1 Wolan’s Sententia and the Genesis of a Historic Polemic1
The earliest known polemical work challenging the Jesuits in Lithuania, Vera et orthodoxa veteris ecclesiae sententia de coena Domini ad Petrum Skarga (True and Orthodox View of the Old Church on the Lord’s Supper to Piotr Skarga), dates to 1574.2 Not necessarily anti‐Jesuit in nature, this text was penned by Andrzej Wolan (c.1530–1610), a Calvinist who later became a royal secretary. Wolan’s text responded to the teachings and activities of the Vilnius Jesuits, most notably Piotr Skarga (1536–1612), who arrived in the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in 1573 to help organize the local Jesuit college. Although this text did not survive, we have substantial information about it from the responses of Francisco Torres (Turrianus [c.1509–1584]), a Spanish Jesuit, and Skarga himself.3
The publication of the Sententia coincided with a transitional phase in Poland–Lithuania’s political and confessional history. The five years leading up to its release witnessed several pivotal events: the formation of the Commonwealth in 1569, the Sandomierz Consensus of 1570—which united most Protestant denominations against the Counter‐Reformation and ostracized anti‐Trinitarians from the Calvinist community—the end of the Jagiellonian dynasty in 1572, and the St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre in Paris the same year, which heightened the Polish–Lithuanian nobility’s fears. These events culminated in the Warsaw Confederation of 1573, which sought to guarantee religious peace among the nobles but was heavily contested by the Catholic hierarchy and lacked effective enforcement mechanisms. Despite this initiative, the nobility chose Henri de Valois (1551–1589, r.1573–1574), the French prince implicated in the Paris massacre, as Poland’s first king chosen through a formal electoral process in 1573.
Five years had also passed since the Jesuits arrived in Vilnius (1569), marking the period when Wolan began openly challenging them in 1574. By then, he was not only a renowned political writer in the Commonwealth but was also serving as a close aide and confidant to the influential Calvinist magnate Mikołaj Radziwiłł “the Red” (1512–1584), a brother‐in‐law of the late king Sigismund Augustus (1520–1572, r.1548–1572). Known for his incisive polemics, Wolan had already represented the Reformed in a theological dispute against the Jesuits in 1570, coinciding with the inauguration of their college in Vilnius.4 His prominence made him a notable figure for the Vilnius Jesuits. Skarga himself admits that they had engaged in theological discussions with Wolan in the hope of swaying him toward Catholicism—attempts that ultimately failed.5
This approach by the Jesuits in Lithuania, mirroring their earlier strategy in other places, aimed at converting the most affluent and influential local non‐Catholics. In Vilnius, during the late 1560s and early 1570s, this strategy resulted in notable conversions among several Calvinist magnates. These included Jan Hieronimowicz Chodkiewicz (c.1537–1579) and the Radziwiłł brothers: Mikołaj Krzysztof “the Orphan” (1549–1616), Jerzy (1556–1600), Albrecht (1558–1592), and Stanisław (1559–1599). The Radziwiłłs’ turn to Catholicism was especially meaningful for the Society’s propagandistic efforts, given that their late father, Mikołaj “the Black” (1515–1565), had been a prominent figure in Lithuania and a leading proponent of Calvinism.6
With this in mind, the Jesuits’ failure to convert Wolan—who was under the patronage of “Black’s” first cousin, Radziwiłł “the Red,” and had considerable influence over his patron’s confessional views—represented a major setback. Skarga himself acknowledges that Wolan’s Sententia was a response to his own letter, supposedly intended as a private and benevolent appeal to sway Wolan toward Catholicism.7 Defiantly, Wolan not only rejected this attempt but took the debate public, thus becoming the first to challenge the Vilnius Jesuits openly. Adding to the gravity of his defiance, Wolan dedicated the Sententia to Bishop Walerian Protasewicz (c.1505–1579), the very person who had brought the Society to Vilnius in 1569.
This provocative move triggered a swift and severe reaction. By August 1, 1574, only a few months after the book’s publication, Bishop Protasewicz had already condemned the Sententia, banning its reading, sale, and possession under penalty of excommunication.8 This rapid censure likely led to the loss of the text over time. Wolan’s impact, however, extended to Western Europe, where it must have caused some embarrassment for the Society of Jesus, as evidenced by the fact that the esteemed Jesuit theologian Torres published a treatise on the Eucharist in opposition to Wolan as early as 1575 in Florence. Over the following two years, it was reprinted in Rome and Paris, accompanied by its second part.9
Skarga, however, viewed Torres’s intervention with disdain. In a communication to Superior General Everard Mercurian (1514–1580, in office 1573–1580), he implied that it reflected poorly on the Vilnius Jesuits, suggesting that it made them appear too weak to handle a single local Calvinist.10 This perception, coupled with Skarga’s personal involvement in the matter, likely spurred him to pen his own response: Pro sacratissima Eucharistia contra haeresim Zvinglianam: Ad Andream Volanum (In defense of the most sacred Eucharist against the Zwinglian heresy to Andrzej Wolan), published in Vilnius in 1576 by Radziwiłł “the Orphan’s” press.
Analysis of the treatises by Torres and Skarga allows us to infer that Wolan’s Sententia was a theological critique of Catholic doctrines presented in Skarga’s earlier letter rather than an outright anti‐Jesuit work. This conclusion stems from the fact that neither Torres nor Skarga directly defends the Society of Jesus in their counterarguments, nor do they mention it specifically. They both seemed most aggrieved by Wolan’s decision to dedicate his work to Bishop Protasewicz, which suggests that it was Skarga and Torres who first channeled the debate toward personal attacks, labeling Wolan as self‐righteous, ungrateful, and blasphemous.11 At any rate, Wolan’s subsequent writings took a personal, anti‐Jesuit tone.
2 The Defensio sententiae as the First Vilnius Anti‐Jesuit Text
In 1579, Wolan published his first unequivocally anti‐Jesuit text, A Defense of the True Orthodox and Ancient View within the Church against the New and Made‐Up Dogma of Transubstantiation and Other Errors Born from It, to Piotr Skarga, a Vilnius Jesuit, the Defender of This Most Deceptive Fabrication.12 Printed in Vilnius by Jan Karcan (d. c.1611), this work represents Wolan’s direct and forceful response to Jesuit writings, marking the author’s turn toward a more confrontational stance.
