where quality prevailed), but clear-cutting was also carried out to obtain raw timber.37 As stated, wood was multifunctional and those types that were not suitable for shipbuilding
The map generated (Figure 6.1) enabled us to calculate the total jurisdictional area (Table 6.1), and, based on the proposed limits, the area (Table 6.2) occupied by forest species. Figure 6.1 and Table 6.2 provide an approximate idea of the potential distribution of Quercus suber, Pinus pinaster and Pinus pinea.
Based on these data, we made the assumption that 10% of the available forest areas yielded good-quality trees suitable for forest uses (wood, charcoal, etc). This analysis, first and foremost, enabled us to estimate the forest cover in areas defined in our scenarios as regulated by the monteiro-mor ordinance of 1605 and, therefore, subject to forest management.
Considering non-overlapping areas, there would have been 60,766 ha of Quercus suber (3.2% of the jurisdictional area of the monteiro-mor ordinance of 1605), 42,072 ha of Pinus pinaster (2.2%) and 62,765 ha of Pinus pinea (3.3%). As can be seen, the figure of 8.6% of usable forest area is well below the minimum percentage of forest area in the 1995–2015 period:40 35% in 2010 in mainland Portugal, 21% in 2010 in the NUTS II Lisbon Region, 37% in 2010 in the NUTS II Center Region and 42% in 1995 in the NUTS II Alentejo Region.
Table 6.3 estimates the number of available trees based on their density: 25 trees/ha for Quercus suber and 100 trees/ha for Pinus pinaster and Pinus pinea. These densities include lower thresholds than those found nowadays.41 Quercineas (e.g., Quercus suber) tend to have a lower density than pine forests, typical figures for this species being between 25 trees/ha and 75 trees/ha. In addition, silvicultural rotation is usually longer, in the region of 100 or 150 years, although it could be done from 75 years. In the case of pine forests (e.g., Pinus pinaster), the density could vary from 100 trees/ha to 200 trees/ha, and optimal silvicultural rotation was between 50 and 100 years.
The data and assumptions in Tables 6.2 and 6.3 seem conclusive for determining potential stocks and making estimates of resource availability. Acting on less than 9% of the jurisdictional area of the monteiro-mor ordinance of 1605, between 15,191 and 10,128 Quercus suber trees aged between 100 and 150 years could be extracted annually and sustainably. For Pinus pinea, between 125,529 and 62,765 trees aged between 50 and 100 years could be cut annually without compromising their viability; and for Pinus pinaster, between 84,144 and 42,072 trees under the same conditions as Pinus pinea.
In this case, with scenarios that pose extreme conditions, the results show that a sustainable extraction of 22,486,400 trees every 100 years (Quercus suber/Pinus pinea and Pinus pinaster, respectively) and 11,496,500 trees every 100 years (Quercus suber/Pinus pinea and Pinus pinaster, respectively) could have been carried out. It is important to stress the idea that forest masses are living systems. Forest cover not only decreases with logging but also grows back and expands with astonishing speed once human action is relaxed,43 or through human actions such as reforestation.
Some assumptions have been made here, and the results of some of the possibilities have been provided. Reducing silvicultural rotation or modifying density would indeed have affected the volume of wood and, in some cases, its quality for shipbuilding. However, under similar environmental conditions, the viability of the forests would not have been impacted, nor would deforestation processes have been triggered. Nevertheless, further investigation is required to establish whether there were repeated efforts to exploit certain local areas. Undoubtedly, these figures should spark reflection on the
The number of trees available annually and every ten years, resulting from maintaining the abovementioned silvicultural rotation, would have provided the necessary woods for maritime expansion and also ensured the sustainability of the forest and the maintenance of the forest resource of interest. It is highly challenging to establish how much timber was required in this period for the construction of an ocean-going ship. Archival information on timber supplies offers some insights into this matter. From 1621 to 1634, the amount of cork oak timber required for the construction of a single ocean-going ship ranged from around 2,200 to 3,200 cork oak trees, with an exceptional case in 1630 when 4,500 cork oaks were requested.45
It is more challenging still to assess pine needs. In December 1622, Roque da Silveira (purveyor of the warehouses for shipbuilding) stated that 3,960 pinheiro-mansos (Pinus pinea) were needed to build two ocean-going ships. In November 1632, the Portuguese government requested the monteiro-mor for the amounts of cork oak, stone and maritime pine listed in table 4 for the construction of a new galleon. It asked for 3,200 cork oaks, 1,400 pinheiros-mansos and a range of timber components which do not allow us to calculate how many Pinus pinea were necessary for their construction. This pine would have come from the area of Ribatejo. From Pederneira, it requested 1,006 pinheiro-bravos (Pinus pinaster) and an assortment of timber components for which it is not possible to calculate the number of trees required. A rough estimate would be 2,000 pines of each type (Pinus pinea, Pinus pinaster) to build a single vessel.
