1 Introduction
The Orang Asli are indigenous communities of Peninsular Malaysia. Their settlements in the area of Negeri Sembilan and some other states around Peninsular Malaysia are located close to local community villages. It is common understanding among the local village communities of Peninsular Malaysia, that the Orang Asli have their own traditions, customs and ways of living. Unfortunately, the Orang Asli’s knowledge of the world has rarely been shared with the local communities that live alongside the Orang Asli settlements.
The concept of socially responsible higher education (Hall & Tandon, 2021) as well as establishing practical approaches and methods of working with the community has gained greater acceptance in the past decade. In the context of Malaysia, the encouragement for higher education to be more socially responsible is clear. This can be seen through the publication of the Malaysia Education Blueprint 2015–2025 (Higher Education) by the Ministry of Higher Education. The blueprint recognises that the impact of higher education should be clearly seen in various forms of social components, especially on student graduates, the Malaysian community, industry, and the country as a whole.
Community-university partnerships and community-based participatory research (CBPR) are recognised ways of reducing the gap between higher education institutions and communities, and to effectively address relevant issues of social development. The Mizan K4C Hub, established in 2019, has been promoting and using CBPR in its research and academic programs, and decided to use the CBPR approach to increase understanding of the culture and identity of the Orang Asli, and how it can be sustained and preserved. Specifically, the research aims to support the new Malaysian policy of Wawasan Kemakmuran Bersama 2030 (WKB) or Shared Prosperity Vision 2030, by exploring important aspects of Orang Asli cultural identity and sharing it with neighbouring local communities to strengthen community collaboration for a sustainable future for all.
The research conducted under the BKC project worked with several specific groups of community members in an Orang Asli village, namely, Guntur in the district of Kuala Pilah, Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia. It tried to explore methods used by the Orang Asli community to retain their culture, heritage and belief within the Orang Asli context. This includes the methods used to avoid inter- and intra-community conflicts – from how they create a community border, to how they handle social issues through effective community communication,
The case study presented in this chapter begins with a brief introduction to the Orang Asli community, followed by detailing their knowledge culture and connections to customary land, aspects of their indigenous leadership, and the challenges they face in accessing education and improving health and wellbeing. All of the primary information was gathered using the CBPR approach, presented in the last section.
2 The Orang Asli
Orang Asli is the original tribal community in Peninsular Malaysia or West Malaysia (Nagata & Dallos, 2001; Lye, 2011a). According to government data, as of 2010, they numbered a mere 178,197, about 0.5% of the total Malaysian population.1 Under the Malaysian Federal Constitution, the welfare of the Orang Asli is placed under the jurisdiction of the Federal Government. The administration of their affairs is provided by the Aboriginal Peoples Act 1954 (Act 134). The legislation aims to protect the interests, autonomy and way of life of the aborigines as minorities. It provides for most aspects of the Orang Asli, including the definition of who is Orang Asli, their education and their security. The Act also establishes a specific administrative framework, i.e., the Director General of Orang Asli Affairs. This position, as an agent of the Federal Government, is assisted by a government agency, the Department of Orang Asli Development, also funded by the Federal Government.
The Orang Asli has three main groups – the Negritos, who are the smallest group; the Senoi, who are the largest group; and the aboriginal or Proto-Malays (Jones, 2009). Each of the main groups has six tribes (Department of Orang Asli Development, 2022).2 The Negrito live in the northern part of Peninsular Malaysia close to the Thailand border, the Senoi live in the North-Central areas of Peninsular Malaysia, and the Proto-Malays live in the southern part of Peninsular Malaysia (Jones, 2009). The Proto-Malays have a long and close relationship with the locals in the southern part of Peninsular Malaysia (as well as with the Indonesians), although there are differences in terms of physical attributes. In fact, the Proto-Malays have been known to use the archaic form of Malay language. The community living in Gunturvillage, the site of this research, are part of the Proto-Malays group from the Temuan tribe.
The Orang Asli have thousands of published and unpublished manuscripts, including recorded materials, which have been noted by sociologists and
3 Knowledge Culture of Orang Asli Community
This section presents the Indigenous knowledge culture of the Orang Asli found in the literature related to them. The literature mostly covers the customary land connections, community leadership, education, health and wellbeing of the Orang Asli.
3.1 Connection to Customary Land
The need for local communities, such as the Malay community, and the Orang Asli to have a strong bond between each other is based on the social development model that has been used in Malaysia, which is primarily based on the design of the social structure the country inherited from the British. It is no longer relevant to building connections between the Orang Asli and other village communities. With many of the Orang Asli and the Malays living separately in their own settlements, and attending different schools, social disparity is perpetrated. It is exacerbated by the social structure of the country which is not effective in supporting mutual understanding between communities (Benjamin, 1989; Masron et al., 2013).