While the title of Wolan’s 1579 Defensio reflects its continuity with his previous work, it might also allude to the dogmatic treatises by influential Reformed theologians. These include authors such as the English martyr Archbishop Thomas Cranmer (1489–1556); Jan Łaski (John a Lasco [1499–1560]), crucial in establishing the Calvinist church in Poland and spreading the Reformation in England and Frisia; and Peter Martyr Vermigli (1499–1562), known for his Reformed Eucharist doctrine.13 Initially, the Defensio was almost ready for printing in 1577, intended solely as a response to Skarga. However, upon acquiring Torres’s treatise, Wolan expanded his scope to address both Jesuits, delaying the book’s publication. By August 1578, the finalized text, which included a dedication to the king, was sent for printing, a process that took about nine months.14
The Commonwealth again underwent important political and confessional changes in the five‐year interval between the Sententia and the Defensio. Notably, King Henri left in 1574, paving the way for Stephen Báthory’s (1533–1586, r.1576–1586) election in 1576. Báthory, a devoted Catholic and supporter of the Jesuits, significantly bolstered their presence: under his reign, they established their houses and colleges in eleven cities across the Polish province, including three each in his native Transylvania and Livonia.15 In 1579, the same year the Defensio was published, Báthory and Pope Gregory XIII (r.1572–1585) together transformed the Jesuit college in Vilnius into the first Jesuit university in Poland–Lithuania. Its first rector was Jakub Wujek (1541–1597), who became the target of substantial anti‐Jesuit literature, as discussed in chapters 1 and 5. However, Wujek’s tenure was very brief due to other responsibilities. On August 1, 1579, he was replaced by Wolan’s opponent, Skarga, which testified to Skarga’s ever‐increasing influence within the Jesuit order.16
On the other hand, King Báthory, together with his chancellor Jan Zamoyski (1542–1605), led a faction of moderate Catholics focused on the state’s political stability. They valued domestic tranquility and adhered to the Warsaw Confederation’s provisions. The king’s pragmatic stance likely influenced Wolan’s decision to dedicate his anti‐Jesuit piece to him. We can only speculate that his intentions in this case differed from when he dedicated his previous work to Protasewicz. Indeed, Wolan could hardly expect to sway Protasewicz with arguments against Catholic doctrine. However, with the Defensio, as suggested by its preface and Wolan’s subsequent writings, he might have desired a different outcome. He probably hoped to win the king’s sympathy, possibly even aiming for a shift in Báthory’s stance toward the Jesuits, if not an outright conversion.
The Defensio consists of a dedicatory letter to Báthory and three books, which focus on challenging the arguments of Skarga and Torres. In his dedication, Wolan praises the king’s piety, learning, and prudence, which, he argues, are indispensable in containing the unrest in the Commonwealth and curing its deadly diseases.17 Here, Wolan opts not to attack the Jesuits directly but makes some unambiguous allusions. For instance, he refers to a vir quidam magni nominis (a certain renowned man) preaching diabolica libertas (diabolical liberty), clearly hinting at Skarga, whom he portrays as a disruptor of state peace.18
In the main body of the work, Wolan is more direct. The Defensio is divided into three uneven books, with the first spanning over 250 pages—about five times as long as the other two. This makes the Defensio one of Wolan’s most extensive works, albeit an unstructured and digressive one. The author frequently switches between theological arguments and personal attacks against Skarga, Torres, and the Jesuits in general. He notably accuses the Jesuits of using seductive tricks to deceive various groups, including commoners, women, magnates (like the sons of Radziwiłł “the Black”), and even the king.19 Wolan also seizes the opportunity to mock Skarga for needing Torres’s defense, precisely as the Vilnius Jesuit predicted.20
Furthermore, the work seeks to stir up anti‐Catholic sentiment by referring to current public events, like an attack on a Reformed church in Kraków,21 and criticizes Catholic doctrine itself. Interestingly, Wolan primarily cites church fathers—such as Jerome (c.345–420), Cyprian (c.210–258), John Chrysostom (c.347–407), and especially Augustine (354–430)—rather than contemporary Reformed theologians to counter the Jesuits’ arguments. This choice not only served as a deliberate move to prevent easy dismissal by his opponents but, similarly to other Calvinist anti‐Jesuit authors, including Jakub Niemojewski, also aimed to establish a direct lineage between Reformed doctrine and early Christian tradition. By citing church fathers, Wolan attempted to demonstrate that Calvinism was more faithful to the early church, in contrast to what he saw as the Jesuits’ complex Scholastic interpretations, which he argued were a departure from original Christian beliefs.