According to Reboredo & Pais,46 during the 1400s and the 1500s, maritime expansion was responsible for the destruction of all Quercus sp. between the Duero and Tagus rivers and, in general, between four and five million trees were felled (approximately 2 to 2.5 million trees in 100 years), predominantly Pinus sp. and Quercus sp. According to these authors, deforestation was chiefly motivated by shipbuilding needs, although industrial activities and population growth were also influential. Furthermore, they go so far as to indicate that
Amounts of cork oak and stone and maritime pine specified for the construction of a new galleon in November 1632
| Required timber | Ship components |
|---|---|
| 3,200 cork trees | Stem posts, doublings (coisses, here understood as calçês), keels, frames, first futtocks, aposturas, clamps or beam shelves, breasthooks, waterways, weatherdeck knees, curvas de reves, bilge stringers, deck-support knees, and other necessary items not detailed |
| Stone pine (Pinus pinea) from Ribatejo area | |
| 1,000 trees | Wales, filler timbers, and meias latas (half deck beams) |
| 400 trees | Stanchions |
| 80 dozens | Lateral planks |
| 40 dozens | Dalcaixa planking |
| 140 | Stern planks |
| 2 | Madres de leme (rudders) |
| 4 | Azafroes |
| 2 | Doublings |
| 10 | Pinçoes (here understood as pinção, whipstaff) |
| 200 maritime pine trees | Armaçãos |
| Maritime pine from the area of Pederneira | |
| 140 dozen | Deck planks |
| 140 dozen | Ceiling planks |
| 1,000 trees | Deck beams, bilge stringers, carling |
| 6 | Asafroes |
| 12 tabuas | Channels |
| 24 | Apostiças (possibly aposturas, if so top timbers) |
| 6 trees | Pumps |
| 6 | Asafrões mansos |
SOURCE: BAHMOP, MMR, nÚCLEO 9, NOVEMBER 1632. PUBLISHED IN TRAPAGA MONCHET, “SUPPLYING TIMBER,” 229
Published historical information, such as the monteiro-mor ordinance of 1605, refers to numerous pine and cork oak forests and some oak groves.47
Judging by the archival information on timber supplies for shipbuilding – that 3,200 cork oaks, 2,000 stone pines, and 2,000 maritime pines were required to construct a single ocean-going ship – Portuguese forest cover would have been able to meet the needs of the shipyards of Lisbon without great difficulty. Therefore, this experimental and quantitative approach provides a basis for questioning and interpreting territorial processes and deforestation in the Early Modern Age from a different perspective. Undoubtedly, it would be interesting to examine whether the pressure on forest masses was very localized, regional or national, or the result of the combined action of more complex processes linked to models of economic development (agrarian expansion, industrial demand for raw materials and energy sources) and a change in the property regime (a shift from communal and royal forests to private ownership) that led to a reduction in the forest area.
The main Portuguese shipyards demanded quality raw materials continuously so as not to interrupt the production chain. Having nearby forest areas would have made it easier to meet these requirements. However, the Viana do Castelho shipyard had difficulties obtaining raw materials from early on,49 a possible indication at least that the necessary forest masses were not located nearby.
The underlying idea that takes on particular importance is that a deficiency in the logistics chain affecting the availability of forest resources, or the pressure on forests “close” to the places of demand, could have created a false sense of high prices and an increase in prices. Therefore, deforestation – possibly understood in this historical context as the pressure on forest masses above their carrying capacity – would not have been a widespread issue but localized and concentrated around spaces with high demand (in our case, the shipyards). The logistical limitations of the time, local pressure on the forest
The results raise new and suggestive questions about the persistence of the concern about deforestation.51 The construction of the so-called Early Modern State notably influenced the emergence of increasingly invasive legislation issued by the territorial princes, which included use of and access to natural resources. A rhetoric was required to justify the approval of such measures and among the given reasons were fears of deforestation or the disappearance of forest masses (there is an extensive bibliography: see, for example, the case-studies of Venice and Württemberg, or the overview provided by Paul Warde for most of Europe52).
