What did it mean âto be Portugueseâ in the early modern period? What does it mean to be Portuguese today? And what was the role of métissage in constituting a Portuguese imperial identity?
These are the three questions underlying António Manuel Hespanhaâs Filhos da Terra. In 1993, the essay by Hespanha and Cristina Nogueira da Silva entitled A identidade portuguesa had already challenged the widely shared idea that the Portuguese had had a clear consciousness since the medieval period of what distinguished them from the inhabitants of the Spanish kingdoms.1 Many Portuguese still see this consciousness of âbeing a nationâ as explaining the fierceness of the successive rivalries and battles that set the kingdomâs inhabitants in opposition to Spain. Hespanha and Silva argued, by contrast, that even in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries there had been more commonalities than discontinuities among the inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula. In addition, and rather than identifying as Portuguese, the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Portugal had primarily seen themselves as belonging to a village, town or region. Furthermore, sharing in the larger identity of Hispania seemed for many authors of this period to be more relevant than being part of the Kingdom of Portugal. Hespanha and Silva also endorsed the opinion that bilingualism (in other words, speaking both Portuguese and Castilian, and writing in both languages) was dominant among the Portuguese elites. Rather, therefore, than being sharply defined, the cultural distinctions between the Portuguese and the Castilians (or another Iberian group), just like the territorial frontiers, as Tamar Herzog recently argued, were in reality blurred.2
It was only during the Iberian Union (1580â1640) that the cultural differences became more explicit and that what it meant to be Portuguese â as opposed, that is, to being a foreigner (which frequently meant identifying as a Spaniard) â started to stabilise, at least from a legal perspective.3
The reason for foreignersâ status being loose was because the status of a natural was not stable either. Although there was a common, socially shared understanding of what it meant âto be a naturalâ, it took some time for this to become legally conceptualised. This legal vacuum contributed, in turn, to what Hespanha and Silva identified as the absence of a Portuguese identity (and nation) in the modern sense of the concept.
The situation in Portugal differed little from that described in Peter Sahlinsâ Unnaturally French and Tamar Herzogâs Defining Nations.5 In these cases, too, naturals were not explicitly defined from the outset; neither were the set of attributes they should have or the privileges they could enjoy. Similarly, the borders separating the territories of one king from those of another were also distorted, and the stabilisation of nations and borders alike proceeded only slowly.
The presence, however, of a growing community of Spaniards in the Portuguese metropolitan and overseas territories from the early days of the Iberian Union â violating what had been laid down in the Statutes of Tomar of 1581, which synthesised the agreement between the king of Spain and the various Portuguese bodies of power â resulted in the relationship between the Portuguese and the people of Spanish origin increasingly being governed by legal norms. In 1591, for example, Philip II of Spain (I of Portugal) issued a law preventing foreign persons âof any kind, quality and nation whatsoeverâ from departing from the ports of the Kingdom of Portugal to the Portuguese
This ordinance specifically concerned the category of naturals, with the aim being to remove doubts âabout which persons should be considered naturals of these kingdoms of Portugal and their lordship.â Title 55 explained that only those who had been born in the kingdom and the territories ruled by the Portuguese king, and the children of naturals who lived in foreign countries and were engaged in the service of the king of Portugal were naturals. This was the meaning of a paragraph in an early seventeenth-century legal report in which it was stated that âit is equally Portuguese the one who is born and lives in Goa or Brazil, or Angola, as the one who lives and is born in Lisbonâ because âIndia and the other overseas territories (â¦) are not distinct or separated,â but were like âthe Algarve and any of the provinces of Alentejo and between Douro and Minhoâ.8 However, the children of those naturals living elsewhere and not being in the service of the king of Portugal, or having voluntarily absented themselves from the territories ruled by that king, were not automatically considered naturals and were thus in a legal limbo. Furthermore, such people could easily be denaturalised and thus lose their political and legal allegiance to Portugal.