Maciej Ptaszyński has observed that in his polemics against the Jesuits, Wolan adopted the rhetorical stance of a simpleton who did not engage his opponents with sophisticated erudition but instead relied on the simple word of God.22 This technique, typical of contemporary Reformed writers, is especially evident in the Defensio, though not as much in Wolan’s later writings.23 In this work, Wolan counters Torres’s criticisms by declaring himself a mere courtier without theological pretensions. He even concedes to the Jesuits’ ridicule of his “barbaric” Latin. Yet, Wolan cleverly retorts that his Latin must not be too bad since Torres understood him, whereas he himself struggles with Torres’s complex sentences, which are supposed to display the Spaniard’s expertise in classical languages.24 In general, Wolan’s remarks on his Jesuit adversaries are laden with irony, often drawing on classical and biblical motifs.25
From this same guise of a self‐proclaimed simpleton, Wolan launches a broader attack on the Society of Jesus. He sarcastically lauds the Jesuits for achieving a level of perfection elusive to others.26 Tellingly, he points out that they have abandoned the name of their founder—referring to them, probably for the first time in Poland–Lithuania, as “Loiolitae”27—and have exchanged the traditional religious garb for an ornate pallium philosophicum (philosopher’s cloak). However, Wolan argues that such attributes will not aid in salvation, which requires a sincera et recta fides (sincere and righteous faith).28 He accuses the boni Jesuitae (good Jesuits) of masquerading as philosophers to deceive the uneducated masses while avoiding confrontations with learned Calvinist theologians and choosing instead to target a simple courtier like himself.29
The decisive nature of Wolan’s attack on the Vilnius Jesuits in the Defensio understandably caused quite a stir and bolstered the work’s popularity. The Jesuits conveyed their concerns to Superior General Mercurian, noting with dismay that even those close to King Báthory, to whom the book was dedicated, were reading it. In response, the papal legate and Mantuan Jesuit Antonio Possevino (1533–1611), who was with Báthory at the time, promptly wrote a lengthy letter to the king in 1579 (printed in 1583). In it, Possevino denounced Wolan’s book as blasphemous and harmful to the kingdom, urging action against the author for his audacity in dedicating such content to the monarch.30
Skarga, too, responded to the Defensio, initially with a sermon (to which, in turn, the Calvinist minister Stanisław Sudrowski [c.1550–1600] replied) and later with two treatises in both Polish and Latin, describing Wolan as huius haereticae pestis in Lituania archminister (archminister of this heretical plague in Lithuania).31 Although it seems King Báthory was reluctant to accept Wolan’s dedication, he refrained from imposing any consequences on the author. A key factor in this decision was likely the influence of Radziwiłł “the Red,” Wolan’s patron, whose support was significant to Báthory’s immediate political plans. Radziwiłł may have felt a sense of pride, as Wolan’s book not only gained acclaim in Western Europe but was also reprinted in 1586 as part of the anti‐Jesuit collection printed in Geneva.32
3 Anti‐Calvinist Developments of 1581 and Their Aftermath: Oppugnatio and Libri quinque
The escalating tensions between Vilnius Catholics and Calvinists led to a series of events in 1580–1581 that significantly shifted the city’s power dynamics. In these circumstances, Wolan authored two more anti‐Jesuit works. These were Idololatriae Loiolitarum Vilnensium oppugnatio itemque ad nova illorum obiecta responsio (Assault on the idolatry of the Vilnius Loyolites and also a response to their new objections [Vilnius: Jan Karcan, 1583]) and Libri quinque contra Scargae jesuitae Vilnensis Septem […] columnas, et librum Duodecim artium Zuinglio‐caluinistarum (Five books against the Vilnius Jesuit Piotr Skarga’s Seven pillars […] and book of Twelve tricks of Zvinglo‐Calvinists [Vilnius: Daniel Lancicius, 1584]). Accompanying the latter work was a supportive letter and an entire theological treatise with anti‐Jesuit content by the Polish Protestant Jan Łasicki (c.1533–after 1599).33
The events of 1580–1581 involved several important figures: Skarga, Báthory, Jerzy Radziwiłł, Mikołaj Radziwiłł “the Orphan” (both converts to Catholicism), and their older first cousin once removed, the Calvinist Mikołaj Radziwiłł “the Red.” In 1576, “the Orphan,” the first son of Radziwiłł “the Black” to adopt Catholic faith, had brought the Reformed printer Daniel of Łęczyca (d.1600) to manage what was once “the Black’s” Reformed printing house, which now served the Vilnius Jesuits under “the Orphan’s” patronage. Interestingly, it was Daniel who printed Skarga’s 1576 writing against Wolan. However, in 1580, reportedly influenced by Wolan and other Calvinists, Daniel moved to a new Calvinist printing house in Vilnius, taking some printing equipment with him that a recent scholarship suggests was his property. The Jesuits—who were temporarily left without printing capabilities and awaiting Skarga’s pending reply to Wolan—viewed this as theft. However, they could not officially act due to Radziwiłł “the Red’s” protection of Daniel. They resorted to persuading one of Daniel’s employees to “recover” the printing instruments, with the new Catholic bishop Jerzy Radziwiłł now offering them protection.34
The conflict over the printing houses escalated in August 1581. Shortly after his official arrival in Vilnius, Bishop Radziwiłł ordered the confiscation and, reportedly, burning of books from one of the city’s two Calvinist printers—likely Daniel of Łęczyca himself—in front of the Jesuit church. This incident, perhaps unprecedented in Lithuania, was perceived as a blatant violation of the Warsaw Confederation. Around the same time, Calvinists in Vilnius faced increasing hostility: their funeral processions were disrupted by Catholics, especially near the Jesuit church, and Jesuit students allegedly threw stones at Calvinist ministers.35
These incidents prompted a response from Protestants (not just Calvinists), who appealed to Báthory. Even though the king was then engaged in a military siege against Muscovy, he still found time to address the Protestants’ request. Importantly, they identified the Jesuits as the primary perpetrators of the Catholic aggression. Despite his Catholic faith and favor toward the Jesuits, Báthory swiftly issued an edict condemning the spread of Catholicism through violence and forbade further unrest. He argued that “in those states and kingdoms where they want to solidify faith by violence, sword, and fire, and not by teaching and good conduct, there is a great bloodshed and destruction from domestic war.”36 In this context, the king also invoked his previous oath to the Warsaw Confederation, reaffirming his commitment to it.37 This royal intervention provided a measure of protection for Vilnius Reformed polemicists, who soon offered their perspective on the 1581 events. The first account came from the anonymous author of the “Apologeticus” (1582), which will be discussed in the next chapter. Wolan’s writings followed in 1583 and 1584.