Therefore, deforestation processes are complex with multiple causes and effects and directly related to the economy and population growth.53 The processes of forest dynamics,54 the availability of forest resources and deforestation spark controversy. Despite the control and repopulation advocated by the authorities, especially the Iberian monarchies, the perception and transmission of the idea of scarcity of forest resources, unsustainability of human activity, and deforestation resulting from cutting down forest masses at a faster rate than they could regenerate have been present since ancient times.55
5 Conclusions
Judging by the elements described in the historical texts, the limits of the forest protection and management zones seem to be based on geographical aspects. The consideration of watersheds as the main element of the boundaries established in the forest legislation provides cartography with limits consistent with the technical and accessibility limitations of the Early Modern Age.
The analysis carried out makes it possible to establish a potential distribution of Quercus suber, Pinus pinea and Pinus pinaster. According to our calculations, which are based on quite restrictive assumptions, these species would have occupied an area of 150,000 hectares, or 8.7% of the scope of jurisdiction of the monteiro-mor ordinance of 1605 (Quercus suber: 3.2%; Pinus pinaster: 2.2% and Pinus pinea: 3.3%). In an area of this size, the sustainable extraction of 22,486,400 and 11,496,500 trees of all three species could have been carried out every 100 years. Our analysis indicates that there would have been sufficient good quality trees (that met the requirements for shipbuilding) for minimum annual removals of 10,000 Quercus suber, 60,000 Pinus pinea and 40,000 Pinus pinaster.
These data show that there was a sufficient forestry capacity to address the wood needs for shipbuilding reflected in literature and archival sources without compromising the viability and future sustainability of this area. The results highlight the need for more complex and interdisciplinary analyses to
These results should encourage us to contemplate reality. The causes of the problem, as reported in the literature, suggest new hypotheses involving issues related to location, the logistics chain, resource accessibility, price fluctuations and other factors. These factors are considered pivotal in the processes of local deforestation. They also drive the need for a more comprehensive definition of forest masses, including their distribution and characteristics, and the identification of key actors and pressures that shaped the state and evolution of forested areas during the Modern Age. Additionally, they prompt a reassessment of the origins and widespread legislative regulations concerning forest resources, with a focus on the aspects previously highlighted in this study.
Undoubtedly, these data encourage reflection on human-environment interactions. Even though there were sufficient forest resources at the time, the Portuguese Monarchy created a legislative body to conserve and protect the woodlands. It is particularly interesting to reflect on why the idea of deforestation or reduction of forest area took shape. If the reductions in forest masses were so significant and there was awareness of the loss of ecosystem services and its impacts (e.g., loss of soil or biodiversity), how could these monarchies have subsisted? How is it possible that forestry masses have recovered by over 20% today, and high-value natural spaces can be found in these areas? Undoubtedly, these issues are worth reflecting on and deserve to be examined and analysed in detail.
Abbreviations
BA: Biblioteca de Ajuda
BAHMOP: Biblioteca e Arquivo Histórico do Ministerio de Obras Púbricas
MMR: Montaria-Mor do reino
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Devy-Vareta, Nicole. “Para uma geografia histórica da floresta portuguesa: as matas medievais e a “coutada velha” do Rei.” Revista da Faculdade de Letras 1 (1985): 47–73.
Domingues, Francisco Contente. Os navios do mar oceano: teoria e empiria na arquitectura naval portuguesa dos séculos XVI e XVII. Lisbon: Centro de História da Universidade de Lisboa, 2004.
Domínguez-Delmás, Marta, R. Alejano-Monge, S. Van Daalen, E. Rodríguez-Trobajo, I. García-González, J. Susperregi, T. Wazny, and E. Jansma. “Tree-rings, forest history and cultural heritage: Current state and future prospects of dendroarchaeology in the Iberian Peninsula.” Journal of Archaeological Science 57 (2015): 180–96.
Duffy, James. Shipwreck & Empire. Being an Account of Portuguese Maritime Disasters in a Century of Decline. Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1955.
European Environment Agency (EEA). “European Digital Elevation Model (EU-DEM), version 1.1.” European Environment Agency (EEA) under the framework of the Copernicus programme, 2016.
Ewers, Robert M. “Interaction effects between economic development and forest cover determine deforestation rates.” Global Environmental Change 16, no. 2 (2006) 161–69.
Gaspar, Jorge. “Os portos fluviais do Tejo.” Finisterra 5, no. 10 (1970): 153–215.
Glete, Jan. Warfare at Sea, 1500–1650: Maritime Conflicts and the Transformation of Europe. New York: Routledge, 2000.
Harris, William E. (ed.). The Ancient Mediterranean Environment between Science and History. Leiden: Brill, 2013.
Holmgren, Milena and Marten Scheffer. “To Tree or Not to Tree: Cultural Views from Ancient Romans to Modern Ecologists.” Ecosystems 20, no. 1 (2017): 62–8.