The situation of the Orang Asli worsens when they are ejected from their customary land and get resettled. Their soul, traditions and knowledge are tied closely with their customary land, and loss of land acutely affects indigenous identity. Masron et al. (2013, pp. 91–92) explain:
Traditionally, indigenous belief holds that land is not a product and consequently cannot be bought or sold. Rather, land is on loan to the people from God and it is their responsibility to take care of it. Therefore, land has spiritual and cultural values attached to it.
The Orang Asli have a close connection with the environment. They “do not take from the forest and rivers any more than they need” (Masron et al., 2013, pp. 91–92). Through these traditional beliefs and practices, the Orang Asli protect the natural environment and preserve biodiversity.
3.2 Leadership of the Orang Asli
Every community needs strong and effective leaders and leadership in solving life-related community problems. Traditionally, the leadership of the Orang Asli community is not formal and the basis of their community leadership is to preserve community equality. There is no social structure and rank, except communal responsibilities that have been entrusted to community representatives. No community member is dominant and capable of leading. The entire community respects the customs and rules that have been established and inherited from previous generations. In the context of continuing community knowledge and skills, the Orang Asli acknowledge the wisdom of their elders.
Community members who are acknowledged as leaders are selected from among the elders who are highly respected for their knowledge, experience, skills as well as having a spirit of patience, enthusiasm, justice and tolerance towards all. The leaders normally have some specific set of skills, for example, traditional medicine, and are able to stand as mediators related to any social issue or disturbance in the community.
The traditional leadership selection process has evolved and the community now expects their leaders to have better education and knowledge to help the community face modern challenges (Nicholas, 2002). There are two ways of appointing the head of the Orang Asli community, namely, through inheritance and appointment. For example, a son can inherit leadership from his father, if the father is the headman of the community. A headman is known as ‘Tok Batin’, more commonly referred to as Orang Asli leader or headman.
The Orang Asli Temuan community in Negeri Sembilan practice perpatih and is a matrilineal society. The process of appointing descendants in this custom is based on the ‘belly of the woman’. In the perpatih custom, properties are owned by the female, while customary law requires kinship or family property be transferred from mother to daughter. The perpatih society regards mothers as the most important figures. Appointment of Orang Asli leadership or batin in the Temuan community takes into account the leader’s ability to understand the perpatih customs and taboos. If a batin dies or resigns, an emergency meeting led by the ‘Juru Kerah’ will be held. Traditionally, batin’s knowledge on perpatih customs and traditions are emphasised by the ‘Juru Kerah’, but with the passage of time, the Temuan community has changed. The community is now more open to external influences, especially when it comes to urbanisation, globalisation, and immigration. This has resulted in changes
4 Challenges in Education
The Orang Asli are facing great challenges to retain their original community culture, language, and traditions. School dropout rate is common (Renganathan, 2016). Johari and Chab (2017) reported that only 30% of Orang Asli students completed secondary school, which is less than half the national average of 72%. Other problems reported are language barrier and existing training programs that do not adequately prepare the teachers to deal with the complexities of this community. School leaders and teachers face difficulties in helping these students, such as integrating with peers and assuring them of the importance of pursuing basic and advanced education (Zulkefli et al., 2019).
This has caused the Orang Asli community to be very vulnerable to social poverty, diminishing of rights, poor mental health, various physical illnesses and of course inability to maintain their tradition and culture for future generations. Some universities are working hard to support the Orang Asli. However, their approaches are sometimes ineffective since they focus more on the social and community rights of the Orang Asli without engaging other communities who live close to the Orang Asli settlements. This raises the question of the effectiveness of social cohesion programs undertaken by universities and other organisations.
4.1 Health and Wellbeing
In most countries, a large gap can be seen between indigenous peoples and non-indigenous populations with regard to socio-economic status, education and health status. Globally, the health of indigenous peoples lags behind that of the non-indigenous population (Anderson et al., 2016), and the situation is similar in Malaysia (Abdullah et al., 2021; Norhayati et al., 1998). Moreover, indigenous peoples who are undergoing epidemiological and socio-economic transition also face infectious diseases and non-communicable diseases, including obesity, cardiovascular diseases and diabetes (Harris et al., 2017).