Both the Oppugnatio and the Libri quinque are, in theory, theological treatises that engage in polemics with Skarga’s views, particularly on the doctrine of transubstantiation and the veneration of images and saints. However, it becomes apparent that theological issues are more of a pretext for Wolan to launch an unprecedentedly direct frontal attack on the Vilnius Jesuits. In the Oppugnatio, Wolan not only revisits but also intensifies the anti‐Jesuit themes initially presented in the Defensio. He criticizes the name of the order and its founder, Loyola, along with his disciples, whom he labels as “masters of all errors and corruptions.”38 The Libri quinque probes even more deeply into this accusation. Wolan argues that the propensity for deception and slander, though common to many, is particularly ingrained and intentionally fostered within the Jesuit “sect.” He even suggests that the Jesuits might have been established solely to propagate lies and calumnies.39
A major focus of both writings is the recent anti‐Calvinist events in Vilnius, with Wolan casting the Jesuits as their primary instigators. He portrays Skarga and his confrères not just as homines seditiosi et pacis publicae perturbatores (seditious men and disruptors of public peace)40 but also as sanguinarii (blood‐thirsty) and cruel murderers, bent on inciting a miserabilis aliqua strages (certain deplorable slaughter) against the Reformed.41 In this light, the 1581 developments in Vilnius, which, as far as we know, did not result in any deaths, are depicted as a manifestation of these intentions:
It is already known to all Lithuania how much commotion these distinguished theologians of Vilnius had recently made, and how cruel a slaughter they opened the doors for, while the mad crowd, incited by their voices, was already armed, and was only waiting for the signal to carry out the murder.42
Wolan’s anti‐Jesuit rhetoric in the Oppugnatio and the Libri quinque has shifted noticeably compared to the Defensio. Moving away from humanistic ridicule and irony, he opts for direct and repeated assaults, often taken to the extreme. In doing so, Wolan uses a highly graphic vocabulary, unmistakably connoting brutal violence: mutuae caedes et crudelis hominum laniena (mutual slaughters and ruthless butchery of men); homicida (a murderer); crudelis carnificina (cruel torture); sanguinaria consilia (blood‐thirsty advice); caedibus ac flammis exterminandi (to be extirpated through slaughters and flames); immanitas vestra (your monstrousness); furibunde sanguinem sitire (to thirst for blood frantically); ad perdendos ac contrucidandos […] stimulare (to urge to destroy and slay); crudelis animus (cruel mind); horrenda hominum caedes (dreadful slaughter of men); furor ac truculentia (madness and savageness); crudelissimi […] carnifices (the most cruel butchers); seditiones ac tumultus (seditions and tumults); or gladio excindendi (to be exterminated by sword).43
At times, Wolan seems to aim to shock his readers, as for example when he asserts that the Society has turned itself into Sathanae prostibulum (Satan’s whorehouse), or describes Loyola as “the pernicious sower of this venomous fetus, who, having been brought up under that servile and tyrannical Spanish Inquisition, could never taste with his lips the doctrine of the Evangelical truth, but was unnourished in all the superstitions of the papal church.”44 Furthermore, Wolan shrewdly uses the anti‐Spanish (anti‐Habsburg) and anti‐absolutist sentiments prevalent among the Polish–Lithuanian nobility—particularly exploited over two decades later during the Zebrzydowski Rokosz—by linking them with anti‐Jesuitism.
By employing exaggerated and drastic images, Wolan seeks not only to shock the reader but also to instill in them a fear of the Jesuits. In fact, he adopts the same strategy toward King Báthory, aware of his policy and efforts to maintain domestic tranquility. Wolan deliberately portrays the Jesuits as both threatening the stability of the state and disregarding the law and royal authority: “These indeed prove to be the most despicable of all men, whom neither the fear of the laws nor of the king could so far keep in their duties as not to incite numerous commotions everywhere and not open the doors to mutual slaughters and deadly clashes.”45
In this regard, Wolan cites Báthory’s edict against religious violence in Vilnius, reminding his readers that it was issued not against Calvinists but against the Jesuits.46 Moreover, he argues that the Jesuits despise the religious peace guaranteed by the king’s oath to the Warsaw Confederation and intentionally incite the Catholics to violate it.47 Wolan’s strategy apparently was to provoke the king’s personal animosity toward the Society. This is further demonstrated by the description of Catholic oppression, including the alleged destruction by Jesuit students of the graves of Hungarian soldiers (i.e., Báthory’s compatriots) who were to die defending the Commonwealth. Wolan uses this information, which is not confirmed elsewhere, to tarnish further the king’s opinion of the Jesuits, who, according to him, would not only fail to punish their students but actually praise their commitment.48
The release of the Oppugnatio and the Libri quinque marked the peak of Wolan’s conflict with Skarga. At this time, Skarga, preoccupied with his duties as the rector of the academy and involved in establishing colleges in Połock and Livonia on the king’s command, as well as managing the Jesuit community in Kraków, did not respond further to his adversary.49 However, others at the academy stepped in to continue the polemical exchange, notably the Portuguese Jesuit professor of polemical theology, Manuel de Vega (1553–1640). Among Vega’s several writings from the mid‑1580s, Assertiones theologicae de augustissimo Eucharistiae sacramento (Theological statements about the most sacred sacrament of the Eucharist [Vilnius: Society of Jesus, 1585]) stands out. In it, Vega seeks to demonstrate, among other things, that Protestants, contrary to their claims, derived their teachings not from the Holy Spirit but from a demon.50
Vega’s work elicited a theological rejoinder from Wolan, entitled Assertionum de Eucharistia falsarum, cum doctrina apostolica et sententia veteris Ecclesiae pugnantium […] confutatio (Refutation of the false statements about the Eucharist that conflict with the apostolic doctrine and the opinion of the old church [Vilnius: Daniel Lancicius, 1586]). Around the same time as Wolan’s response, a collection of theses challenging his views emerged, authored by Vega’s disciple, Andrzej Jurgiewicz (1560–1604).51 This work positioned Jurgiewicz as Wolan’s principal opponent thereafter.
4 After Skarga’s Departure from Vilnius: the Apologia
Surprisingly, the conflict between Wolan and the local Jesuits intensified after Skarga permanently left Vilnius in 1584, ending his direct involvement in the polemics. In response to the writings of Vega and Jurgiewicz, Wolan released another anti‐Jesuit work, Apologia […] ad calumnias et convitia pestiferae hominum sectam, qui se falso jesuitas vocant (Defense against the calumnies and insults of the pernicious sect of men who falsely call themselves Jesuits [Vilnius: Daniel Lancicius, 1587]).