Hughes, J. Donald and J.V. Thirgood. “Deforestation, Erosion, and Forest Management in Ancient Greece and Rome.” Journal of Forest History 26, no. 2 (1982): 60–75.
Hughes, J. Donald. “How the Ancients Viewed Deforestation.” Journal of Field Archaeology 10, no. 4 (1983): 435–45.
Hughes, J. Donald. “Ancient Deforestation Revisited.” Journal of the History of Biology 44, no. 1 (2011): 43–57.
Labrador Arroyo, Félix and Koldo Trápaga-Monchet. “La configuración del espacio y la explotación forestal de un enclave singular: el Real Sitio del Soto de Roma durante la dinastía Hasburgo.” Studia Histórica. Historia Moderna 39, no. 3 (2017): 293–327.
Labrador Arroyo, Félix. La Casa Real en Portugal (1580–1621). Madrid: Polifemo, 2009.
Magalhães, Manuela Raposo, Ana Müller and João Ferreira Silva. “Aptidão Integrada ao Sobreiro (Quercus suber L.) para Portugal Continental.” http://epic-webgis-portugal.isa.utl.pt/: LEAF/ISA/ULisboa, 2015a.
Magalhães, Manuela Raposo, Ana Müller and João Ferreira Silva. “Aptidão Integrada ao Pinheiro-manso (Pinus pinea L.) para Portugal Continental.” http://epic-webgis-portugal.isa.utl.pt/: LEAF/ISA/ULisboa, 2015b.
Magalhães, Manuela Raposo, Ana Müller and João Ferreira Silva. “Aptidão Integrada ao Pinheiro-bravo (Pinus pinaster Aiton) para Portugal Continental.” http://epic-webgis-portugal.isa.utl.pt/: LEAF/ISA/ULisboa, 2015c.
Martínez González, Alfredo José. Las Superintendencias de Montes y Plantíos (1574–1748): derecho y política forestal para las armadas en la Edad Moderna. Valencia: Tirant lo Blanch, 2015.
Melero Guilló, María Jesús. “A la mar madera”: La madera en la arquitectura naval española.” In Andalucía, América y el mar: Actas de las IX Jornadas de Andalucía y América, edited by Bibiano Torres Ramírez, 145–57. Sevilla: Diputación de Huelva, 1991.
Melo, Cristina Joanaz de. “Menos coutadas melhores pinhais: império, inundações, fisiocracia, guerra e especialização das matas reais em Portugal (1777–1824).” Tiempos Modernos. Revista electrónica de Historia Moderna 9, no. 39 (2019): 456–87.
Melo, Cristina Joanaz de. An Analysis of the Royal Preserves in Portugal. Issues of privilege, power, management and conflict. Sheffield: Wildtrack, 2015.
Melo, Cristina Joanaz de. Coutadas reais (1777–1824): Privilégio, poder, gestão e conflito. Lisbon: Montepio Geral, 2000.
Perlin, John. A Forest journey: The Story of Wood and Civilization. Woodstock, Vermont: Countryman Press, 2005.
Ramm, Frederik. “Portugal: OpenStreetMap Data in Layered GIS Format.” Data/Maps Copyright 2018 Geofabrik GmbH and OpenStreetMap Contributors. Map tiles: Creative Commons BY-SA 2.0 Data: ODbL 1.0, 2019.
Reboredo, Fernando and João Pais. “A construção naval e a destruição do coberto florestal em Portugal – Do Século XII ao Século XX.” Ecologi@ 4 (2012): 31–42.
Reboredo, Fernando and João Pais. “Evolution of Forest Cover in Portugal: From the Miocene to the Present.” In Forest Context and Policies in Portugal. Present and Future Challenges, edited by Fernando Reboredo, 1–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014a.
Reboredo, Fernando and João Pais. “Evolution of forest cover in Portugal: A review of the 12th-20th centuries.” Journal of Forestry Research 25, no. 2 (2014b): 249–56.
Romero-Calcerrada, Raúl and Koldo Trapaga-Monchet. “La ley del alcornoque de 1546 y la ordenanza del Monteiro-Mor de 1605.” In Historia, Sociedad y Medio ambiente: la sostenibilidad, edited by Koldo Trapaga-Monchet and Luis Alberto Polo Romero (cords.), 143–79. Madrid: Sílex, 2022.
Salgado, Augusto Alves. “Portugal e o Atlântico:organização militar e acções navais durante o período filipino: (1580–1640)”. PhD diss., Universidade de Lisboa, 2009.
Serra Rúiz, Pere, Xavier Pons Fernández and David Saurí Pujol. “Land-cover and land-use change in a Mediterranean landscape: A spatial analysis of driving forces integrating biophysical and human factors.” Applied Geography 28, no. 3 (2008): 189–209.
Silva, João Ferreira, Manuela Raposo Magalhães, and Natália Cunha. “Classificação hierárquica e toponímica das Linhas de Água de Portugal Continental.” Lisbon: LEAF/ISA/ULisboa, 2013, http://epic-webgis-portugal.isa.utl.pt/.
Silva, João Ferreira, Manuela Raposo Magalhães, and Natália Cunha. “Linhas de Festo de Portugal Continental.” Lisbon: LEAF/ISA/ULisboa, 2013, http://epic-webgisportugal.isa.utl.pt/
Silva, José Bonifacio. Memoria sobre a necessidade e utilidade do plantio de novos bosques em Portugal. Lisbon: Na Typographia da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1815.
Silva, José Justino de Andrade. Collecção chronologica da legislação portugueza (1603–1612). Lisbon: Imprensa de J. J. A. Silva, 1854.
Slee, Bill. “Landscape goods and services related to forestry land use.” In Multifunctional Land Use: Meeting Future Demands for Landscape Goods and Services, 65–82. Berlin-Heidelberg: Springer, 2007.
Snyder, Brian F. “The genetic and cultural evolution of unsustainability.” Sustainability Science 15, no. 4 (2020): 1087–99.
Trapaga Monchet, Koldo. “El estudio de los bosques reales de Portugal a través de la legislación forestal en las dinastías Avis, Habsburgo y Braganza (ca. 1435–1650).” Philostrato: revista de historia y arte 1 (2017) 5–27.
Trapaga Monchet, Koldo. “Guerra y deforestación en el reino de Portugal (siglos XVI–XVII).” Tiempos Modernos: Revista Electrónica de Historia Moderna 9, no. 39, (2019): 396–425.
Trapaga Monchet, Koldo. “No es madera para vasallos, sino del rey. Las políticas forestales de los Hasburgo en Portugal (1609–1640).” Obradoiro de Historia Moderna 28 (2019): 105–34.
Trapaga Monchet, Koldo. “Supplying Timber for his Majesty’s Fleets: Forest Resources and Maritime Struggle in Portugal (1621–1634).” In Heritage and the Sea: Volume 1: Maritime History and Archaeology of the Global Iberian World (15th–18th centuries), edited by Ana Crespo Solana, Filipe Castro and Nigel Nayling, 215–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022.
Trapaga Monchet, Koldo. “Who protected portuguese forests? Safeguarding and preserving royal and private forests in Portugal (1605–1640).” In Árvores, barcos e homens na Península Ibérica (séculos XVI–XVIII), edited by Rosa Varela Gomes and Koldo Trápaga-Monchet, 135–48. Zaragoza: Pórtico Librerías, 2017.
Uva, José Sousa and Sónia Pacheco Faias. 6.º Inventário Florestal Nacional (IFN6). Anexo Técnico. Versão 1.0 I.: Instituto da Conservação da Natureza e das Florestas (ICNF), 2019.
Uva, José Sousa. 6.º Inventário Florestal Nacional (IFN6). Instituto da Conservação da Natureza e das Florestas (ICNF), 2019.
Warde, Paul. “Fear of Wood Shortage and the Reality of the Woodland in Europe, c. 1450–1850.” History Workshop Journal 62, no. 1 (2006): 28–57, https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbl009.
Warde, Paul. Ecology, Economy and State Formation in Early Modern Germany. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006, doi:.
Williams, Michael. “Dark ages and dark areas: Global deforestation in the deep past.” Journal of Historical Geography 26, no. 1 (2000): 28–46.
Williams, Michael. Deforesting the Earth: From Prehistory to Global Crisis. An Abridgment. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010.
Wing, John T. Roots of Empire. Forests and State Power in Early Modern Spain, c. 1500–1750. Leiden: Brill, 2015, https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004261372.
Yun-Casalilla, Bartolomé. Iberian world empires and the globalization of europe 1415–1668. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, doi:https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0833-8.
Leonor Freire Costa, Naus e galeões na ribeira de Lisboa: a construção naval no século XVI para a Rota do Cabo (Cascais: Patrimonia Historica, 1997). Francisco Contente Domingues, Os navios do mar oceano: teoria e empiria na arquitectura naval portuguesa dos séculos XVI e XVII (Lisbon: Centro de História da Universidade de Lisboa, 2004); Jan Glete, Warfare at Sea, 1500–1650: Maritime Conflicts and the Transformation of Europe (New York: Routledge, 2000); Augusto Alves Salgado, “Portugal e o Atlântico: organização militar e acções navais durante o período filipino: (1580–1640)” (PhD diss., Universidade de Lisboa, 2009); Bartolomé Yun Casalilla, Iberian world empires and the globalization of europe 1415–1668 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), 51–98.