5 Research Methodology
5.1 Research Approach and Design
Using the CBPR approach in this research meant engaging Orang Asli community members from the villages from the beginning. The participation of the
The Mizan K4C Hub has used the CBPR approach earlier when conducting community dialogues to discuss the wellbeing of the Orang Asli. However, this research is considered unique and special for our Hub because the engagement was conducted in the Orang Asli villages and the project was managed by a group of Orang Asli teachers who live in Guntur. The participation of various parties and community members in this project has caused the overall process of this research to be more robust, non-biased and inclusive.
5.2 Research Context and Setting
The location of this project is Gunturvillage located in the district of Kuala PIlah, The district could be considered an area that has strong cultural and tradition appearances and values which are visible even today. The palace of Negeri Sembilan, i.e., the Palace of Seri Menanti, is located in the district. The customs and community laws which originated from the palace are still applied, not just by the Malay community but also the Orang Asli. This includes the customs used to award community leadership status to the indigenous people (To’Siamar Menteri Hj. Ujang bin Yusop, 2001).
The historical background of Guntur includes that of the Orang Asli and the other settlements around them, such as Chergun, Tengkek and Langkap. Langkap and Chergun are considered to be Orang Asli villages, though ironically Tengkek is not. The Orang Asli argues that most of their people moved out from Guntur to live in other areas, including Tengkek, and soon assimilated themselves with the local people through marriage. There is an unspoken understanding that some of the people living in Tengkek are Orang Asli in origin, but due to economic disparity, and perhaps suspicious feelings on part of both communities, the family and historical connections of Tengkek and Guntur were hardly discussed in public in the meetings we conducted.
5.3 Data Collection and Analysis
This project used various CBPR methods, including community dialogue and the arts-based approach. Data collection relied primarily on community discussions, in which community members shared experiences, their wisdom, and observations of how the people live in their villages.
Community mapping, in which participants drew a map of their village and marked some important areas, including the village border, was the arts-based method used. The map was used to generate a discussion related to the history
The data collection process was organised by six Orang Asli teachers who are residents of Guntur. Of the six teachers, three have officially worked as Orang Asli teachers while three were students at the Teacher’s College. The participation of the six teachers can be said to be the most significant achievement of this study. It is perhaps the first evidence that suggests the possibility that the university and the community can work closely with each other, and with government and non-government organisations.
6 Findings
The research process allowed for the participation of Orang Asli community members and observers to interpret the findings. The data were used by the Orang Asli teachers to analyze their community’s understanding of their own village.
The results are presented according to different social groups, elders, women and youth, based on the categories of respondents that we had discussions with for this study.
6.1 Elders and Senior Citizens
Among the elders, the original boundaries of the village drawn on the map, which showed that earlier the territory of the village was larger, generated discussion on the issue of land possession. They also shared their hopes that the government would improve the physical infrastructure and economic wellbeing of their village. They also wished for the young people to continue to be united and work together to develop the village and maintain its good name.
They were happy to have this opportunity to share their histories and hopes for the younger generation. In recounting the village’s history, others in the community could begin to appreciate the uniqueness of the Orang Asli, their customs and traditions that are so inter-linked with their identity. The practices of the elders, especially the Orang Asli leadership, to communicate their beliefs, culture and traditions to all community members is one way in which the Orang Asli pass on knowledge to the next generation.
The Orang Asli face several challenges. Community leaders (Batin) help the community negotiate these challenges with the help of the community knowledge they hold. The Batin are not leaders in the sense of owning leadership authority on behalf of the community. They act as mediators for the community, linking all members of the Orang Asli toward collective understanding of
6.2 Women
The community dialogue involving the women also reveals the same thread and concerns shared by the elders in terms of history and traditions as well as the boundaries of the village territory. The women revealed that, in the past, there was a fight over durian trees between the communities of Guntur and a neigbouring village which led to the demarcation of the border separating them, but this has resulted in issues in the relationship between the two villages.
From the discussions, we have understood that the Orang Asli apply a harmonious and practical method to resolve inter-community conflict. Instead of confrontation, the community redefines their village border collectively. This might sound simple but it is very important for villages that are located in protected areas.
The women also spoke of issues involving schooling and the future of their children, and the village economy and infrastructure. Other issues highlighted were alcohol addiction, and common chronic diseases such as diabetes and high blood pressure. Although we did not collect data with regard to their medicinal knowledge, we found in previous literature that the Orang Asli do have knowledge with regard to indigenous medicines and foods (Hood, 1995; Mohd. Raznan et al., 2021; Tee, 1975).