The Apologia was composed after Báthory’s death in 1586, an event that influenced Wolan’s text and signaled a major shift in confessional relations within the Commonwealth. As we have seen, while Báthory had aimed to boost the Catholic faith and showed sympathy toward the Jesuits, his primary concern was maintaining domestic order. However, during the reign of his successor and former Jesuit pupil, Sigismund III (1566–1632, r.1587–1632), the political priorities changed—although the extent of the king’s personal involvement in these changes remains a matter of scholarly debate.52 The Apologia was completed in May 1587, a few months before Sigismund’s election to the Polish throne. Wolan chose to publish the text despite a ban on polemical publications during the interregnum. This ban was decreed by the voivode of Vilnius and son of the late Radziwiłł “the Red,” Krzysztof Radziwiłł “the Thunderbolt” (1547–1603), who sought to maintain internal peace until a new monarch was elected. In disregard of this edict, Wolan published his work and even dedicated it to his late patron’s son.53
There is substantial evidence suggesting that Wolan intended the Apologia as a concluding piece in his debate with the Jesuits. This is primarily indicated by the thematic range of the work, which compiles various arguments and extends the polemic beyond its previously established bounds. Wolan starts with a stringent critique of the papacy before launching general attacks against the Society. He references more contemporary Catholic and Protestant polemicists than in his earlier works, including the dispute between the English Jesuit martyr Edmund Campion (1540–1581) and the Reformed theologians Laurence Humphrey (1527–1590) and William Whitaker (1548–1595). Additionally, Wolan cites French Reformation leaders John Calvin (1509–1564) and his disciple Théodore de Bèze (1519–1605), as well as noted Jesuit adversary Antoine de la Roche Chandieu (1534–1591), while also addressing accusations from his own previous Jesuit opponents, such as Skarga, Torres, Possevino, Vega, and the English Jesuit from Poznań, Laurence Arthur Faunt (1554–1591).
In the Apologia, Wolan intertwines his theological arguments with personal narratives more than ever before, frequently refuting accusations against him and his family. A relevant portion of the text details his relationship with the late king Báthory. While continuing to commend Báthory’s leadership and military achievements, Wolan now openly criticizes the king’s support for Catholicism. He even suggests, controversially, that Báthory’s death was influenced by his attendance at a Catholic Mass, blaming this on sirenae palliatae (cloaked sirens), a metaphor for the Jesuits, whom he accuses of turning Báthory’s initial sympathy toward Protestantism into resentment.54 Wolan also describes a similar, albeit unsuccessful, Jesuit attempt to convert Radziwiłł “the Thunderbolt” by exploiting his wife’s severe illness, as described in his preface to Radziwiłł.55
Wolan’s depiction of the Jesuits in the Apologia directly extends the approach found in his earlier works. Thus, he reiterates his criticism of the Society’s name, arguing that its members, unlike other orders, abandoned their teacher’s name and non minus ridicule quam impie (no less ridiculously than impiously) styled themselves as companions of Jesus.56 Wolan contends that this presumptuous appropriation of Jesus’s name is particularly outrageous given that the Jesuits, despite constantly invoking Christ and featuring his name in their writings, have strayed from and even aggressively opposed his teachings omni studio ac viribus (with all eagerness and strength). He then continues by saying that the Jesuits “concentrate all their talent, devote all their care and thought, direct every point of their pens at it in order to pierce the divine truth, and cover the ugly spots of falsehood with every ink and pigment.”57 Wolan even goes as far as likening the Jesuits to Judas, betraying Jesus to his enemies.58
The author further explores the portrayal of Jesuits as instigators of conflict by introducing a new dimension: their alleged urban strategy of establishing nidi (nests) in major cities to fuel political and religious unrest.59 This concept was already known from the works of Martin Chemnitz (1522–1588), a prominent Lutheran theologian and a key adversary of the Jesuits in German‐speaking lands.60 Comparing the biographies of Chemnitz and Wolan reveals enough similarities to suggest that their shared themes were more than mere coincidence.
In 1543–1544, Chemnitz stayed in Frankfurt an der Oder with his older cousin Georg Sabinus (1508–1560), Philip Melanchthon’s (1497–1560) son‐in‐law. During this time, a young Wolan arrived in the same city to pursue his studies and possibly studied rhetoric under Sabinus. Even though Sabinus and Chemnitz soon left town, Wolan probably had the opportunity to meet them at the University of Königsberg in 1550. Sabinus was the university’s first rector, while Chemnitz served as castle librarian to Duke Albert of Prussia (1490–1568, r.1525–1568), the university’s founder, from 1550 until the end of 1552. Wolan completed his studies shortly thereafter, in 1553.61 It is plausible that Wolan and Chemnitz met and that Wolan was influenced by Chemnitz’s ideas, even if he did not directly cite his Theologiae jesuitarum praecipua capita (Main tenets of Jesuits’ theology), which was first published in 1553 and then reprinted several times between the 1560s and 1580s.
Furthermore, Wolan criticizes the Jesuits’ day‐to‐day behavior, accusing them of exploiting the naivety of common people to amass vast estates across Europe. He claims the “Loyolites,” despite their wealth, shamelessly wandered from village to village begging for alms and burdening the already overtaxed peasants.62 Other notable anti‐Jesuit themes in the Apologia include associating the Jesuits with practicing diabolical arts, comparing their inquisitiveness to the keen sense of hunting dogs, and emphasizing their alleged inclination toward cruelty, hypocrisy, and slander.63
Unsurprisingly, the Apologia, together with Wolan’s other, unknown writing, triggered a sharp response from Jesuit circles. In 1589, the rector of the Jesuit college in Braniewo and soon the rector of the Vilnius Academy, Fryderyk Bartsch (1552–1609), published a treatise countering Wolan.64 However, the most notable reaction came from a former Jesuit student, Jurgiewicz. He authored two particularly pointed responses that were published by the Jesuits in Vilnius: in 1587, Responsio […] ad famosum Andreae Volani contra summum pontificem libellum (Response to Andrzej Wolan’s infamous pamphlet against the supreme pontiff), and in 1588, Mendacia et convitia evangelica Andreae Volani (Andrzej Wolan’s evangelical lies and insults). Additionally, both volumes included poetry directed against Wolan.