Ana Crespo Solana and Nigel Nayling, “ForSEAdiscovery. Forest resources for Iberian Empires: Ecology and Globalization in the Age of Discovery (16th–18th centuries),” in Actas del V Congreso Internacional de Arqueología Subacuática (IKUWA V) (Madrid: Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte, 2016), 896–904; Ana Crespo Solana, “ForSEAdiscovery: la construcción naval y el comercio de la madera del siglo XVI al XVIII,” Revista PH 96 (2019): 114–41.
Leonor Freire Costa, “Aspectos empresariais da construção naval no século XVI: o caso da Ribeira das Naus de Lisboa,” Análise Social 31, no. 136/137 (1996): 295–304.
Filipe Castro, The Pepper Wreck: A Portuguese Indiaman at the Mouth of the Tagus River, Texas: Texas A&M University Press, 2005), 114–61; Costa, Naus e galeões, 305–33; Domingues, Os navios, passim.
Karl Appuhn, A Forest on the Sea: Environmental Expertise in Renaissance Venice, (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009); Alfredo José Martínez González, Las Superintendencias de Montes y Plantíos (1574–1748): derecho y política forestal para las armadas en la Edad Moderna, Valencia: Tirant lo Blanch, 2015; Paul Warde, “Fear of Wood Shortage and the Reality of the Woodland in Europe, c. 1450–1850,” History Workshop Journal 62, no. 1 (2006): 28–57; John T. Wing, Roots of Empire. Forests and State Power in Early Modern Spain, c. 1500–1750, Leiden: Brill, 2015.
Félix Labrador Arroyo, La Casa Real en Portugal, 1580–1621 (Madrid: Polifemo, 2009), 215–41; Koldo Trápaga-Monchet, “El estudio de los bosques reales de Portugal a través de la legislación forestal en las dinastías Avis, Habsburgo y Braganza (ca. 1435–1650),” Philostrato: Revista de Historia y Arte 1 (2017), 5–27.
Labrador Arroyo, La Casa Real, 225–41; Cristina Joanaz de Melo, Coutadas reais (1777–1824): Privilégio, poder, gestão e conflito (Lisbon: Montepio Geral, 2000); Cristina Joanaz de Melo, An Analysis of the Royal Preserves in Portugal. Issues of privilege, power, management and conflict (Sheffield: Wildtrack, 2015); Trápaga Monchet, “El estudio,” 5–27.
Nicole Devy-Vareta, “Para uma geografia histórica da floresta portuguesa: do declínio das matas medievais à política florestal do Renascimento (sécs. XV e XVI),” Revista da Faculdade de Letras 1 (1986): 24–5, 33–4; Labrador Arroyo, La Casa Real, 238–41.
Among others José Bonifacio Silva, Memoria sobre a necessidade e utilidade do plantio de novos bosques em Portugal (Lisbon: Na Typographia da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1815), 16–22; James Duffy, Shipwreck & Empire. Being an Account of Portuguese Maritime Disasters in a Century of Decline (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1955); Charles R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire (1415–1825) (London: Hutchinson, 1977); Costa, Naus e galeões, 191–92.
Labrador Arroyo, La Casa Real, 233–41; Nicole Devy-Vareta and António A. Monteiro Alves, “Os avanços e os recuos da floresta em Portugal – da Idade Média ao Liberalismo,” in Floresta e sociedade. Uma história em comum, ed. Joaquim Sande Silva (Lisbon: Fundação Luso-Americana, 2007), 64–5.
Biblioteca de Ajuda (BA), Ms. 44-XIII-61.
Labrador Arroyo, La Casa Real, 205–41; Joanaz de Melo, An Analysis, passim.
José Justino de Andrade Silva, Collecção chronologica da legislação portugueza (1603–1612) (Lisbon: Imprensa de J. J. A. Silva, 1854), 112–21; Labrador Arroyo, La Casa Real, 238–41; Trápaga Monchet, “El estudio,” 18–21.
Nicole Devy-Vareta, “Para uma geografia histórica da floresta portuguesa: as matas medievais e a “coutada velha” do Rei,” Revista da Faculdade de Letras 1 (1985): 62–3.