The need for new houses due to the increased number of residents in their village was a particular concern for the women. They felt this should be done within the current village borders and not by relocating these families to other villages or other areas.
The women aspire to have a competent and eloquent leader who is capable enough to raise issues related to the village with government officials.
6.3 Youth
The discussion with the young people living in the villages revealed that the youth possess some knowledge on their village’s history and origin of the Orang Asli people. After listening to their history from the elders, some youth later shared that they had learnt many details which they did not know earlier and were glad of the opportunity that this research provided for them to learn.
The youth highlighted several concerns, including education and health. Many children stop going to school after standard 3 (when they are 9 or 10
What is so special about the Orang Asli youth is their connection with their community and motivation to give back to community. Education has exposed them to various types of skills, knowledge, and opportunities, but most of them still live in the village with their parents.
Based on the issues identified by the youth, they outlined a plan of activities and programs that they think would be useful to enhance socio-economic wellbeing and unity in their community. The youth expect that these programs should be done in collaboration with various partners such as universities, schools, and youth council. These ideas could be used by the Mizan Hub to design programs for the community.
Connecting the youth with their own community, the environment and neighbouring settlements will strengthen the attachment of the younger generation to Orang Asli traditions and heritage. Sharing the beliefs and customs behind the traditions that are being practised will build understanding and knowledge among all community members.
Different groups spoke of similar issues and concerns, such as conflict in relations between the Orang Asli and other Malay communities, lack of education, poor health, land ownership and access, and community identity and integrity. Some youth and women related the way they were treated by local communities, being called names which they felt were discriminatory. The younger community members revealed their experience of being insulted by children of other ethnicities when they go to school, which affects their spirit and self-esteem.
In discussions, participants spoke of overlapping traditions between the Orang Asli and neighbouring Malay communities. They recounted an example of how the Orang Asli used to celebrate in and share a religious festival with the Malay Muslim community in Guntur. Unfortunately, in recent times, they began to be ridiculed for participating in these religious celebrations of the Malay Muslims. This has caused the Orang Asli in Guntur to no longer participate in this festival, and considers the Malaysia Independence Day as their community celebration day. They argue that celebrating independence day is more important to strengthen the spirit of nationalism spirit rather than religious festivals that are not original to their society.
7
The research sought to initiate discussion with the Orang Asli living in Guntur villages to understand from the community’s perspectives their history, issues and aspirations. We also explored the ways in which the Orang Asli strengthen mutual collaboration among themselves and between their community and other neighbouring local communities, and build understanding among themselves on a common cultural identity.
Collective community understanding with regard to identity and aspiration is very strong for the Orang Asli despite the challenges they are facing. To maintain community culture, the Orang Asli work together closely. Their knowledge of the village history and borders is shared with everyone and they connect themselves with other villages through a traditional road. We came to understand that the knowledge held by the Orang Asli does not remain static; it is always mixed with knowledge that they derive from other communities.
The Orang Asli believes in peoplehood and maintain it through community land management. All Orang Asli villages are connected with their environment, and young people are taught to respect nature. The Orang Asli has practical knowledge about forests, including jungle ‘roads’, and such knowledge is considered to be community knowledge. The Orang Asli still use these roads to move within the forest, avoiding the more modern routes.
This study found that, in general, the Orang Asli have their own methods of avoiding inter-community conflicts, and apply a very practical and effective approach to communicate their beliefs, culture and traditions to all community members. Leadership of elders and women plays a vital role in maintaining harmony. Decision-making is not centralised in a specific social authority. The trust is collective.
Lastly, community ties among the Orang Asli people is solid, stronger than those of other local communities. The connection of the Orang Asli youth to their village is strong, even when they have successfully built a career elsewhere.
The participants were not shy to talk about their history and customs, and the youth were keen to listen to their elders and inherit the knowledge of their ancestors. If this knowledge transfer from one generation to another is lost, the younger generation will lose an invaluable treasure. Building knowledge of the youth to take on future leadership roles in the community people is critical, as the community expects their leaders to have knowledge, understanding regarding community traditions and history, and wisdom to resolve inter-community conflicts.
Notes
The Malaysia population is recorded at 32.4 million at 2018 (Department of Statistics, Malaysia).
The Kensiu, Kintaq, Jahai, Mendriq, Beteq, and Lanoh are the Negrito tribes. Temiar, Semai, Jahut, Che Wong, Semoq Beri, and Mah Beri are the Senoi tribes. Temuan, Jakun, Semelai, Orang Kuala, Orang Seletar, and Orang Kanaq are the Proto-Malay tribes.
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