5 The Polemic’s Epilogue: a Response to Jurgiewicz
Spurred by Jurgiewicz’s deeply personal attacks, Wolan crafted a rebuttal titled Ad scurilem et famosum libellum, jesuiticae scholae Vilnensis, et potissimum maledici conviciatoris Andreae Iurgevitii […] responsio (Response to the scurrilous and infamous pamphlet by the Jesuit school of Vilnius and chiefly by the slanderous abuser Andrzej Jurgiewicz [n.p.: n.p., 1589]), which also features polemical poetry. The Responsio is noteworthy as Wolan’s most autobiographical work. In it, he counters Jurgiewicz’s personal accusations with narratives about his own family (including its noble status), his education, and his public service. Wolan suggests that Jurgiewicz’s allegations in these matters were prompted by his Jesuit masters.65
Multiple anti‐Jesuit themes feature prominently in the Responsio. Wolan discusses the pervasive lies and deceptions of the Loiolitarum secta (Loyolites’ sect) and their inherent animosity.66 He also revisits the events of 1581, arguing that without strict punishment, the Jesuits would have likely orchestrated a massacre in Vilnius.67 Indeed, Wolan emphasizes the Jesuits’ turbulentae et sediciosae contiones (turbulent and seditious sermons), accusing them of taking pleasure in the bloodshed of citizens. He also posits that the academy, staffed predominantly by Italians and Spaniards accustomed to the tyranny of the Spanish Inquisition, would inevitably produce such violent outcomes.68 The stereotype of Jesuits as foreigners in the early years after their arrival in Poland–Lithuania holds a kernel of truth, as most of the Society’s members were not native to the region. However, this demographic rapidly shifted. By the 1580s, the proportion of foreign Jesuits had dwindled to only fifteen to twenty percent, and by the early seventeenth century, this figure had more than halved.69
Despite these typical features of anti‐Jesuit rhetoric, the Responsio primarily addresses Jurgiewicz’s personal allegations against Wolan, using the anti‐Jesuit narrative more as a backdrop. The publication of the Responsio subsequently generated further responses from Jurgiewicz, who published two works against Wolan between 1590 and 1591, both in Latin, with one immediately translated into Polish.70 Wolan, however, opted not to engage with these new publications directly, although he continued to write on polemical subjects.71
6 Conclusion
Alongside the Monita privata (secreta), with its unique cosmopolitan feature, Wolan’s writings stand as the most pan‐European manifestation of anti‐Jesuitism in Poland–Lithuania. Although Defensio, Oppugnatio, Libri quinque, Apologia, and Responsio originated from a local conflict with the Vilnius Jesuits, their reception and impact were of a much broader European scope. Wolan’s engagement in a polemic against Skarga, Torres, Possevino, Vega, and Jurgiewicz was a deliberate contribution to the universal anti‐Jesuit (and anti‐Catholic) discourse, which is suggested by both the authorities he cites (including church fathers, Vermigli, Calvin, Beza, Humphrey, Whitaker, de la Roche Chandieu, and even the Catholic Erasmus of Rotterdam [c.1466–1536]) and the nature and range of his arguments.
Particularly striking among these arguments is the use of specific anti‐Jesuit images, which, given their historical context, had not previously been employed in Poland–Lithuania. For example, Wolan depicts the Jesuits as blood‐thirsty murderers of non‐Catholics and vicious destroyers of peace, images that originated in countries like France or England, where religious conflicts and persecutions led to Protestant martyrdom. Meanwhile, in the Commonwealth, religious violence was never as drastic and widespread, with the first instances of anti‐Protestant tumults only appearing in the 1580s. It was to Wolan’s credit, as well as to the anonymous author of the “Apologeticus,” that these early displays of violence were leveraged to apply anti‐Jesuit rhetoric as known from Western Europe.
The importance of Wolan’s writings to European anti‐Jesuitism is evident in their reception. His earliest work, the Sententia, sparked a crisis that required the attention of prominent Jesuits, including the superior general. In the following years, writings against Wolan were produced by Jesuits from various provinces and published not only in the capital cities of Poland–Lithuania (Kraków and Vilnius) but also in Florence, Ingolstadt, Paris, and Rome. Wolan is the only known author from the Commonwealth to have made a lasting mark on the canon of European anti‐Jesuit writers, as demonstrated by his inclusion in the previously mentioned collection, Doctrinae jesuiticae praecipua capita. This is not surprising, given the universal readership profile projected in Wolan’s texts (written exclusively in Latin), which skillfully situated local polemic, events, and figures within a broader European context, providing Western co‑religionists with additional arguments in the great Catholic–Protestant controversy of the sixteenth century.
On the other hand, Wolan’s influence on the emergence and development of anti‐Jesuit literature in Poland–Lithuania cannot be overstated. Let us recall that when he first debated the Vilnius Jesuits in 1570 and later published his Sententia against them in 1574, the Society had been operating in the Commonwealth for less than a decade. When contrasted with their prior successes, such early, determined opposition damaged the Jesuits’ image, particularly if we consider that this opposition came from a single Calvinist who, despite lacking a theological degree, was able to stand up to Jesuit theologians in their area of expertise. Ultimately, many of the anti‐Jesuit arguments found in Wolan’s writings persisted in Polish–Lithuanian discourse for decades or even centuries (as seen in the nineteenth‐century debate on the causes of the Commonwealth’s collapse).1 This was particularly evident during the Zebrzydowski Rokosz, when the Jesuits’ opponents again associated them with the pro‐Habsburg party and the Spanish Inquisition, portraying them as disturbers of peace. But that is another story, or rather, another chapter of our book.
This scholarly work has been funded by the National Science Centre in Poland (Narodowe Centrum Nauki) under the project “‘Great Vilnius Controversy’: Jesuit–Calvinist Polemical Literature of Early Modern Vilnius (1574–1647) within Its Domestic and European Contexts,” no. 2023/49/N/HS2/00174.
Andrzej Wolan, Vera et orthodoxa veteris ecclesiae sententia de coena Domini ad Petrum Skarga (Łosk: Typis Castri Loscensis, 1574).
On Torres, see DHCJ, 4:3820–21. On Wolan and his polemic against the Jesuits, see esp. Janusz Tazbir, Piotr Skarga: Szermierz kontrreformacji (Warsaw: Wiedza Powszechna, 1978), 48–67; Ludwik Piechnik, Dzieje Akademii Wileńskiej, vol. 1, Początki Akademii Wileńskiej: 1570–1599 (Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 1984), 178–81; Wiesław Stec, Literacki kształt polskich polemik antyjezuickich z lat 1578–1625 (Białystok: Dział Wydawnictw Filii UW w Białymstoku, 1988), 70–84; Bronisław Natoński, Humanizm jezuicki i teologia pozytywno‐kontrowersyjna od XVI do XVIII wieku: Nauka i piśmiennictwo (Kraków: Ignatianum–WAM, 2003), 60–61, 114–19; Kęstutis Daugirdas, Andreas Volanus und die Reformation im Grossfürstentum Litauen (Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 2008), esp. 98–135; Maciej Ptaszyński, “‘Papież litewskiej reformacji’ czy późny humanista?: Uwagi na marginesie najnowszej biografii Andrzeja Wolana,” Kwartalnik historyczny 117, no. 3 (2010): 107–20, here 114–18; Kęstutis Daugirdas, “Petro Skargos debatų su Andriumi Volanu istorinė reikšmė,” Senoji lietuvos literatūra 35–36 (2013): 325–44; Jakub Niedźwiedź, Literacy in Medieval and Early Modern Vilnius: Forms of Writing and Rhetorical Spaces in the City (Turnhout: Brepols, 2023), 406–8, 410–14.