Biblioteca e Arquivo Histórico do Ministerio de Obras Púbricas (BAHMOP), Montaria-Mor do Reino (MMR), núcleo 8; Trapaga Monchet, “El estudio,” 114; Koldo Trapaga-Monchet, “Supplying Timber for his Majesty’s Fleets: Forest Resources and Maritime Struggle in Portugal (1621–1634),” in Heritage and the Sea: Volume 1: Maritime History and Archaeology of the Global Iberian World (15th–18th centuries), ed. Ana Crespo Solana, Filipe Castro and Nigel Nayling (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022), 227–31.
Devy-Vareta, “Para uma geografia,” 1986, 21–3.
Devy-Vareta, “Para uma geografia,” 1986, 10.
Silva, Collecção chronologica, 123; Devy-Vareta, “Para uma geografia,” 1986, 21–4.
Frederik Ramm, “Portugal: OpenStreetMap Data in Layered GIS Format.” Data/Maps Copyright 2018 Geofabrik GmbH and OpenStreetMap Contributors. Map tiles: Creative Commons BY-SA 2.0 Data: ODbL 1.0, 2019.
European Digital Elevation Model (EU-DEM), version 1.1.” European Environment Agency (EEA) under the framework of the Copernicus programme, 2016.
João Ferreira Silva, Manuela Raposo Magalhães and Natália Cunha, “Linhas de Festo de Portugal Continental,” Lisbon: LEAF/ISA/ULisboa, 2013, http://epic-webgisportugal.isa.utl.pt/.
João Ferreira Silva, Manuela Raposo Magalhães and Natália Cunha, “Classificação hierárquica e toponímica das Linhas de Água de Portugal Continental,” Lisbon: LEAF/ISA/ULisboa, 2013, http://epic-webgis-portugal.isa.utl.pt/.
Ramm, “Portugal.”
Silva, Raposo and Cunha, “Linhas de Festo.”
Silva, Raposo and Cunha, “Classificação hierárquica.”
Castro, The Pepper Wreck, 114–41; Costa, Naus e galeões, 305–31; Domingues, Os navios, passim; Koldo Trapaga-Monchet, “No es madera para vasallos, sino del rey. Las políticas forestales de los Hasburgo en Portugal (1609–1640),” Obradoiro de Historia Moderna 28 (2019): 116–29.
Manuela Raposo Magalhães, Ana Müller and João Ferreira Silva, “Aptidão Integrada ao Sobreiro (Quercus suber L.) para Portugal Continental,” LEAF/ISA/ULisboa, 2015ª, http://epic-webgis-portugal.isa.utl.pt/.
Manuela Raposo Magalhães, Ana Müller and João Ferreira Silva, “Aptidão Integrada ao Pinheiro-manso (Pinus pinea L.) para Portugal Continental,” LEAF/ISA/ULisboa, 2015b, http://epic-webgis-portugal.isa.utl.pt/.
Manuela Raposo Magalhães, Ana Müller and João Ferreira Silva, “Aptidão Integrada ao Pinheiro-bravo (Pinus pinaster Aiton) para Portugal Continental,” LEAF/ISA/ULisboa, 2015c, http://epic-webgis-portugal.isa.utl.pt/.
Raúl Romero-Calcerrada and Koldo Trapaga-Monchet, “La ley del alcornoque de 1546 y la ordenanza del Monteiro-Mor de 1605,” in Historia, Sociedad y Medio ambiente: la sostenibilidad, coord. Koldo Trapaga-Monchet and Luis Alberto Polo Romero (Madrid: Sílex, 2022), 143–79.
Jorge Gaspar, “Os portos fluviais do Tejo,” Finisterra 5, no. 10 (1970): 153–215.
Appuhn, A forests, 47; Paul W. Bamford, Forests and French Sea Power 1660–1789 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1956), 49–50; Martínez González, Las Superintendencias, 381–3; Wing, Roots of Empire, 166–9.
Gaspar de Aranda y Antón, La carpintería y la industria naval en el siglo XVIII (Madrid: Instituto de Historia y Cultura Naval, 1999).
María Jesús Melero Guilló, “A la mar madera”: La madera en la arquitectura naval española,” in Andalucía, América y el mar: Actas de las IX Jornadas de Andalucía y América, ed. Bibiano Torres Ramírez (Sevilla: Diputación de Huelva, 1991), 145–57.
Bill Slee, “Landscape goods and services related to forestry land use,” in Multifunctional Land Use: Meeting Future Demands for Landscape Goods and Services (Berlin–Heidelberg: Springer, 2007), 65–82.
John A. Perlin, A Forest journey: The Story of Wood and Civilization (Woodstock, Vermont: Countryman Press 2005); Michael Williams, Deforesting the Earth: From Prehistory to Global Crisis. An Abridgment. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010.
Aranda y Antón, La carpintería, passim.
Félix Labrador Arroyo and Koldo Trápaga-Monchet, “La configuración del espacio y la explotación forestal de un enclave singular: el Real Sitio del Soto de Roma durante la dinastía Hasburgo,” Studia Histórica. Historia Moderna 39, no. 3 (2017): 310–22.
Fernando Reboredo and João Pais, “Evolution of forest cover in Portugal: A review of the 12th–20th centuries,” Journal of Forestry Research 25, no. 2 (2014b): 249–56.
José Sousa Uva, 6.º Inventário Florestal Nacional (IFN6). Instituto da Conservação da Natureza e das Florestas (ICNF), 2019; José Sousa Uva and Sónia Pacheco Faias. 6.º Inventário Florestal Nacional (IFN6). Anexo Técnico. Versão 1.0 I: Instituto da Conservação da Natureza e das Florestas (ICNF), 2019.
Uva, 6.º Inventário; Uva and Pacheco, 6.º Inventário.
Marta Domínguez-Delmás, et al., “Tree-rings, forest history and cultural heritage: Current state and future prospects of dendroarchaeology in the Iberian Peninsula,” Journal of Archaeological Science 57 (2015): 184–5; Reboredo and Pais, “Evolution of forest,” 2014b, 250–4.
Michael Williams, “Dark ages and dark areas: Global deforestation in the deep past,” Journal of Historical Geography 26, no. 1 (2000): 28–46.
Domínguez-Delmás et al., “Tree-rings,” 184–5; Fernando Reboredo and João Pais, “Evolution of Forest Cover in Portugal: From the Miocene to the Present,” in Forest Context and Policies in Portugal. Present and Future Challenges, ed. Fernando Reboredo (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014a), 11–23.
BAHMOP, MMR, núcleo 9; Trápaga Monchet, “Supplying Timber,” 227–29.
Reboredo and Pais, “Evolution of forest,” 2014a, 14.
Silva, Colecção chronologica, 115–21.
Delmás et al., “Tree-rings,” 184.
Fernando Reboredo and João Pais, “A construção naval e a destruição do coberto florestal em Portugal – Do Século XII ao Século XX,” Ecologi@ 4 (2012): 34.
Warde, “Fear of wood,” 34–6.
J. Donald Hughes and J.V. Thirgood, “Deforestation, Erosion, and Forest Management in Ancient Greece and Rome,” Journal of Forest History 26, no. 2 (1982): 60–75; J. Donald Hughes, “Ancient Deforestation Revisited,” Journal of the History of Biology 44, no. 1 (2011): 43–57.
Appuhn, A Forest, 1–8; Warde “Fear of wood,” 34–55; Paul Warde, Ecology, Economy and State Formation in Early Modern Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 161–223.
Sumit Chakravarty, S. K. Ghosh, C.P. Suresh, A.N. Dey, and G. Shukla, “Deforestation: Causes, Effects and Control Strategies,” in Global Perspectives on Sustainable Forest Management, ed. Okia Clement Akais (Rijeka: IntechOpen, 2012), 3–27; Robert M. Ewers, “Interaction effects between economic development and forest cover determine deforestation rates,” Global Environmental Change 16, no. 2 (2006): 161–69.
Pere Serra Rúiz, Xavier Pons Fernández and David Saurí Pujol, “Land-cover and land-use change in a Mediterranean landscape: A spatial analysis of driving forces integrating biophysical and human factors,” Applied Geography 28, no. 3 (2008): 189–209.
William E. Harris (ed.), The Ancient Mediterranean Environment between Science and History (Leiden: Brill, 2013); Milena Holmgren and Marten Scheffer. “To Tree or Not to Tree: Cultural Views from Ancient Romans to Modern Ecologists,” Ecosystems 20, no. 1 (2017): 62–8; J. Donald Hughes, “How the Ancients Viewed Deforestation,” Journal of Field Archaeology 10, no. 4 (1983): 435–45; Brian F. Synder, “The genetic and cultural evolution of unsustainability,” Sustainability Science 15, no. 4 (2020): 1087–99.
Koldo Trapaga-Monchet, “Guerra y deforestación en el reino de Portugal (siglos XVI–XVII),” Tiempos Modernos: Revista Electrónica de Historia Moderna 9, no. 39, (2019): 396–425.
Álvaro Aragón Ruano, “Ríos de madera.” Recursos forestales e hídricos para la Real Armada durante el siglo XVIII en Guipúzcoa y Navarra,” Tiempos Modernos: Revista Electrónica de Historia Moderna 9, no. 39 (2019): 426–55.