Several Issues Related to the First Volume of the Anthology for a Mentor of Intoning the Scriptures: ‘Śakra’s Musician Pañcavaśikhin’s Qin Songs Intoned 從《經唄導師集》第一種〈帝釋（天）樂人般遮琴 歌唄〉聯想到的若干問題

Jao Tsung-i

Jump to Content

Chapter 3 Several Issues Related to the First Volume of the Anthology for a Mentor of Intoning the Scriptures

‘Śakra’s Musician Pañcavaśikhin’s Qin Songs Intoned 從《經唄導師集》第一種〈帝釋（天）樂人般遮琴歌唄〉聯想到的若干問題

于Harmoniousness: Essays in Chinese Musicology

著者：

Jao Tsung-i

Jao Tsung-i
Search for other papers by Jao Tsung-i in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed

Editor / Translator:

Colin Huehns

Colin Huehns
Search for other papers by Colin Huehns in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed

类型:: 章节

Page Range:: 73–83

DOI:: https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004517073_004

您获得访问的方式：

Dar Hadith al Hassania

下载PDF

Abstract

A paper about Buddhist chants rather than the instrument the qin, it takes as its starting point a stray mention of these intoning practices buried deep in Buddhist bibliography. The journey is both musical and etymological and delves into Indian, Central Asian, and Chinese melodies and modes as well as equivalent linguistic transmission. The focus is on the interregnum between the Han and Tang dynasties when Buddhism first exerted its influence in China and seminal translations of Sanskrit scripture into Chinese were made, many of which Jao Tsung-i cites. For the musician, the key question that emerges is whether there is evidence of an early relationship between Chinese pentatonicism and Indian scales.

Liang dynasty monk Seng You’s (僧祐, 445–518) anthology Chu san zang ji 出三藏記 is the earliest surviving index of Buddhist texts. In juan 12, titled ‘Miscellaneous Records’ (‘Za lu’ 雜錄), are listed twenty-one different types (zhong 種) of essays about Buddhist music, which are grouped together and subsumed under the title of the genre Anthology for a Mentor of Intoning the Scriptures (Jingbai daoshi ji 經唄導師集). The so-called ‘mentors’ are the body of monks engaged in acting as cantors. Of these twenty-one essays, the first type is ‘Śakra’s Musician Pañcavaśikhin’s Qin Songs Intoned’. A note after this title reads: ‘Zhongbenqi jing 中本起經.’

Juan 2 of Seng You’s text reveals:

The Zhongbenqi jing comprises two juan. In the category just listed to the right there is only one item, and the total juan count in that category is two. In the middle years of the Jian’an era (196–220) of the reign of the Han dynasty emperor Xiandi (181–234, r. 189–220), this text was translated by Kang Mengxiang (fl. late second–early third centuries).

《中本起經》二卷。右一部凡二卷，漢獻帝建安中，康孟祥譯出。¹

The book that Kang Mengxiang translated is found nowadays in the Dazheng zang (大正藏; Taishō 大正 era: 1912–1926), its ‘Benyuan bu’ 本緣部 (the second section), and the title to the text reads: ‘In the Later Han dynasty, translated jointly by Tan Guo (曇果; fl. late second–early third centuries) together with Kang Mengxiang.’ 後漢曇果共孟康詳譯. (Dazheng zang)² It is the third item of Hua Jiaye pin 化迦葉品, and when its narration reaches the story of Śakra (Dishi 帝釋), the gist is as follows: Mahākāśyapa (In Chinese: [Mohe]jiaye 〔摩訶〕迦葉) was originally engaged in repairing and refurbishing the Temple of Fire (Huo ci 火祠), which is where the God of Fire (Huo shen 火神) was worshipped. Then, because he had received the teachings of Buddhism, when he saw Buddha, he manifested a radical transformation of mind. At first, Mahākāśyapa and his five hundred disciples served bodily the Three Fires (sanhuo 三火; or Three Poisons: sandu 三毒), making in total one thousand five hundred fires. Later, he met Buddha, who said that if a fire is to burn, it should only burn in response to a voiced command; who said that if a fire is to be extinguished, it should only be extinguished in response to a voiced command. Thereupon, he was initiated into Buddhism. The book narrates the descent to earth of the Four Heavenly Kings (Si tianwang 四天王) to listen to Buddha lecture on the Law. The next day, Śakra also went to listen to the Law. An evening later, Brahma (Fantian 梵天) also came down to listen to the Law. Brahma’s radiance was much greater than Śakra’s. Mahākāśyapa had at first seen fire and thus suspected that Buddha served fire, and it was only when informed by Buddha that he realized that the previous evening it had been Brahma who had come to listen to Buddha lecture on the Law. (Dazheng zang, vol. 5, p. 151)³ This story serves to reveal the conflict between Buddha and the Brahmins (Poluomen 婆羅門), and the two (Śakra and Brahma) were subdued by Buddha. Śakra was originally Indra (Yintuoluo 因陀羅), the god of the Aryans (Yali’anren 雅利安人), and possessed multiple powers. Brahma is the supreme god of the Brahmins. Śakra and Brahma are father and son, but Brahma’s radiance is above Śakra’s. They both became Buddhism’s great gods that protect the law. This sung intonement (gebai 歌唄) takes the story regarding Śakra in The Zhongbenqi jing and uses its contents to proselytize Buddhism, and thus is crowned (titled) with ‘帝釋’ (dishi), the two characters that denote Śakra.

It has always been thought that the origin of Sanskritic intoning (fanbai 梵唄) of Buddhist chants in China had a close relationship to Cao Zhi (曹植, 192–232). Among items recorded by Seng You is ‘Chensi Wang gan Yushan fansheng zhibai ji diba’ 陳思王感魚山梵聲制唄記第八 (‘the ruler Chensi’ is another name for Cao Zhi). Dao Xuan’s (道宣; 596–667) Record of the Magnificent Tang Dynasty’s Buddhist Scriptures (Da Tang neidian lu 大唐内典錄), juan 2, lists an item:

Ruiying benqi jing in 2 juan; the exegetical notes give: ‘Produced in the second year of the Huangwu era (of the Wu dynasty: 223).’ Some have said that there are small discrepancies between the hereditary crown prince edition that discusses auspicious recompense from the fundamentals origins and the one produced by Kang Mengxiang. It was taken down as dictation by Xie Qiang (late second–early third centuries) of the Chen prefecture and Zhang Shen (late second–early third centuries) of the Wu prefecture et al., and a critical edition written by Cao Zhi of the Wei dynasty, also the ruler of Donge. See Shi xing lu and Chu san zang ji. (Dazheng zang)

《瑞應本起經》二卷，注: 黃武年第二出。一云太子本起瑞應，與康孟祥出者小異。陳郡謝鏘、吳郡張詵等筆受，魏東阿王植評定。見《始興錄》及《三藏記》。⁴

Zhi Sheng’s (智昇, fl. eighth century) Kaiyuan shijiao lu 開元釋教錄 (Kaiyuan era: 713–741), juan 2, contains a similar note, but mistakes Zhang Xian 張銑 for Zhang Xi 張洗 (the second characters of the two variants are slightly different; other versions include Zhang Shen 張詵), and misreads ‘the ruler of Donge (Cao) Zhi’ 東阿王植 as ‘the Wei dynasty ruler of Hedong whose name was Huan’. 魏河東王桓. The Japanese editorial notes, the twelfth item, give: ‘The character 桓 = 植 (the second of Cao Zhi’s name 曹植).’ (Dazheng zang)⁵ This is cursorily correct; Cao Zhi’s attitude and approach to his work on his critical edition of the wellspring of the ‘benqi’ 本起 text could presumably be seen in his Shi xing lu, though unfortunately this book does not survive.

Seng You also furnishes records (in juan 12 of Chu san zang ji) of: Zhi Qian (支謙; fl. third century) of the Wu dynasty who wrote A Record of Joined Sentences of Sanskritic Intoning (Lianju fanbai ji 連句梵唄記) that is the tenth item (in a list in Chu san zang ji); and Kang Senghui (康僧會, d. 280) who put together the volume A Record of Nirvana Intoning (Nihuan bai ji 泥洹唄記), the eleventh item (of the same list). As proof of this, Kaiyuan shijiao lu and other books give: ‘According to Immeasurable Longevity and The Zhongbenqi jing, Zhi Qian wrote in praise of Buddha and created three cycles of joined sentences of Sanskritic intoning.’ 支謙依《無量壽》、《中本起經》製讚菩薩，連句梵唄三契.⁶ Also, it is said: ‘Kang Senghui passed on the style and musical modes of Nirvana intoning—pure, rich, plaintive, and bright—the paragon of its generation.’ 康僧會傳泥洹唄聲，清靡哀亮，一代模式.⁷ From these can be seen the widespread dissemination of Sanskritic intoning at the time of the Wu dynasty.

Zhi Qian of the Wu dynasty also translated Zhuanji baiyuan jing 撰集百緣經 whose second juan is (the second juan of a lecture titled) ‘Baoying shou gongyang pin’ 報應受供養品 in which are sections titled: the fifteenth: ‘Dishitian gongyang Fo yuan’ 帝釋天供養佛緣; the sixteenth: ‘Fo xian Dishi xing hua Poluomen yuan’ 佛現帝釋形化婆羅門緣; the seventeenth: ‘Gantapo zuoyue zan Fo yuan’ 乾闥婆作樂讚佛緣; the twentieth: ‘Dishi bian Jialantuo zhulin yuan’ 帝釋變迦蘭陀竹林緣. (Dazheng zang, vol. 4, pp. 210–213⁸) These all pertain to the story of Śakra consecrating Buddha. Other items that Zhi Qian translated and retold include the matter of Zhongbenqi jing, which is even more detailed. As well as the Sanskrit original of Zhuanji baiyuan jing, there is also a French translation that was published in Paris in 1891.⁹ Its ‘Gantapo zuoyue zan Fo yuan’ tells:

The Buddha knew the king’s intention, so he sought to transform his bodily form and metamorphize into King Gandhava; and he took the music god Pañcavaśikhin, who numbered seven thousand manifestations, and each and all held a qin zither of coloured glass and played it … and so he took out a one-stringed qin and plucked it and was able coalesce his music into emitting seven different voices (notes or modes), and each voice (note or mode) was divided into twenty-one constituent parts…. at that moment, Tathāgata (Buddha) took back once more Pañcavaśikhin’s qin of coloured glass and plucked one of the strings and was able to get it to emit thousands upon ten thousands of different sounds, and its music was delicate and subtle, pure and translucent, and worthy of love….

佛知王意，尋自變身，化作乾闥婆王，將天樂神般遮尸棄，其數七千，各各執琉璃之琴彈……便自取一弦之琴而彈鼓之，能會出七種音聲，聲有二十一解。……爾時，如來復取般遮尸棄琉璃之琴，彈鼓一弦，能令出於數千萬種，其聲婉妙，清澈可愛。……¹⁰

Also, ‘Dishi bian Jialantuo zhulin yuan’ gives:

… All the bhikṣu male acolytes and ladies of the Sheshi Palace leading their palace maids, each and all held fans and fanned the Buddha, brought with them all their chosen lady-spirits, and each and all held fans and fanned the Buddha; Pañcavaśikhin and Gandharva made heavenly spirit-music to amuse the Buddha.

……諸比丘舍尸夫人將諸采女，各各執扇扇佛，般遮尸棄，乾闥婆作天伎樂以娛樂佛。¹¹

Here, the name Pañcavaśikhin has cropped up several times. Fa Yun’s (法雲, 1088–1158) Fanyi mingyi ji 翻譯名義集, (part 2 of) juan 2, ‘Alternative Names for the Buddhas’ (‘Zhufo bieming’ 諸佛別名), under the two entries ‘Ji’nashiqi’ (罽那尸棄) and ‘Shiqi’ (尸棄), gives that ‘Shiqi’ 尸棄 can also be named ‘Shiqi’ 式棄 (the first character is different even though the romanisation is the same) or ‘Fanhuo’ 翻火 (‘turning over fire’), and its origins can be traced to have the meaning ‘jewelled hair bun’ (baoji 寳髻). Note: the suffix ‘shiqi’ 尸棄 in Sanskrit means ‘hair bun’. This Pañcavaśikhin (Panzheshiqi 般遮尸棄; note that the last two characters are the same as ‘Shiqi’ 尸棄) is also called Cavaśikhin (Zheshiqi 遮尸棄; the first character of the four is omitted) the Arhat (Luohan 羅漢). (See: Kimura Taiken [ 木村泰賢; 1881–1930] et al. Fanwen Fochuan wenxue yanjiu 梵文佛傳文學研究).¹² Translating the Sanskrit by meaning rather than phonetically, the whole name can be rendered as ‘the crowns of five heads’ (wuding 五頂) or ‘five hair buns’ (wuji 五髻). (Fahua wenju 法華文句; collated by Zhi Yi 智顗, 538–597; juan 2: ‘“Shiqi” 尸棄: This should be translated as a hair bun on the crown of the head.’ 尸棄者，此翻爲頂髻.¹³)

Pañcavaśikhin is the god of heavenly music and can number as many as seven thousand simultaneous manifestations, that is, members of the company of heavenly musicians are individually and collectively known as Pañcavaśikhin. He (They) and Gandhava often associate with one another, and Gandhava is one of the Eight Guardians (Babu zhong 八部眾). They are able to play seven different voices (modes), and each voice (mode) can be divided into twenty-one constituent parts. (Dazheng zang, vol. 4, p. 211)¹⁴ This sentence appears more than once. When Zhi Qian translated this scripture, he had already mentioned ‘seven voices (modes; qisheng 七聲)’. Regarding the ‘constituent parts’ into which the voices (modes) are divided, the meaning of the Sanskrit term is ‘extend’, that is, two sets of modal note reservoirs constructed from seven notes as their head motif are a means for generating scales in a way extremely similar to the Chinese musical modes. The seven notes of the Indian modal system are sa, ri, ga, ma, ha, dha, and ni, which has a degree of a relationship to the seven notes of the Chinese system: yu 羽, altered (bian 變) gong 宮, gong 宮, shang 商, jiao 角, altered zhi, and zhi 徵. As is verified by Zhi Qian’s translation, the seven notes of the Indian modal system had been brought by monks into China in the last years of the Eastern Han dynasty. (See: Hayashi Kenzō 林謙三, 1899–1976, Research into the Musical Modes of Banquet Music of the Sui and Tang Dynasties.)¹⁵

The joined sentences of Sanskritic intoning created by Zhi Qian comprised three cycles, and there are those who consider that they should include Pañcavaśikhin’s qin songs intoned (Tang Yongtong [ 湯用彤, 1893–1964] A History of Buddhism),¹⁶ which is perfectly possible. Regarding ‘the musician Pañcavaśikhin’s qin songs intoned,’ let Zhi Qian’s Zhuanji baiyuan jing offer proof, and it indicates that the one-stringed qin played by the spirits of heavenly music Pañcavaśikhin and Gandhava performed thousands, ten thousands of subtle melodies formed fundamentally of seven notes. This is the earliest record of Gandhava producing music in praise of Buddha, and from this point onwards, all the murals and paintings that depict the story of Gandhava’s heavenly musicians performing music have this as their basis, which is extremely important. If Zhi Qian’s ‘cycles of Sanskrit intoning’ 梵唄之契 included these qin songs intoned, although their composers and dates of composition are not clearly written, Seng You nonetheless listed them at the head of the anthologies of scriptural intoning, and furnished notes that clarify their provenance as The Zhongbenqi jing; Kang Mengxiang’s translation was chosen for the purpose, as is self-evident, and that they must have been created by someone at the end of the Eastern Han dynasty is a logical deduction that fits in with all the evidence.

At that time, the Indian seven-note modal system had already entered China and ‘Pañcavaśikhin’s Qin Songs Intoned’ took their name from the two characters that represent the name Pañcavaśikhin ‘banzhe 般遮’, which is simply the Sanskrit word ‘Panča’ and means ‘five’. When the context is seven voices, the two characters ‘banzhe 般遮’ that represent the name are translated as ‘banzhan 般瞻’ or ‘banshe 般涉’; in The Official Book of the Sui Dynasty (Sui shu 隋書), ‘Yinyue zhi’ 音樂志 (juan 14), Zheng Yi (鄭譯, 540–591) tells of the seven Quici 龜兹 modes used by the player Sudi(shi)po (蘇袛（氏）婆; fl. sixth century): ‘The sixth of these modes is called “banzhan”, which is named in China “the fifth mode”, that is, the yu mode.’ 六曰般瞻，華言五聲，即羽聲也.¹⁷ In Chen Yang’s (陳暘; 1064–1128) Yue shu 樂書, juan 159, is recorded: ‘The yu mode is called by the Western hu barbarians the banshe mode; the Brahmins call it “Brahma’s Voice”.’ 羽調，胡名般涉調，婆羅門曰梵天聲也.¹⁸ In the Tianhe era (天和, 566–572) of the Northern Zhou dynasty, the Five Notes of the Chinese pentatonic scale were matched with Indian gods, and Chen Yang also records the following table:

Table 3.1

The Five Notes matched to Indian gods

The yu mode is the banzhan mode of the Sanskritic Five Modes (wusheng 五聲). In Sanskrit, ‘pančama’ means ‘fifth’, so it was originally the fifth mode, but Zhang Yi outlines thus: ‘the sixth of these modes is called banzhan,’ 六曰般瞻, so apparently on having reached Quici, inside the ordering of a seven-mode system, its position had shifted somewhat, and it was now placed sixth. Zhi Qian, however, when translating the name of the god of the heavenly musicians ‘Pañcavaśikhin’, renders it with the four characters 般遮尸棄 (Banzheshiqi), and because the yu mode is the ‘banzhe’ or fifth mode of a five-mode system, it is used to indicate both the seven notes and the seven modes they produce in their entirety. The rationale therein, I deduce, is that because banzhe is the yu note, the god that is matched to it is Brahma; as is recorded in the story narrated in The Zhongbenqi jing, Brahma’s radiance was much greater than Śakra’s; Śakra matches the shang note, therefore, Brahma’s yu mode assumes predominance, so the god of heavenly music thus takes banzhe as the origin of his name.

A total of twenty-one types of scriptural intonements (jingbai 經唄) are listed in the Chu san zang ji, and they are extremely important material for exploring the origin of Sanskritic intoning. In the first volume of Hôbôgrin Dictionnaire Encyclopédique du Bouddhisme (Fabao yilin 法寶義林) by Japanese scholar Takakusu Junjirō (高楠順次郎, 1866–1845) and French scholar Paul Demiéville (Daimiwei 戴密微, 1894–1979),¹⁹ under the entry on Sanskritic intoning (Bomba), there is already rigorous and detailed discussion. I consider that every one of these twenty-one types of scriptural intoning deserves to be researched as a case study, and this essay here sheds light on only one example. Owing to Zhi Qian’s translation, we know that by the end of the Eastern Han dynasty, the story of Buddha and Śakra in The Zhongbenqi jing had already been used to create Sanskritic intoning, and that because it had taken material pertaining to Pañcavaśikhin, the resultant book was given the title ‘Pañca(vaśikhin)’, so the natural assumption is that it was indeed an abbreviation of the Buddhist name Pañcavaśikhin. A special examination of ‘Pañca’ (‘banzhe’), the first element of the name, indicates that it cannot be said that it has absolutely no relationship to the fifth note yu mode’s banzhan of the seven notes and modes, because the yu mode’s pañca (banzhe) represents Brahma, and Brahma’s status was particularly magnificent, so pañca (banzhe) naturally receives especial attention and is listed as the primal and most important note or mode.

The praise-chanting of Tantric Buddhism is divided into different musical modes, and they are used at particular times of the day as material for recitative chanting, for example, Jin Gangzhi’s (金剛智; 669–741) rule of service was:

Table 3.2

Musical modes used at particular times of day

Wu Nanxun (吳南薰; 1927–2008) explains this by saying: ‘Dawn uses the zhi mode; midday uses the shang mode; and midnight uses the yu mode.’ 晨朝用徵聲，中午用商聲，中夜用羽聲. (For this theory, see Lüxue huitong 律學會通)²⁰ Here is simply a process of employing different modes for chanting at different times of the day. The Sanskritic intoning that Zhi Qian devised comprised three cycles; in the Eastern Jin dynasty, after senior minister Zhou Yi (周顗, 269–322) had been killed, the monk High Constellation 高座 (also called Po-Śrīmitra [Boshilimiduoluo 帛尸梨蜜多羅, d. 343]) went to visit Zhou’s orphaned son, and sat opposite him and paid his respects by performing three cycles of the intoning of the Western hu barbarians; the Sanskrit sounds penetrated even unto the clouds above, and then he chanted magical incantations of several thousand words. He also had a fine grasp of the art of magical incantations and translated ‘Kongque mingwang zhu shenzhou’ 孔雀明王諸神咒 (see Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳; by Hui Jiao 慧皎, 497–554). In the offering of condolences on a death, the intoning of the Western hu barbarians also had the role of praise-chanting. High Constellation was also adept at the practice of notes, modes, and modal modulation. His disciple Mi Li (覓歷; fl. fourth century) wrote a text Gaosheng fanbai ji 高聲梵唄記, and the notes on this text (in juan 12 of Chu san zang ji which lists it immediately below A Record of Joined Sentences of Sanskritic Intoning [Lianju fanbai ji] and A Record of Nirvana Intoning [Nihuan bai ji] cited above) give: ‘The practice of intoning stems from The Xulai Scripture.’ 唄出《須賴經》. At that time, when examples of Sanskritic intoning were created, they often took a story from a particular Buddhist scripture and worked it into the mould of a specific genre of Buddhist praise-songs ‘Jizan’ (偈讚). In the Eastern Han dynasty, Tan Guo and Kang Mengxiang translated The Zhongbenqi jing, and it was adopted by others as a story from which examples of intoning were created. Zhi Qian also translated Ruiying benqi jing, which he himself transcribed into three cycles of Sanskritic intoning. High Constellation, in his turn, took The Xulai Scripture and used it to create examples of intoning. All these are important texts pertaining to scriptural intoning! ‘Pañcavaśikhin’s qin songs intoned’ was the primal mould that initiated the practice.

As an addendum let another problem be discussed. There are those who consider that the system of scales that generated Sudipo’s seven modes was widespread in the regions of Xinjiang and Central Asia and that the names of these seven modes were drawn directly from the indigenous Qiuci language and not derived from Sanskrit at all, for example, ‘banzhan’ (般瞻) when pronounced with the intonation of the Qiuci language is ‘Pančam’, which is close to the word ‘panj’ in Uighur. This would mean, therefore, that Quici music undoubtedly possessed its own special rules by which it was constructed. Regarding the fifth mode ‘banzhan’, however, it is necessary to reiterate that it had indeed (either way) received influence from external sources. If we were to look only at the word for ‘four’ in Persian, we would find that it was pronounced ‘cahaz’, and the Sanskrit equivalent is ‘catwz’; ‘five’ in Persian is ‘panj’, and in Sanskrit ‘panča’, so the truth is that both emerged from the same linguistic wellspring and belong to the common lineage of Indo-Aryan languages. The language of Qiuci in Xinjiang of the Muslim period itself evolved from Persian and so also flows together in the same direction, so the word for ‘five’ will necessarily still employ a pronunciation similar in form to either ‘panj’ or ‘panča’. If we were to consult R. L. Turner’s dictionary (A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages; R. L. Turner: 1888–1983), items 7655 and 7669, we would come to understand the linguistic situation of the dispersal and distribution over different regions of the word for ‘five’ in terms of pronunciation and variations of its end segment, and thus it is unnecessary to adopt a stick-in-the-mud attitude that considers a particular pronunciation must be limited to the indigenous language of Quici as its fundamental location.

28 February 1989

Appendix

In December 1956, in the district outside the Great East Gate (Dadongmenwai 大東門外) of the city of Wuchang 武昌, north-east of the Lotus Stream Temple (Lian xi si 蓮溪寺), on the ridge of the Qiu 丘 mountain, in a tomb shaped like the character 中 (‘zhong’) with chambers built of brick, a gold gilt bronze decorative plate has been excavated on to which is carved a Buddha statue. This is currently the earliest known Buddhist artifact (found in China), and from the same tomb has also emerged a leaden certificate of land ownership of the land occupied by the burial site dated to the fifth year of the Yongan 永安 era (262), so from this it can be ascertained that the Buddha statue must have been fashioned prior to this date. After the third year of the Huangwu 黃武 era (224) when the Indian monk Vighna 維只 (難 Weizhi[nan]; fl. third century) first came to Wuchang, Zhi Qian and Kang Senghui arrived in succession in Wu dynasty territory; the Buddhist religion greatly prospered, and this work of art is important material proof of this.

This essay was published in the debut issue of Oriental Culture (Dongfang wenhua 東方文化), a quarterly journal sponsored by the Guangdong Chinese Peoples Association for the Promotion of Culture (Guangdong zhonghua minzu wenhua cujinhui 廣東中華民族文化促進會), publication no.: 1993, 10.

I have always advocated that so-called ‘changing literature’ (bianwen 變文) in its development in both literature and the arts has followed the two paths given below:²¹

The language of images: Following this path advancing forwards, the emphasis is on changing appearances, and the result is the achievement of painting.
The language of sound: In ci 辭 poetry of the College of Music (Yuefu 樂府), a so-called ‘changing’ (towards a more vernacular style) occurred, and when Buddhist compositions were incanted, through methods of singing in rotation, practices evolved, and a more melodic singing style was formulated. The ruler of Jingling (竟陵王, 460–494) even invited monks to undergo special vocal training. This is an entirely separate matter from differentiation and analysis of modes: the first is the study of music making, the second is the study of the language of sound, and they should not be confused.

Seng You’s Chu san zang ji preserves a great deal of material. In his book, he makes especial mention of a genre Anthology for a Mentor of Intoning the Scriptures and notes down all the works from the Qi and Liang dynasties onwards that he had seen. This paper’s focus has been the vocalisation of changing literature, to which particular attention should be paid.

When (modern scholar) Mr Jiang Boqin 姜伯勤 read this essay, he immediately wrote a long paper in response ‘The Southern Chinese Wellspring of Changing Literature and the Cantor Craftsmen of Dunhuang’ (‘Bianwen de nanfang yuantou yu Dunhuang de changdao fajiang’ 變文的南方源頭與敦煌的唱導法匠).²² His view is that the ‘mentors’ I had indicated were a body of monks who acted as cantors, and the essay inspires us to take study of the typology of Buddhist literature and the original source of the cantor system as starting points to make deeper research forays into the changing literature of Dunhuang.

His essay has already been included in his book Dunhuang yishu zongjiao yu liyue wenming 敦煌藝術宗教與禮樂文明 where it can be consulted.

Taishō, no. 196, ‘Zhongbenqi jing’, 4: 156.

Jao’s citation of vol. 5, p. 151, is incorrect. This text is found instead at Taishō, no. 187, ‘Fangguangda zhuangyan jing’, 3: 611.

Taishō, no. 2149, ‘Da Tang neidian lu’, 55: 228.

Taishō, no. 2154 ‘Kaiyuan shijiao lu’, 55: 488.

Taishō, no. 2145 ‘Chu sanzang jiji’, 55: 97 (juan 13).

Taishō, no. 2059 ‘Gaoseng zhuan’, 50: 326 (Gaoseng zhuan; by Hui Jiao 慧皎, 497–554, juan 1).

Taishō, no. 200 ‘Zhuanji baiyuan jing’, 4: 210–13.

Avadāda-çataka, cent légendes (bouddhiques) traduites du Sanskrit, trans. Feer, L.

Taishō, vol. 4, no. 200 ‘Zhuanji baiyuan jing’ 撰集百緣經, 2.211.

Taishō, vol. 4, no. 200 ‘Zhuanji baiyuan jing’ 撰集百緣經, 2.212.

Kimura Taiken and Byōdō Tsūshō, Bonbun butsuden bungaku no kenkyū, 54.

Zhizhe 智者, Miaofa lianhua jing wenju, 2B.104.

Taishō, no. 200, ‘Zhuanji baiyuan jing’, 4: 211.

Hayashi Kenzō, Sui-Tang yanyuediao yanjiu, 21.

Tang Yongtong, Han-Wei liang Jin Nan-Bei chao fojiao shi, 133–34.

Sui shu, 14.346.

Yue shu, comp. Chen Yang, 211: 738.

Takakusu Junjirō, and Paul Demiéville, Hôbôgirin; dictionnaire encyclopédique du bouddhisme d’après les sources chinoises et japonaises. Fascicule annexe. Tables du Taishô Issaikyo, nouvelle édition du Canon bouddhique chinois, 97.

Wu Nanxun, Lüxue huitong, 436.

A notion by which classical texts are taken and re-worked in vernacular form; also called ‘transformational texts’.

Jiang Boqin, ‘Bianwen de nanfang yuantou yu Dunhuang de changdao fajiang’, 395–422.

引用信息

Save
Cite
Email this content

Share Link

Copy this link, or click below to email it to a friend
Email this content
or copy the link directly:

https://brill.edhh.ma/display/book/9789004517073/BP000012.xml
The link was not copied. Your current browser may not support copying via this button.

Link copied successfully

折叠
展开
回到页面顶端

Harmoniousness: Essays in Chinese Musicology

丛编： Collected Works of Jao Tsung-i, 卷： 1

ISBN:: 9789004517073

出版社:: Brill

印刷出版日期:: 04 Aug 2022

Subjects

Front Matter

Part 1 Qin 琴

Part 2 Archaeology 考古

Part 3 Dunhuang 敦煌

Part 4 Lyrics, Operas 歌詞、戲曲

Back Matter

统计数据

	全部期间	过去一年	过去30天
摘要浏览次数	0	0	0
全文浏览次数	698	380	26
PDF下载次数	344	161	15

African Studies	Education	Media Studies
American Studies	History	Middle East and Islamic Studies
Ancient Near East and Egypt	Human Rights and Humanitarian Law	Musicology
Art History	International Law	Philosophy
Asian Studies	International Relations	Religious Studies
Biblical Studies	Jewish Studies	Slavic and Eurasian Studies
Biology	Languages and Linguistics	Social Sciences
Book History and Cartography	Life Sciences	Theology and World Christianity
Classical Studies	Literature and Cultural Studies

Subjects

AppBar-Authors 2025

AppBar-Open Access 2025

AppBar-Product Information 2025

AppBar-Company 2025

AppBar-Contact 2025

Chapter 3 Several Issues Related to the First Volume of the Anthology for a Mentor of Intoning the Scriptures

‘Śakra’s Musician Pañcavaśikhin’s Qin Songs Intoned 從《經唄導師集》第一種〈帝釋（天）樂人般遮琴 歌唄〉聯想到的若干問題

Abstract

The Five Notes matched to Indian gods

Musical modes used at particular times of day

Appendix

引用信息

Share Link

Harmoniousness: Essays in Chinese Musicology

目录

统计数据

统计数据

‘Śakra’s Musician Pañcavaśikhin’s Qin Songs Intoned 從《經唄導師集》第一種〈帝釋（天）樂人般遮琴歌唄〉聯想到的若干問題