See Roman Mazurkiewicz, “Wstęp,” in Andrzej Wolan, De libertate politica sive civili: O wolności Rzeczypospolitej albo ślacheckiej, ed. Maciej Eder and Roman Mazurkiewicz, trans. Stanisław Dubingowicz (Warsaw: Neriton, 2010), 9–53, here 12–18; Daugirdas, Andreas Volanus, 22–25, 101.
Piotr Skarga, Pro sacratissima Eucharistia contra haeresim Zvinglianam: Ad Andream Volanum (Vilnius: Typographia Nicolai Radivili, 1576), A9r.
See Tazbir, Piotr Skarga , 71; Piechnik, Dzieje Akademii , 174–75; Daugirdas, Andreas Volanus , 327–28.
Skarga, Pro sacratissima Eucharistia , A9, B1v–B2r; cf. Daugirdas, “Petro Skargos,” 329.
Skarga, Pro sacratissima Eucharistia , B5r.
Francisco Torres, De sanctissima Eucharistia, tractatus primus contra Volanum Polonum (Florence: Bartholomaeus Sermartellius, 1575); Torres, Contra Andream Volanum […] de sanctissima Eucharistia tractatus (Rome: Aedes Populi Romani, 1576); Torres, Contra Andream Volanum […] de sanctissima Eucharistia tractatus (Paris: Sébastien Nivelle, 1577).
See Daugirdas, “Petro Skargos,” 330–31.
Torres, De sanctissima Eucharistia , a2; Skarga, Pro sacratissima Eucharistia , B1v–B5v.
Andrzej Wolan, Defensio verae orthodoxae veterisque in ecclesia sententiae […] contra novum et commentitium transubstantionis dogma, aliosque errores ex illo natos: Ad Petrum Scargam jesuitam Vilnensem, vanissimi huius commenti propugnatorem (Vilnius: Johannes Kartzanus, 1579).
Cf. Jan Łaski, Defensio verae semperque in ecclesia receptae doctrinae de Christi Domini incarnatione, adversus Mennonem Simonis Anabaptistarum doctorem (Bonn: Laurenz von der Mülen, 1545); Thomas Cranmer, Defensio verae et catholicae doctrinae de sacramento corporis et sanguinis Christi ([London]: n.p., 1553); Pietro Martire Vermigli, Defensio doctrinae veteris et apostolicae de sacrosancto Eucharistiae sacramento ([Zurich]: [Christoph Froschauer], [1559]).
See Daugirdas, Andreas Volanus , 105–7.
Andrzej Paweł Bieś, “Periodyzacja obecności Towarzystwa Jezusowego na ziemiach polskich: Struktury organizacyjne oraz edukacyjno‐oświatowe i pastoralne formy aktywności,” Studia paedagogica ignatiana 17 (2014): 57–87, here 59–60.
Piechnik, Dzieje Akademii , 66.
Wolan, Defensio , iir–v, iiiv.
Wolan, Defensio , iiiv.
Wolan, Defensio , 4, 23, 77, 169, 434–35.
Wolan, Defensio , 107.
Wolan, Defensio , 436–37.
See Ptaszyński, “Papież litewskiej reformacji,” 116–18.
Cf. Olivier Millet, Calvin et la dynamique de la parole: Étude de rhétorique réformée (Paris: Champion, 1992). In Poland, this technique was notably employed by the famous religious writer Mikołaj Rej (1505–69). See, for example, Wojciech Ryczek, “Zafarbowane słówka krasomędrków: Mikołaj Rej o sztuce barwienia słów,” Napis 21 (2015): 13–32.
Wolan, Defensio , 107–10; cf. 135.
Wolan, Defensio , 158, 322–24.
Wolan, Defensio , 75.
Wolan, Defensio , 197.
Wolan, Defensio , 75.
Wolan, Defensio , 4, 198.
Antonio Possevino, Epistola ad Stephanum Primum, Poloniae regem serenissimum: Adversus quendam Volanum haereticum Lituanum (Ingolstadt: Wolfgang Eder, 1583), 1–5; see Daugirdas, Andreas Volanus , 108–9.
Piotr Skarga, Artes duodecim sacramentariorum seu Zvingliocalvinistarum […] contra Andream Volanum huius haereticae pestis in Lituania archiministrum (Vilnius: Society of Jesus, 1582); Piotr Skarga, Siedm filarów, na których stoi katolicka nauka o przenaświętszym sakramencie ołtarza, postawione przeciw nauce zwinglyjańskiej, kalwińskiej Andrzeja Wolana (Vilnius: Society of Jesus, 1582). See Daugirdas, Andreas Volanus , 107–10; Dariusz Chemperek, “‘Siedm filarów’ Piotra Skargi: Geneza i aspekt retoryczny,” Ruch literacki 54, nos. 4–5 (2013): 425–37.
Doctrinae Jesuiticae praecipua capita (La Rochelle [Geneva]: Theophilus Regius [Eustache Vignon], 1586), 4:737–1115.
On Łasicki, see Henryk Barycz, Jan Łasicki: Studium z dziejów polskiej kultury naukowej XVI wieku (Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, 1973).
See Tomasz Kempa, Konflikty wyznaniowe w Wilnie od początku reformacji do końca XVII wieku (Toruń: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UMK , 2016), 137–38.
See Kempa, Konflikty , 138–44.
“W tych państwach a królestwach, gdzie gwałtem, mieczem a ogniem, a nie nauką i dobrymi obyczajami wiarę gruntować chcą, wielkie rozlania krwie i zniszczenie z wnętrznej wojny dzieją się.” See Kempa, Konflikty , 144.
