1 Introduction
Since ticks have started to spread serious diseases, the attitude toward them has, of course, changed. From being harmless (in my childhood in the 70s), they have become a terrifying and menacing insect species, comparable with malaria mosquitoes or venomous spiders.1
This chapter sheds light on the health-related concerns surrounding ticks by studying how people have experienced the increase in ticks, the diseases they spread and the fear of ticks in their own lives in Finland. It discusses the emotionally charged, contradictory, and multifaceted relationships between ticks and humans2 â as described in the quote above â from the perspective of everyday practices and materiality. When tick season begins in early spring, the number of tick-related newspaper articles is multiplied, along with posts on social media, where ticks are discussed as troublemakers interrupting and affecting peoplesâ lives in many ways. Our relationship with ticks is described as problematic and dysfunctional, impacting, e.g., peoplesâ outdoor activities and relationships to nature.3 Ticks are considered disgusting4 and are portrayed in peoplesâ perceptions as dangerous and threatening to human and non-human well-being.
With the growing awareness that ticks can possess a health risk, the approach to ticks has gradually changed. Tick encounters and imagined encounters with ticks have brought about protective and preventive measures, tick-related practices and materializations, evoked by strong emotions and causing people to act defensively to avoid tick bites and tick-borne diseases. These proactive and protective measures include, for example, tick-preventing clothing, regularly performed tick checks, tick removals with certain tools, and using tick repellents on companion animals. In encounters with ticks, practices and materializations become control mechanisms for avoiding diseases and managing health risks.
The practices are linked to the tick season6, which in Finland lasts from spring until autumn, and to tick-dense areas of the country. The practices are also anchored in a range of products intended to keep ticks at a distance and to remove them. These products are sold in grocery stores, pet stores, and pharmacies. The product range includes many products intended for companion animals, and by protecting them from ticks, we also indirectly protect ourselves.
Tick-related practices and materializations are legitimized through repetitions, experiences, and best practices emerging from expected and real encounters with ticks. By practices and materializations, I refer to what they do and how they are done in different spatial and temporal contexts. Danish ethnologists Tine Damsholt and Dorthe Gert Simonsen do not see materiality as something passive, but as something relational, processual, and performative. Materiality is ascribed agency and the opportunity to influence the world in different ways.7
This chapter contributes to multispecies studies, human â animal studies, and cultural animal studies10 by contextualizing and problematizing how human relationships with other species are intertwined with material-driven practices.11 Within these research fields, questions about how we create practices in encounters with animals â often also from the viewpoints of tensions and conflicting emotions arising from these relationships â are scrutinized. Postcolonial and intersectional influences, as well as anthropocentric perspectives, are also discussed in interspecies relations.12 Studies within all these research fields highlight human and non-human entanglements and encounters.
This chapter takes its starting point from an understanding that humans and other animals are in constant interaction13 and that humansâ relationships
2 Research Material and Theoretical Approaches
The research material used in this chapter consists of answers to the questionnaires âTickâ (Fästingen 2019) and âThe ticks are coming!â (Punkit tulevat! 2019).16 These questionnaires were sent out and made available to answer online by the Swedish Literature Society (SLS) and the Finnish Literature Society (SKS) during the summer of 2019. The questionnaires were prepared by our research team in collaboration with the archives. The SLS questionnaire was answered by a total of 42 people and the SKS questionnaire by a total of 103 people. Answers were sent from all parts of Finland, except from the most northern parts of the country, where ticks are not to be found â yet.
In the questionnaires, information about how ticks have been treated in the past and how they are treated today was collected alongside information about the respondentsâ experiences with ticks and the names they use for ticks. Questions about the relationship between ticks and climate change, i.e., how changes in the climate and environment may impact ticks, were also asked, as well as whether the respondents have seen ticks on other animals and how these have been removed. We were also keen to know more about tick-related diseases and how respondents feel about vaccines. The questionnaires also point out an interest in knowing how ticks are portrayed in media of various
The questionnaires contain a lot of memories, experiences, and stories about ticks as matters of health concerns. The Finnish-speaking questionnaire sent out by the SKS contains health-related testimonies to a very large extent compared with the Swedish-speaking questionnaire sent out by the SLS. When using ethnographic material such as questionnaires, it is important to remember that, as a material, they are the result of the questions asked. Looking at the questions now, a few years later, even if our aim was to collect diverse material about tick-related memories, experiences, and attitudes, some of the questions seem to be focusing on the problems and challenges ticks might bring forth. Therefore, the questionnaires should be considered in a critical light where the shortcomings as well as the advantages of a rich, qualitative material are acknowledged.17
The health concerns linked to ticks are born from the feeling of insecurity and fear of diseases. The risk of being physically exposed to ticks and the threat of being infected with a tick-borne disease act as strong motivators for managing risks in different ways. Ticks are also embedded in a risk discourse based on scientific research18 and personal experiences, a common theme debated in Finnish public discourse.19
Ticks are considered a risk to well-being for humans and non-humans, as they challenge our integrity. Therefore, ticks are intertwined in emotions, perception of risk, and the materialization of risk. Early on, British anthropologist Mary Douglas drew our attention to the fact that peoplesâ experiences of risk and danger are relative and contextual.20 Douglas emphasizes that risks
Cultural anthropologist Birgitta Hellmark Lindgren further claims, in accordance with sociologist Niklas Luhmann, that we should distinguish between risk and danger. Risks can, to some extent, be anticipated and avoided. We may be held responsible for exposing ourselves to risks or not doing so. On the other hand, dangers of various kinds cannot always be foreseen or avoided. Thoughts about responsibility are central to how we experience and handle issues related to risks and dangers.21
Health risks are often calculable based on an epidemiological understanding of risk.22 The diseases ticks can transmit can be problematic for the health and well-being of humans and other animals. In contrast, what is identified as risk in society by both the general public and experts is not only a question of identifying risk in relation to pure facts; it is also influenced by socio-cultural processes, which have been explored in several studies where the interest is not focused on actual risks but rather on how definitions and valuations of risks relate to broader socio-cultural and political contexts.23 In addition to the fact that ticks in a real sense pose a health risk to both humans and pets, the socio-cultural context in this chapter focuses on the questionnaire answers in which risk is experienced and practiced.
Materializations and practices for health-related concerns can be analyzed as human â tick entanglements24 and as human â thing entanglements.25
The idea of humans and things as inseparable has been strengthened by posthumanism and the âontological turnâ across sciences and humanities, radically reimagining human â object relationships.27 These new perspectives urge us to think of objects and people as ontologically inseparable, entangled
The human â tick and human â thing entanglements, as well as the perceptions of ticks as risk, are affected by emotions. British-Australian scholar Sara Ahmed writes that emotions are created in contact with someone or something, and are influenced by our cultural beliefs about this someone or that something.30 Thus, emotions are produced not only in the interaction between people but also in interspecies encounters; and they are rooted in different environments, situations, and matters.31 Emotions are a driving force in tick encounters as feelings of discomfort and fear make us do things like protect ourselves with tick-proof clothing, perform regular tick checks of our bodies, and keep ticks away from our companion animals and ourselves by using tick repellents of various kinds. These ongoing practices can also become a liability and bring forth feelings of frustration as the tick season continues.
Regarding emotions, an understanding of what emotions do rather than what they are is essential. This understanding is also important and useful in tick â human relations. Ahmed believes emotions are more than psychological states and should be understood as performative social and cultural practices. She argues that emotions can be both moving and sticky, where the subject is formed in encounters with others and where the emotions create surfaces and boundaries between subject and object. The mobility of emotions can have different effects: for some, an emotion can be fleeting and temporary; for others, it can mean a fixation32 â it sticks firmly, as in many cases of ticks.
3 Ticks: a Growing Health Concern
As other articles about ticks in this volume confirm, ticks and tick-borne diseases have increased during the last decades. How are people experiencing this
Many memories connected with ticks are strongly influenced by a âtime before and after ticks,â referring to a change in which the awareness of ticks, the number of tick encounters, and the knowledge of tick-transmitted diseases have increased. This marks a transition from something that was before to something that is now and lies ahead of us. This shift can be seen in the growth of tick-related practices and in the more serious attitude toward tick-borne diseases.
Many people I know are afraid of these little devils. A man I know had noticed something black on his shoulder in the sauna and tried to wipe it away. It was soon discovered to be a tick. The man immediately went to the nearest hospital, where it was removed. Afterwards, he went to the workplace doctor to take a blood test in fear of Lyme disease. Perhaps this was an overreaction, as it is easy to remove the tick yourself, and only a fraction [of ticks] cause diseases. The man had heard horror stories about ticks from relatives and was frightened.33
Ticks become active and look for blood meals when the outdoor temperature stays above +5 degrees. Thus, in many parts of the country where winters are becoming less cold due to climate change, the living conditions for ticks and their host species have improved. Ticks thrive wherever they have access to blood meals. Therefore, their living environment includes nature across a wide area. However, grass and bushes, above all, are usually highlighted as the tickâs habitat, as ticks are considered to be âlurking in the grassâ and waiting for a passing animal. The coastal areas and the Finnish archipelago are tick-dense, but nowadays, ticks can be found in most parts of the country except for the northern parts of Lapland. When it is hot or too cold, ticks retreat into the soil to wait for more suitable conditions.34
The fear and real-life concern for tick encounters, and thereby transmitted diseases, is recurring in many questionnaire answers. People engage in various but seemingly similar practices in dealing with ticks in their different tick encounters. Ticks induce action: actions to remove ticks and to proactively
In the last ten years or so, the number of ticks in our summer place on the island has been constantly increasing. First, we had to start checking them morning and evening, and about five years ago, it seemed wise to get vaccinated. Last year, I started checking for ticks on my skin throughout the day; there are so many of them. In the family, the attitude has remained the same, i.e., we think that Lyme disease does not occur when ticks are removed daily, and the vaccination series most likely protects against brain fever. Thatâs enough to be careful. However, my mother had Lyme disease about 10â15 years ago. The cottage neighbors have started to keep the lawns short, and thatâs something Iâm considering doing myself.35
With time, ticks have become more common compared with the past and with the increase in the number of ticks; also, different practices have become more regular and ambitious. One of the tick-preventing practices many people refer to is becoming aware of ticks outdoors, ticks as part of nature.36 One practice to handle the risks of being outdoors is to keep lawns short and to make surroundings unavailable to ticks, as in the quotes mentioned above and below, in order to prevent ticks from coming too close to us.
In the late 1980s and 1990s, it [the cabin] became a place we visited more and more often. The forest groves had to give way, and the paths were trimmed regularly. The mosquitoes were expelled by removing undergrowth and lower branches of trees. Construction timber was also taken. Grass and groves no longer provide significant protection, but still, ticks occasionally appear.37
In many questionnaire answers, the idea of nature as a place where caution is also required comes from lessons from childhood. These childhood memories and experiences originate from the 1950s until the 1990s. In childhood memories, ticks are often described as ordinary. Ticks live among us in various surroundings, and for many, they were everyday companions in their
We were three siblings all summer long at a summer cottage in Sammatti (nowadays part of Lohja) in the late 1950s. My memory of ticks was that you got them on your skin, especially from alders near the shore. If the tick got attached, you just covered it with butter and waited until it cut loose. Most of the time, the butter melted in the summer heat before the tick gave up. Apparently, however, the butter had such an effect that it was somehow easier to remove the tick from the skin by pulling it with your fingers. As far as I know, no one has had any consequences from ticks. They belonged to summer!38
In many memories, children were supposed to avoid tick-infested natural surroundings, especially alders.39 They were considered tick magnets as it was in the alders and in their immediate vicinity that ticks were believed to reside. By avoiding alders, one could avoid running into ticks. This protective practice of keeping children away from alders was one way of dealing with the fear of ticks in nature. It was later proven wrong, as the increasing knowledge of where ticks live shifted the tick-infested area around the alders to grass and damp lands. Ticks can even reside in our backyards, very close to where humans live.
In my childhood, I wasnât warned about the dangers of ticks. I was just told to watch out for alders because ticks jump from them. In particular, gray alders were considered to be trees where ticks live. Now that is no longer true, either, and ticks have gone from being annoying to being really dangerous. That is why the checks continue. I have no dog, but the grandchildren are always checked for ticks. They are also aware of this risk themselves; they move around covered up, and they do not walk barefoot. It is a little annoying that they cannot fully enjoy the summer. Fortunately, ticks do not threaten when you are swimming!40
4 From Ordinary to Extraordinary Practices
With the awareness of the health risk, peoplesâ attitudes toward ticks has shifted. From being perceived as ordinary and relatively harmless in childhood
Ticks are nowadays very common, and there are plenty of them at our summer place in Ruokolahtiâ¦. When I go out in nature, I protect myself with long sleeves as well as with tight socks that I pull over my trousers. And I wear rubber boots. Despite these precautions, these small animals sometimes find their way to the skin.41
The practice of checking and constantly monitoring ourselves and our four-legged friends is visible in the questionnaires. Stuff related to detecting and removing ticks is strongly related to bodily practices during tick season. These practices are not only induced by medical and biological facts â the diseases ticks can transmit â but are very much culturally constructed.42 We are socialized into a tick culture, which we learn to manage in different ways through preventive practices before and during the tick season, as well as through daily practices, especially in areas where ticks are abundant. Many of these practices are preceded by traditions that have been adopted and maintained within families, and later further developed or replaced with new ones.
My first tick encounter took place in Rosala [an island in the southwestern archipelago of Finland], where I stayed at my boyfriendâs cabin in 2001. Even though I hadnât even been in the woods or grass, I had three ticks on my lower back. I spotted them while in the shower, after the trip to the cabin. My boyfriend habitually removed them with pliers; he was used to seeing ticks at his cabin. I had heard that you can get rid of ticks by putting a big pile of butter around them. Then the ticks have to dig themselves out of the skin. My boyfriend was able to tell me that that method is no longer recommended â the tick can âvomitâ and then the bacteria is more likely transferred. At that time, I wasnât afraid of Lyme disease or brain fever, I just thought I should remove the ticks and thatâs it.43
I was diagnosed with Lyme disease in late autumn, when I was not really moving around the garden with bare legs, but instead âas instructed in long-sleeved clothes and boots,â and I was no longer thinking that ticks were around. In this case, the tick had climbed along my arm from a raspberry bush. I noticed the tick when it had been attached for several days, so it was a real tick. At first, it seemed that there was no infection, but after a couple of weeks, a really feisty rash appeared on the skin, like a fungus that had grown on the skin. A doctor immediately determined, after seeing the rash, that it was Lyme disease. I took a three-week course of antibiotics, and luckily, there were no other symptoms.45
Seasonality in human â thing entanglements, as can be read from the previous quote, can be misleading as it urges us to protect ourselves from ticks during the season but not during the off-season, when ticks might still be active. The seasonality of tick-related products is a good example of materializations, i.e., what material does with us. When products are on display, we are encouraged to use repellents, tick collars on dogs, and tools for removing ticks, and when they are not on display, the opposite.
The products we use for tick encounters are connected with a certain use and skill: how to remove a tick in the right way and, many times, the alternative and more personal ways we tend to use the products. Confrontations with ticks can also bring about a sense of losing control over the body and the situation. Practices combined with material components reinforce the feeling of security and the feeling of control.
In the cupboard, I have a tick iron and disinfectant as well as a bandage, and in the bag, a sharp knife with a sharp tip. The tick iron does not work properly; it rarely works as you wish. The iron does not go properly between the skin and the tick, on its shoulders. It is usually the case that you notice the tick late and then you only get rid of the animal in two parts. Daily swimming trips, regular sauna baths, and tick checks here and there ensure a carefree feeling. Without ticks, it would be even more fun, as before.46
Socialization into a tick culture, as the recurring season could be called with all its practicalities and materializations, is influenced by everyday encounters between ticks and humans. These encounters or expected encounters are often described in terms of fear and worry, but some also express a casual coexistence, where the adoption of tick practices has a reassuring effect. It seems that the closer ticks come to human habitations, the more they make us worry.
We have a real tick garden. There are a lot of ticks, and you can see them almost every day in the summer. It is not at all unusual for a tick to climb up the leg. Fortunately, most of the time, you can find the tick before it gets attached. Unfortunately, this is not always the case. In the family, we always do a tick check every summer evening. During the worst tick summers, ticks may be found daily. Fortunately, the tick check mainly prevents the transmission of borreliosis: the longer the tick is attached, the more likely it is to be caught, and if the tick is removed in time, there should be no problems. We have taken vaccinations against tick-borne encephalitis. However, there are not as many ticks every summer, and unfortunately during such summers, the dangers of ticks and doing tick checks may sometimes be missed. And even in April or late autumn, you may not always remember that ticks can attach then as well.47
5 Conclusions
In the relationship between humans and ticks, materializations and practices become important components in maintaining control and increasing the feeling of security. Thus, the practices and materiality associated with
Knowledge of the health risks ticks can pose has had a profound effect on the respondentsâ attitudes toward ticks. The research material describes everyday experiences with ticks. The relationship with ticks is described in emotional terms, where contempt, worry and fear are commonly described feelings. For the majority of respondents, the risk of ticks has strongly influenced their relationship with nature, outdoor activities, and life in general. Many activities that the respondents previously enjoyed are now excluded due to worry and fear. That ticks are perceived to limit their lives means that the attitude toward ticks is colored by bitterness and resentment.
Therefore, many stories are filled with emotions and drama. Ticks are rarely presented in a positive light but instead are demonized to varying degrees and seen as the evil party in the human â tick relationship. The relatively few opposing voices speak of a coexistence where the adoption of tick practices has a reassuring effect. These respondents have a nonchalant and ambivalent attitude toward ticks, while most of them avoid tick-dense places and worry a lot about being infected by tick-borne diseases.
The health-promoting nature as we have come to know it takes on a different dimension in many answers when nature becomes dangerous, risky, and unattractive because of the tick.48 Nature and ticks should be controlled by keeping lawns cut short, avoiding tick-dense areas, wearing tick-proof clothing, and doing regular tick checks on your own body and the bodies of others.
The connection between materiality and practices is strengthened, shaping the human â tick and human â thing entanglements. Our perception of ticks as threatening and risky is culturally constructed and culturally managed. We are socialized into a tick culture with tick-related practices for prevention and protection. These practices are preceded by traditions that have been adapted and practiced within the family and that find new material dimensions in the ever-growing range of products we are subjected to.
Archival Sources
Finnish Literature Society, SKS, questionnaire Punkit tulevat!, 2019.
Swedish Literature Society, SLS, questionnaire Fästingen, 2019.
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Thom van Dooren, Eben Kirksey and Ursula Münster, âMultispecies Studies: Cultivating Arts of Attentiveness,â Environmental Humanities 8, no. 1 (2016), doi:10.1215/22011919-3527695.
Tim Ingold, âBinding Against Boundaries: Entanglements of Life in an Open World,â Environment and Planning A 40, no. 8 (2008); Damsholt and Simonsen, âMaterialiseringer, processer, relationerâ.
See, e.g., Stefan Helmreich and Eben Kirksey, âThe Emergence of Multispecies Ethnography,â Cultural Anthropology 25, no. 4 (2010); Laura Ogden, Billy Hall and Kamiko Tanita, âAnimals, Plants, People and Things: A Review of Multispecies Ethnography,â Environment and Society: Advances in Research 4 (2013); Donna Haraway, When Species Meet (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 2008); van Dooren, Kirksey and Münster, âMultispecies Studiesâ.
See, e.g., Tuomas Räsänen and Nora Schuurman (eds.), Kanssakulkijat: Monilajisten kohtaamisten jäljillä (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2020); Simon Ekström and Lars Kaijser, Djur: Berörande möten och kulturella smärtpunkter (Göteborg: Makadam, 2018); Garry Marvin and Susan McHugh (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Human-Animal Studies (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014).
Ekström and Kaijser, Djur; Sonja Hagelstam and Sanna Lillbroända-Annala, âMänniskan och andra djur,â Budkavlen 99 (2020); Räsänen & Schurman, Kanssakulkijat.
Haraway, When Species Meet; Tim Ingold, âAnthropology Beyond Humanity,â Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 38, no. 3 (2013).
Nickie Charles and Charlotte Aull Davies, âMy Family and Other Animals: Pets As Kin,â in Human and Other Animals, ed. B. Carter and Nickie Charles (London: Palgrave, 2011).
Ekström and Kaijser, Djur; Hagelstam and Lillbroända-Annala, âMänniskan och andra djurâ; Räsänen and Schurman, Kanssakulkijat.
The questionnaire answers used have been anonymized but can be read with the license provided by the archives. The anonymization has been done in accordance with the National Board on Research Integrity, https://tenk.fi/en/research-misconduct/responsibleconduct-research-rcr.
See e.g. Charlotte Hagström and Lena Marander-Eklund (eds.), Frågelistan som källa och metod (Lund: Studentlitteratur, 2005).
Institutet för hälsa och välfärd TH, âInfektionssjukdomar och vaccinationer,â accessed April 6, 2021, https://thl.fi/sv/web/infektionssjukdomar-och-vaccinationer/sjukdomar-och-bekampning/sjukdomar-och-sjukdomsalstrare-a-o/fastingburen-hjarninflammation;Huldén, Lena: âUusien vektorivälitteisten tautien mahdollinen saapuminen Suomeen ilmastonmuutoksen ja ihmisten liikkuvuuden kylkiäisinä,â accessed September 15, 2023, https://julkaisut.valtioneuvosto.fi/handle/10024/163158. See also the chapter by Suvi Rytty in this volume.
Sanna Lillbroända-Annala & Oscar Winberg, âFästingen hÃ¥ller inget säkerhetsavstÃ¥nd.â Konkurrerande riskdiskurser om fästingar i media, TRACE â´ Journal for Human-Animal Studies 9 (2023). In our article we focused on different constructions of risk discourses and the relationship between scientific, media and public risk discourses around ticks. See also the chapter by Otto Latva in this volume.
Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo, (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976 [1966]); Mary Douglas, Risk Accessibility According to the Social Sciences (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986); Mary Douglas, Risk and Blame. Essays in Cultural Theory (London: Routledge, 1992).
Birgitta Hellmark Lindgren, Pregnoscape: Den gravida kroppen som arena för motstridiga perspektiv på risk, kön och medicinsk teknik (Uppsala: Department of Cultural Anthropology and Ethnology Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, 2006), 28; Niklas Luhmann, Risk: A Sociological Theory (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1993).
Hellmark Lindgren, Pregnoscape, 27, according to Deborah Lupton, âIntroduction: Risk and Sociocultural Theory,â in Risk and Sociocultural Theory: New Directions and Perspectives, ed. Deborah Lupton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 1.
Hellmark Lindgren, Pregnoscape, 27; Douglas, Risk Accessibility; Ulrich Beck, Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity (London: Sage, 1992); Anthony Giddens, Modernitet och självidentitet: Självet och samhället i den senmoderna epoken (Göteborg: Daidalos, 1999); Luhmann, Risk, and Frank Furedi, Culture of Fear. Risk-taking and the Morality of Low Expectation (United Kingdom: Continuum, 2002 [1997]).
See e.g., Helmreich and Kirksey, âMultispecies Ethnographyâ; Ogden, Hall and Tanita, âAnimals, Plants, Peopleâ; Haraway, When Species Meet; van Dooren, Kirksey and Münster, âMultispecies Studiesâ.
Ian Hodder, Entangled: An Archaeology of the Relationships Between Humans and Things (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012).
Ian Hodder, âThe Entanglements of Humans and Things: A Long-Term View,â New Literary History 45, no. 1 (2014): 20.
See for e.g., Karen Barad, Posthumanist Performativity: Towards an Understanding of How Matter Comes to Matter. Signs 28(3) (2003):801â 831; Karen Barad, Meeting the Universe Halfway: Quantum Physics and the Entanglement of Matter and Meaning (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007); Jane Bennett, Vibrant Matter: A Political Ecology of Things (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010); Bill Brown, âThing Theory,â In Things, ed. Bill Brown, 1â16 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004); Levi Bryant, Nick Smicek and Graham Harman (eds.), The Speculative Turn: Continental Materialism and Realism (Melbourne: RE Press, 2010); Diana Coole and Samantha Frost (editors), New Materialisms: Ontology, Agency, and Politics (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010); M. DeLanda, A New Philosophy of Society: Assemblage Theory and Social Complexity (London and New York: Continuum, 2006); Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, âRhizome: Introduction,â In A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, 3â28 (London and New York: Continuum, 2007 [1980]); Alfred Gell, âThe Technology of Enchantment and the Enchantment of Technology,â in Anthropology, Art, and Aesthetics, ed. J. Coote and A. Shelton, 40â 67 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992); Alfred Gell, Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998); Tim Ingold, The Perception of the Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling, and Skill (New York and London: Routledge, 2000); Tim Ingold, Making: Anthropology, Archaeology, Art, and Architecture (Routledge, London, 2013); Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993); Bruno Latour, Pandoraâs Hope: Essays on The Reality of Science Studies (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999); Bruno Latour, Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); Frank Trentmann, âMateriality in the Future of History: Things, Practices, and Politics,â Journal of British Studies 48 (2009).
Ruth M. van Dyke (ed.), Practicing Materiality (Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 2015).
Daniel Miller, Material Culture and Mass Consumption (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987), 19â33; Daniel Miller, âMateriality: An Introduction,â in Materiality, ed. Daniel Miller (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2005).
Sara Ahmed, The Cultural Politics of Emotion (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2004), 79.
Ole Riis and Linda Woodhead, A Sociology of Religious Emotion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 7.
Ahmed, The Cultural Politics of Emotion, 7â13.
SKS questionnaire answer number 028.
Jukka Hytönen et al., âPuutiaisten elämä: Kuka pelkää punkkia?,â Terveyskirjasto (2021), accessed September 15, 2023, https://www.terveyskirjasto.fi/kpp00003/puutiaisten-elama.
SKS questionnaire answer number 082.
Lillbroända-Annala, âSolastalgia and Entanglementâ.
SKS questionnaire answer number 070.
SKS questionnaire answer number 025.
See also Taina Syrjämaa, Tuomas Räsänen and Heta Lähdesmäki in this volume.
SKS questionnaire answer number 78b.
SKS questionnaire answer number 092b.
See Lillbroända-Annala and Winberg, âFästingen hÃ¥ller inget säkerhetsavstÃ¥ndâ.
SKS questionnaire answer number 006.
Sympaatti Oy, âPunkkien torjunta,â https://www.sympaatti.fi/artikkelit/punkkien-torjunta, accessed April 15, 2021.
SKS questionnaire answer number 002.
SKS questionnaire answer number 070.
SKS questionnaire answer number 002.
Lillbroända-Annala, âWhen Nature Becomes a Riskâ.