These liminal people are the focus of Filhos da Terra; they are the filhos da terra, or sons of the soil, of Portuguese origin, living outside the formal borders of the Portuguese empire, and their descendants, the majority of whom were in the service of other polities and were therefore disregarded by the Portuguese authorities and frequently denaturalised at the kingâs will. At the same time, however, they were not wholly foreigners either, given that the empireâs formal borders were loose, and these individuals displayed some of the cultural markers of Portuguese people, such as speaking Portuguese or a Portuguese dialect, or wearing clothing identified with Portugal, such as specific types of
Despite the ambivalent status of these filhos da terra, Hespanha also opted to designate members of these communities as Portuguese. This methodological choice â to refer to liminal people as Portuguese â intended to challenge the idea of what it meant to be Portuguese in the early modern period, a similar endeavour to the one that had already inspired the 1993 essay. This time, however, Hespanha focused on a different object of analysis in that, instead of the kingdom, he concentrated on other territories, and specifically the territories of the Portuguese empire, and people living outside these territories. Hespanha aimed to demonstrate that those living outside the imperial borders and referred to as Portuguese were, in fact, very far from being Portuguese. That is to say, Filhos da Terra is about forms of identification and the fantasising of social identities, and not about the existence of a unitary and essentialist Portuguese nation. By describing these communities as Portuguese (other designations of that time included âChristiansâ, âinterpretersâ, âhat peopleâ, âfree menâ or even âFranksâ, with the latter being a general way to identify people of European origin), Hespanha evoked the tension between names (in this case, the word âPortugueseâ) and things (that is to say, those individual, groups and communities that self-represented or were recognised as Portuguese). As we know, this tension characterised a historical period when, as Michel Foucault put it, the adequacy of the names given to things was being challenged.10 To be called Portuguese did not necessarily, therefore, signify being Portuguese in the meaning that the word started to have in the early modern Portuguese kingdom, and even less so when we consider contemporary understandings of naturality. However, because words can invent things, referring to these communities as Portuguese made them appear to be genuinely Portuguese in the Portuguese (and not only the Portuguese) collective memory.
Besides the relationship to the Spanish kingdoms and their inhabitants or, as I shall recall later, to âinternal othersâ, a crucial string in the Portuguese early modern identity undoubtedly related to the imperial experiences. These experiences were the roots of reference for what has been referred to as Portuguese
In Filhos da Terra, Hespanha shows that while métissage certainly existed, it generally created non-Portuguese or liminal Portuguese; in other words, people whom the Portuguese authorities generally did not welcome and whom those living in the kingdom disdained.
This disdain was also seen in territories within the formal borders of the empire, such as Goa. Jan Hugues van Linschotenâs comments about the Portuguese settled in Goa and of Indian origin are enlightening on this process of liminalisation. In his Itinerario, published in 1596, Van Linschoten explains that Portuguese men living in India were often married to Indian women, producing children of mixed race, generally of âyellowishâ colour (the casados). These children were referred to as mestizos and were âof colour and fashion like the naturall borne Countrimen or Decaniins of the countrie.â Even the children of a Portuguese man born in India and of a Portuguese woman looked like Indians, it was claimed. However, Linschoten said, the latter were referred to as castiços, being âin all things like vnto the Portingales, onely somewhat differing in colour, for they draw towards a yealow colourâ. All these people, Linschoten concluded, âdoe séeme to be naturall Indians, both in colour & fashion.â13
The tactic of using métissage as a pillar in the making of the Portuguese empire had produced Portuguese who looked like Indians and who were therefore not recognised as genuinely Portuguese. This led Purificação to take with him to Rome a man he called an âIndian negroâ as, in doing so, he wanted those in Rome to experience the difference between an authentic Portuguese â himself â and an Indian.
The liminal body to which Purificação belonged reflected the structural consequences of Afonso de Albuquerqueâs early sixteenth-century policies. Albuquerque, the second Governor of the Estado da Ãndia, had defended the need for intermarriage in Goa and the rest of the Estado da Ãndia, established in 1505, in order to guarantee the latterâs survival.15 After the processes of métissage seen among people of European origin in the Azores and Madeira in the second half of the fifteenth century, Albuquerqueâs proposal then represented the starting moment, in the Portuguese collective memory, of the âgolden historyâ of métissage in the Portuguese empire.
By the third decade of the sixteenth century, there were hundreds of casados and more than one thousand children of mixed parentage, precisely those (and their descendants) that Linschoten described as looking like Indians, an opinion that Purificação, himself of this descent, sought to contradict. Long before Linschoten and Purificação, however, the Portuguese Crown had already suspended Albuquerqueâs policy: in 1540, intermarriages were officially declared unwanted and were replaced by a policy of seeking to whiten the descent of the casados by marrying them to Portuguese women sent to the Estado da Ãndia.18
Political culture and acts were changing in parallel with the emergence of new theories of generation and the institutional implementation of the ideology of purity of blood. In the former, the role of the female substance at the moment of generation was active, thus impacting on the identity of the offspring, while in the latter ideology people of Jewish descent, even if they had become Christians, were disqualified and considered unfit to hold relevant
In the Estado da Ãndia, this disqualification was complemented by the opinion that casados were increasingly less interested in defending the Portuguese Indian territories and more involved in their private projects within or outside the formal borders of the empire. It was this that led to the declaration by Miguel da Purificação in the above-mentioned treatise, with arguments including assurance of the political loyalty of the indiáticos. The suspicion and disqualification applied to those living within the formal borders of the Portuguese empire and who were part of the legal community of naturals. Signs of the same suspicion could also be seen in respect of Brazilian mestizos and creoles, of which Abbé Raynalâs Histoire is an emblematic example.20 That said, one inevitably wonders how those mestizos and castiços who had voluntarily abandoned the Portuguese territories to live under the jurisdiction of various princes and kings, and who mixed with their local populations, were perceived from the metropolitan perspective.
For the metropolitan authorities, métissage was increasingly viewed as undermining the empire rather than as being a pillar of it. Indeed, for many, the political loyalty of the mestizos and castiços, with their mixed blood and mixed cultural roots, operated differently from their own since those of mixed heritage had little attachment to Portugal. Instead, they were the filhos da terra, whose allegiance to their original patria (the land where they had been born) was greater than to a faraway kingdom. To sum up, these people were liminal in the eyes of the Portuguese metropolitan authorities, being not altogether inside, but also not entirely outside either.
It was, however, the persistence of that collective memory that urged Hespanha to write this book, appealing for the urgent need to engage with the social history of the empire and its obsession with heroes, conquests and evangelisation. Instead of heroes, Hespanha warns his readers, the some 200,000 of Portuguese under his analytical lens were frequently more violent than amiable, and followed their self-interest rather than being concerned with Portugal and the common good of its population. If, then, these people were Portuguese, they were not of the Luso-Tropicalist persuasion.
Even today, however, five decades after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the narrative shaped by Salazarâs post-war regime has continued and continues
The bookâs apparent ambivalence is resolved if it is situated in the context of its production. It then becomes clear that, in many ways, Filhos da Terra completes Hespanhaâs omnipresent intention to challenge common sense ideas and historiographical concepts about the Portuguese past and contemporary worlds.
Being responsible for a true revolution in the historiographical understanding of the Portuguese early modern period, Hespanha proposed, from the outset, an anthropology of the past, trying to understand that period on âits own termsâ. By doing so, he questioned many assumptions about the political system that operated in early modern Portugal, namely that of an early modern State and a precocious nation. In books and articles published in various countries and languages, and particularly in the paradigmatic As Vésperas do Leviathan. Instituições e Poder PolÃtico em Portugal. Século XVII, initially published in 1986, Hespanha argued that the early modern Portuguese monarchy was not centralised but corporativist. In this type of monarchy, various social bodies shared power with the king, who was at its head. As Hespanha saw it, a (modern) State was far from existing in early modern Portugal, where the continuities with the previous period were still dominant. Similarly, as he and Silva demonstrated in the essay mentioned earlier, a nation and contemporary meanings of the word did not exist in the nineteenth century either. From then on, therefore, the words Estado and nação were banned from Hespanhaâs conceptual armour because he saw
The non-existence of a (modern) State was even more explicit in the overseas territories, where the power structures of the Portuguese Crown were weaker. Initially a Marxist, Hespanha questioned the classical idea of a colonial system. Rather than being strong, the kingâs power was fragile, shared and negotiated with other powers, thus allowing a multiplicity of situations to arise. Moreover, the distance and geographical extension, the different populations under Portuguese rule and the scarcity of a Portuguese population available to colonise outside territories, among other factors, simply exacerbated these characteristics. In 1993, when the political, institutional and social processes in the kingdom and those taking place in the overseas territories were studied by various communities of historians, frequently not communicating with each other, Hespanha attempted to bridge these gaps by explaining, albeit still timidly, that the power characteristics and limits of the kingâs power in the kingdom also shaped the power in the overseas territories. In O Antigo Regime (1620â1807), he attempted to spread this new interpretative thesis in the chapter âOs poderes num império oceânicoâ (or âThe powers in an oceanic empireâ), which he co-authored with Catarina Madeira Santos. Inspired by the work of LuÃs Filipe Thomaz, the same reasoning was comprehensively applied in the 1995 Panorama da História Institucional e JurÃdica de Macau, as well as in the essay âA constituição do Império Portuguêsâ (or âThe constitution of the Portuguese empireâ) included in the 2001 collection O Antigo Regime nos Trópicos, coordinated by João Fragoso, Maria Fernanda Bicalho and Maria de Fátima Gouveia.25 Thus, as in the metropolis, and rather than being characterised by a dyadic relationship between political power (i.e. the coloniser and colonists) and society (i.e. the colonists and the colonised), the Portuguese empire was characterised by a polyhedral relationship in which powers were unevenly distributed and competed with one another for supremacy.
Consequently, the Estado da Ãndia, as systematically exposed in Panorama da História Institucional e JurÃdica de Macau, saw multiple forms of political
These were the same years (1997â2000) in which António Manuel Hespanha was head of the Commission for the Commemoration of the Portuguese Discoveries (CNCDP), where he continued his endeavours to challenge the traditional understandings of the Portuguese early modern period, known by many as the Age of Discoveries. These endeavours included contributions by the CNCDP â in the form, for example, of support for research on the âothersâ in the Portuguese imperial experiences and publishing books about, written by or voicing these âothersâ â to denationalising historiography and the Portuguese collective memory and, in this way, to denationalising discussions on the characteristics of the Portuguese (imperial) identity.
Defining otherness is well known to be fundamental to knowing and exploring the self. While there is already a vast scholarship about Portuguese perceptions of otherness and interactions with others, Hespanhaâs book was the first to contain a systematic reflection on how recognition of and interaction with others rebounded to promote an understanding of the Portuguese self; in other words, of what it meant to be Portuguese.
This question is also raised in Hespanhaâs 2010 Imbecillitas: As Bem-Aventuranças da Inferioridade nas Sociedades do Antigo Regime (Imbecillitas. The beatitudes of inferiority in the societies of the Old Regime),26 in which he demonstrates how the assumption of natural inequality between human beings moulded various legal categories operating in early modern Portugal, in which many different people had distinct rights and obligations. In particular, Hespanha dissects the legal categories of the socially disadvantaged â the insane, women, orphans, rustics, the poor and the miserable â, the ways jurists
If attributing names produced a society, the names attributed to the filhos da terra produced a lasting mental reality in the Portuguese collective memory, even if those names did not directly correspond to the social experience or reality. Calling the filhos da terra Portuguese thus made them Portuguese, even if they were not Portuguese-like.
The naming, classifying and renaming by jurists and others of the role of the filhos da terra in the production of society are stitched into Filhos da Terra alongside the social experience of those self-fashioned or self-called Portuguese inhabiting the African, Asian and Brazilian territories outside, but in various ways linked to, the formal borders of the Portuguese empire. Hespanha was interested in describing âthe political organisation of these communities and their governmentâ, whom, using the wording of Leonard Andaya, he also referred to as tribes because of their freedom, mobility and kind of nomadism.29
The mobility and freedom of these communities reinforced the idea that the early modern Portuguese monarchy was weak and inefficient, and incapable of framing and controlling the libertarian impulses of many people and social groups who were initially part of its polity. More efficient was the âempire of the common peopleâ, of those who risked their lives to survive, and who engaged in relationships crossing the frontiers of race, caste and religion, and thus complicated the relationship between Europeans (another disturbing category) and non-Europeans. More efficient than the formal and institutional empire, it appears, was the âinformal empireâ, the âshadow empireâ of George D. Winius, and an empire made possible because some of the institutions of
This, however, was not unique to the Portuguese either. As Barbara Fuchs pointed out in Mimesis and Empire, and demonstrated by focusing on a set of cases involving Spaniards, Amerindians, Muslims and the English, similar situations existed in other European imperial experiences. One of Fuchsâ aims was to demonstrate that, in the early modern period, mimesis functioned as a dialogical instrument challenging national and imperial identities, and as a mechanism that was simultaneously an instrument of social inclusion and a way of preserving difference in the face of pressures towards homogenisation, either through colonised peopleâs modes of imitating the coloniser or their inverse.31
Was mimesis then an instrument that allows us to understand the concept of the âshadow empireâ, with this term being used to encompass the historical experiences of all the communities identified or identifying as Portuguese and settled outside the formal borders of the Portuguese empire?
The territorial choices of these communities and the commercial routes in which they were involved were undoubtedly made possible by the empire itself and the vast spiritual jurisdiction of bishoprics and archbishoprics in the context of the Royal Patronage. Can it reasonably be said, however, that these choices and routes were still extensions and expressions of it? If so, was Hespanha unconsciously admitting that they were Portuguese and therefore accepting that métissage â one of these communitiesâ main characteristics â contributed to the material building of a Portuguese imperial identity?
What did it mean âto be Portugueseâ in the early modern period? What does it mean to be Portuguese today? And what was the role of métissage in constituting a Portuguese imperial identity?
I hope that, after reading this book, the reader will feel able to answer these questions, as much as I did, and also to think about new ones.
António Manuel Hespanha and Cristina Nogueira da Silva, âA identidade portuguesaâ, in O Antigo Regime (1621â1807), coord. António Manuel Hespanha (Lisbon: CÃrculo de Leitores, 1993), 19â37.
Tamar Herzog, Frontiers of Possession: Spain and Portugal in Europe and the Americas (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2015); see also Peter Sahlins, Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989).
According to João Pedro Ferro, the main foreign communities living in the Kingdom of Portugal at that time were the Galicians and the English, followed by Italians and, to a lesser extent, French, Germans and other nationalities. See João Pedro Ferro, A População Portuguesa no Final do Antigo Regime (1750â1815) (Lisbon: Ed. Presença, 1995) and Teresa Rodrigues, História da População Portuguesa (Lisbon: Ed. Afrontamento, 2008). On foreigners in Portugal, see also Maria Filomena Mónica, O Olhar do Outro â Estrangeiros em Portugal: do Século XVIII ao Século XX (Lisbon: Relógio dâÃgua, 2020).
Ãngela Barreto Xavier, ââNatural, ou nom natural de nossos reinosâ. Inclusão e exclusão, mobilidade e trabalho no Portugal da Ãpoca Modernaâ in Repensar a Identidade. O Mundo Ibérico nas margens da Crise Europeia, eds. David MartÃn Marcos, José MarÃa Iñurritegui and Pedro Cardim (Lisbon: CHAM, 2015), 19â48.
Peter Sahlins, Unnaturally French: Foreign Citizens in the Old Regime and After (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004); Tamar Herzog, Defining Nations. Immigrants and Citizens in Early Modern Spain and Spanish America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003). See also footnote 2.
Ordenações Filipinas (facsimile, Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1985), liv. 2, tt. 55, 489â490.
Jorge Vala and José Manuel Sobral, eds., Identidade Nacional â Inclusão e Exclusão (Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 2010); José Manuel Sobral, Portugal, Portugueses: Uma Identidade Nacional (Lisbon: Fundação Francisco Manuel dos Santos, 2012).
Biblioteca da Ajuda (Lisbon), 51-VI-54, fl. 73, âRelação sobre a precedência q/ se deve dar ao cons da India entre os mais conselhos e tribunais deste Râ.
Some of these people were discussed thirty years ago by A.J.R. Russell-Wood, A World on the Move: The Portuguese in Africa, Asia, and America, 1415â1808 (Manchester: Carcanet, 1992). On that general subject, see also Tony Ballantyne and Antoinette M. Burton, eds., Moving Subjects: Gender, Mobility, and Intimacy in an Age of Global Empire (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2009).
Michel Foucault, Les mots et les choses (Paris: Gallimard, 1966).
Willard O. Quine, The roots of reference (La Salle, Illinois: Open Court Publishing Company, 1974).
Gilberto Freyre, Um Brasileiro em Terras Portuguesas: Introdução a uma PossÃvel Luso-Tropicologia, Acompanhada de Conferências e Discursos Proferidos em Portugal e em Terras Lusitanas e Ex-lusitanas da Ãsia, da Ãfrica e do Atlântico (Rio de Janeiro: José Olympio Editora, 1953); O Mundo que o português criou: aspectos das relações sociais e de cultura do Brasil com Portugal e as colônias portuguesas (Rio de Janeiro: José Olympio Editora, 1940); O luso e o trópico: sugestões em torno dos métodos portugueses de integração de povos autóctones e de culturas diferentes da europeia num complexo novo de civilização, o luso-tropical (Lisbon: Comemorações do V Centenário da Morte do Infante D. Henrique, 1961).
Iohn Huighen van Linschoten, His discours of voyages into ye Easte & West Indies Deuided into foure bookes (London: John Wolfe Printer, 1598), 54, consulted online on 15 October 2021 at https://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=eebo;idno=A05569.0001.001. On that topic, see also Ãngela Barreto Xavier, â âParecem indianos na cor e na feiçãoâ: A âLenda Negraâe a indianização dos portuguesesâ, Etnográfica 18, no 1 (2014), 111â133; Carmen Nocentelli, âDiscipline and Love: Linschoten and the Estado da Ãndiaâ in Rereading the Black Legend: The Discourses of Religious and Racial Difference in the Renaissance Empires, eds. Margaret Rich Greer, Walter Mignolo and Maureen Quilligan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 205â224.
Miguel da Purificação, Relação defensiva dos filhos da Ãndia Oriental e da provÃncia do apóstolo S. Thome dos frades menores da regular observância da mesma Ãndia (Barcelona: Off. De Sebastião e João Matheva, 1640), fl. 22v.
On that process, see Charles R. Boxer, âFidalgos portugueses e bailadeiras indianas (Séculos XVII e XVIII)â, Revista de História - São Paulo ٥٦ (١٩٦١), ٨٣â105; âThe Colour Question in the Portuguese Empire, 1415â1825â Proceedings of the British Academy 47 (1961), 113â138; Mary and Misogyny: Women in Iberian Expansion Overseas 1415â1815 (London: Duckworth, 1975). See also LuÃs Filipe Thomaz, âGoa: Uma sociedade Luso-indianaâ In: De Ceuta a Timor, LuÃs Filipe Thomaz (Lisbon: Difel, 1994) and Ãngela Barreto Xavier, âReducing difference in the Portuguese empire? A case study from early-modern Goaâ in Changing Societies: Legacies and Challenges. Vol. i. Ambiguous Inclusions: Inside Out, Inside In, eds. S. Aboim, P. Granjo, A. Ramos (Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 2018), 241â261.
João de Barros, Ãsia, dos Feitos que os Portugueses Fizeram no Descobrimento e Conquista dos Mares e Terras do Oriente (Lisbon: INCM, 1988), vol. 1, 198; Ãngela Barreto Xavier, â âConformes à Terra no modo de viverâ. Matrimónio e império na Goa quinhentistaâ in special issue: Sacramental Disciplines and Praxis in non-European Contexts, 16th-18th Centuries, ed. Maria Teresa Fattori, Cristianesimo nella Storia 30 (2010).
Joseph Needham, A History of Embryology (New York: Abelard-Schuman, J. 1959 [1934]); Pierre Darmon, Le mythe de la procréation à lââge baroque (s. l.: Ãditions J.J. Pauvert, 1977); António Manuel Hespanha, âA famÃliaâ, O Antigo Regime (1620â1807), org. in António Manuel Hespanha (Lisbon: CÃrculo de Leitores, 1993); Teotónio. R. Souza, âGilberto Freyre na Ãndia e o âLuso-tropicalismo transnacionalââ (2008), https://ciberduvidas.iscte-iul.pt/artigos/rubricas/lusofonias/gilberto-freyre-na-india-e-o-luso-tropicalismo-transnacional/1608 (access 4 October 2018).
Timothy J. Coates, Convicts and Orphans: Forced and State-Sponsored Colonization in the Portuguese Empire, 1550â1755 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002).
Fernanda Olival, âRigor e interesses: os estatutos de limpeza de sangue em Portugalâ Cadernos de Estudos Sefarditas 2 (2004), 151â182; João Figueirôa Rêgo, A Honra Alheia por um Fio: Os Estatutos de Limpeza de Sangue nos Espaços de Expressão ibérica (secs. xvi-xviii) (Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 2011); José A.R.S. Tavim, Judeus e Cristãos-Novos de Cochim: História e Memória (1500â1662) (Braga: APPACDM Distrital de Braga, 2003); Ãngela Barreto Xavier, âConversos e novamente convertidos: Law, religion and identity in the Portuguese kingdom and empire (16th and 17th centuries)â Journal of Early-Modern History 15 (2011), 255â287.
Júnia F. Furtado and Nuno G. Monteiro, âThe Different Brazils in Abbé Raynalâs Histoire des Deux Indesâ Varia Historia - Belo Horizonte 32, no 60 (Sept/Dec 2016); Eduardo França Paiva and Carla Maria Junho Anastacia, eds., O trabalho mestiço: maneiras de pensar e formas de viver (séculos XVI a XIX) (São Paulo: Annablume, 2002).
On the dissemination of this idea, see Cláudia Castelo, âO modo português de estar no mundoâ: o luso-tropicalismo e a ideologia colonial portuguesa (1933â1961) (Lisbon: Edições Afrontamento, 1998); Margarida Calafate Ribeiro and Ana Paula Ferreira, eds., Fantasmas e Fantasias Imperiais no Imaginário Português Contemporâneo (Porto: Campo das Letras, 2003); PatrÃcia Ferraz de Matos, As âcôresâ do império: Representações raciais no Império Colonial Português (Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 2006). Marcos Cardão and Cláudia Castelo, eds., Gilberto Freyre: Novas Leituras do Outro Lado do Atlântico (São Paulo: Edusp, 2015); Marcos Cardão, Fado Tropical: Luso-Tropicalismo na Cultura de Massas (1960â1974) (Lisbon: Tigre de Papel, 2014).
Important works questioning this Portuguese imperial singularity are those by Ann Laura Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (Berkeley/Los Angeles/London: University of California Press, 2002); Saliha Belmessous, Assimilation and Empire: Uniformity in French and British Colonies, 1541â1954 (New York: Oxford University Press. 2013); Guy de Brunet, ed., Mariage et métissage dans les sociétés coloniales - Marriage and Miscegenation in Colonial Societies. Amériques, Afrique et Iles de lâOcéan Indien (XVIe â XXe siècles) - Americas, Africa and Islands of the Indian Ocean (XVI â XX centuries) (Bern, Berlin, Brussels, Frankfurt am Main, New York, Oxford, Vienna: Peter Lang Verlag, 2015).
A good example of this is João Paulo Oliveira e Costa e Teresa Lacerda, A Interculturalidade na Expansão Portuguesa, sécs. XV a XVIII (Lisbon: ACIDI, 2007).
For criticism of this idea, see C.R. Boxer, Race Relations in the Portuguese Colonial Empire, 1415â1825 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963 [1977]). For more recent approaches, see Francisco Bethencourt and Adrian Pearce, eds., Racism and Ethnic Relations in the Portuguese-Speaking World (London: British Academy, 2012); Francisco Bethencourt, Racisms: From the Crusades to the Twentieth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014); Joana Gorjão Henriques, Racismo no paÃs de brandos costumes (Lisbon: Tinta-da-China, 2018) and Warwick Anderson, Ricardo Roque and Ricardo Ventura Santos, eds., Luso-Tropicalism and its Discontents: The Making and Unmaking of Racial Exceptionalism (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2019).
LuÃs Filipe Thomaz, âA estrutura polÃtica e administrativa do Estado da Ãndia no século XVIâ, in II Seminário Internacional de História Indo-Portuguesa â Actas, eds. LuÃs de Albuquerque and Inácio Guerreiro (Lisbon: Instituto de Investigação CientÃfica Tropical, 1985), 515â540; António Manuel Hespanha and Catarina Madeira Santos, âOs poderes num império oceânicoâ in O Antigo Regime (1621â1807), coord. António Manuel Hespanha (Lisbon: CÃrculo de Leitores, 1993), 395â413; António Manuel Hespanha, Panorama da História Institucional e JurÃdica de Macau (Macau: Fundação Macau, 1995); António Manuel Hespanha, âA constituição do Império Português. Revisão de alguns enviesamentos correntesâ in O Antigo Regime nos Trópicos, coord. António Manuel Hespanha (Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2001).
António Manuel Hespanha, Imbecillitas: As Bem-Aventuranças da Inferioridade nas Sociedades do Antigo Regime (São Paulo: Annablume, 2010).
António Manuel Hespanha, Como os juristas viam o mundo. 1550â1750: direitos, estados, coisas, contratos, ações e crimes (E-book: Createspace, 2015, https://www.amazon.com.br/Como-juristas-viam-mundo-1550â1750-ebook/dp/B00UVQMRFY).
António Manuel Hespanha, âCategorias: Uma reflexão sobre a prática de classificarâ Análise Social 38, no 168 (2003), 823â840. This methodological stance was already present in Hespanhaâs first published book, A História do Direito na História Social (Lisbon: Livros Horizonte, 1978).
Leonard Andaya, âThe Portuguese Tribe in the Malayan-Indonesian Archipelago in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuriesâ in The Portuguese and the Pacific, eds. Francis Dutra and João Camilo dos Santos (Santa Barbara: Centre for Portuguese Studies, 1995).
George D. Winius, The âShadow Empireâ of Goa in the Bay of Bengal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).
Barbara Fuchs, Mimesis and Empire: The New World, Islam, and European Identities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2001).