See Kempa, Konflikty , 139–46.
Andrzej Wolan, Idololatriae Loiolitarum Vilnensium oppugnatio itemque ad nova illorum obiecta responsio (Vilnius: Joannes Kartzanus, 1583), G1.
Andrzej Wolan, Libri quinque contra Scargae jesuitae Vilnensis Septem […] columnas, et librum Duodecim artium Zuinglio‐caluinistarum (Vilnius: Daniel Lancicius, 1584), a1 (preface); cf. a3r, 197; Wolan, Idololatriae , F4v–G1r.
Wolan, Libri quinque , 201, 210–11.
Wolan, Idololatriae , G3r; Wolan, Libri quinque , 197, 201, 211, 123 [213].
“Notum iam est universae Lithuaniae, quantos motus nuper egregii isti theologi Vilnae fecerint, et quam crudeli carnificinae ianuam aperuerint, dum multitudo insana vocibus eorum instigata iam in armis esset, et saltem signum caedibus faciendis expectaret.” Wolan, Idololatriae , M2r.
Wolan, Idololatriae , G3r, M2r; Wolan, Libri quinque , 197, 201–2, 211, 123 [213].
“Viperei huiusce foetus perniciosus fator, qui cum sub servili et tyrannica illa inquisitione Hispanica educatus fuisset, nullam unquam veritatis Evangelicae doctrinam vel primis labris degustare potuit, sed in omnibus Ecclesiae papalis superstitionibus innutritus.” See Wolan, Idololatriae , G1v. See also G3r.
“Isti vero omnium hominum se esse sceleratissimos testantur, quos nec legum, nec regis metus hactenus in officio continere potuit, ut non multas ubique turbas excitarent, mutuisque coedibus ac praeliis funestis ianuam aperirent.” Wolan, Libri quinque , 207.
Wolan, Libri quinque , 211.
Wolan, Libri quinque , 210–11; cf. 200–1.
Wolan, Libri quinque , 207–8.
Cf. Tazbir, Piotr Skarga , 77–97.
Emanuel Vega, Assertiones theologicae, de augustissimo Eucharistiae sacramento, quibus refelluntur […] sectarii, contra veram, et realem praesentiam Christi in Eucharistia (Vilnius: Society of Jesus, 1585), A3 verso; cf. Estreicher 32:283–84.
Andrzej Jurgiewicz, De pio, et in sancta ecclesia iam inde ab apostolis receptissimo sacrarum imaginum usu […] itemque de sanctorum veneratione et invocatione theses, in Academia Vilnensi disputandae, adversus impium et famosum libellum, a Volano quodam […] editum (Vilnius: Society of Jesus, 1586).
Cf. Introduction, n. 41.
See Daugirdas, Andreas Volanus, 118–19.
Andrzej Wolan, Apologia […] ad calumnias et convitia pestiferae hominum sectam, qui se falso jesuitas vocant (Vilnius: Daniel Lancicius, 1587), D3.
Wolan, Apologia, A3.
“Hi, repudiato magistri sui nomine, quo tamen omnes aliae monachorum sectae gaudent, non minus ridicule quam impie se Jesuitas, sive socios Jesu vocant.” See Wolan, Apologia, B4v–C1r.
“Ingenium omne eo intendunt, omnique cura et cogitatione in id incumbunt, ac styli omne acumen eo dirigunt, ut veritatem divinam confodiant, et deformes mendacii maculas quovis fuco ac pigmento oblinant.” See Wolan, Apologia , C1r.
Wolan, Apologia , C1r.
Wolan, Apologia , E4v.
Martin Chemnitz, Theologiae jesuitarum praecipua capita (Strasbourg: Antonius Bertramus, 1602), A5v, B4r. First published in 1553 in Latin and in 1562 in German.
Cf. Daugirdas, Andreas Volanus, 21–25; “Chemnitz, Martin,” in Christian Cyclopedia,
Wolan, Apologia , E4v–E5r.
Wolan, Apologia , A4r, B4v–C2v, C4v–D1r.
Fryderyk Bartsch, Andreae Volani […] orationi […] responsio (Kraków: Andrzej Piotrkowczyk, 1589). See also Daugirdas, Andres Volanus , 121–22.
Andrzej Wolan, Ad scurilem et famosum libellum, Jesuiticae scholae Vilnensis, et potissimum maledici conviciatoris Andreae Iurgevitii […] responsio (n.p.: n.p., 1589), 3.
Wolan, Ad scurilem , 1, 5.
Wolan, Ad scurilem , 5.
Wolan, Ad scurilem , 50.
Andrea Mariani, “Cudzoziemcy w prowincji polskiej i litewskiej Towarzystwa Jezusowego: Przyczynek do badań nad wielokulturowością dawnej Rzeczypospolitej,” in Stan badań nad wielokulturowym dziedzictwem dawnej Rzeczypospolitej , ed. Wojciech Walczak and Katarzyna Wiszowata‐Walczak (Białystok: Instytut Badań nad Dziedzictwem Kulturowym Europy, 2023), 15:71–113, here 77–79.
Andrzej Jurgiewicz, Quaestiones de haeresibus nostri temporis Andreae Volano et Lithuaniae ministris (Vilnius: n.p., 1590); Jurgiewicz, Kwestyj kilkadziesiąt albo pytania katolickie […] Andrzejowi Wolanowi i ministrom litewskim (Kraków: Drukarnia Łazarzowa, 1590); Jurgiewicz, Anatomia libelli famosi et scurrilis Andreae Volani Lwowcoviensis apostatae et praefecti synagogae Calvinisticae Vilnensis (Vilnius: Society of Jesus, 1591).
Estreicher 33:239–55.
See, for example, Sławomir Zieliński, “Jezuici a reformacja w syntezach szkoły Lelewelowskiej: Lelewel, Moraczewski i Schmitt,” Nasza przeszłość 134 (2020): 209–32; Michał E. Nowakowski and Przemysław M. Raczyk, “On the Hunt for Anti‐Jesuitica: A Report from a 2023 Research Trip to European Libraries and Archives,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 11, no. 2 (2024): 301–24, here 304–5, doi: