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Foreword

in A Comprehensive, Annotated, and Indexed Bibliography of the Modern Scholarship on Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (544/1150—606/1210)
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Frank Griffel
Frank Griffel Yale University New Haven

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When in the first half of the 18th century, the German protestant theologian Johann Jakob Brucker (1696–1770) wrote his Historia critica philosophiae, a monumental five-volume work on the history of philosophy, he showed a keen interest in Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210). Informed by an entry on him in Leo Africanus’ miscellaneous report on “some famous people among the Arabs,” he included a two-and-a-half-page long portrayal of Fakhr al-Dīn Rāzī in the 200 pages of his third volume that covers the history of Arabic philosophy. “Among the Arab philosophers who Leo Africanus also greatly praises,” writes Brucker, “is Ibnu El-Chatib Rasi, a famous philosopher and theologian of great repute, and a distinguished preacher of his age.”1 Brucker’s source, Leo Africanus (d. ca. 1550), was a North-African Muslim captive whose real name was al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad al-Wazzān, and who, after being introduced to the court of Pope Leo X (r. 1513–21), mingled with Renaissance scholars highly interested to learn more about Arabic philosophy.2 It is unclear, however, to what extent Leo wrote his reports based on his memory or on Arabic written sources that might have been available to him. In the printed version of his article on Rāzī, Leo jumbles the Ashʿarite theologian and philosopher, who lived in Iran and Central Asia during the 6th/12th century, together with another scholar who was known as Ibn al-Khaṭīb, namely Lisān al-Dīn b. al-Khaṭīb (d. 776/1374) from Granada in Spain.3 Leo, who was himself born in Granada and who grew up in Fez in Morocco, was familiar with the life and works of Lisān al-Dīn b. al-Khaṭīb, a writer and politician who was also a close friend of the historian Ibn Khaldūn (d. 808/1406). Johann Jakob Brucker was understandably confused as to how the Ibnu El-Chatib in Leo’s book, who was born in Rayy in Persia and who seemed to have had a full career as philosopher and theologian in the Islamic East, could also have been involved in the dynastic intrigues of the Naṣrid Emirate of Granada and written books on that city’s history. Either Leo’s memory faltered, Brucker assumed, or the preserved text of the entry on Fakhr al-Dīn in his Libellus de viris quibusdam illustribus apud Arabes is incomplete and corrupt. The inconsistencies in this entry led Brucker to conclude that Leo “jumbled together the ill-disposed fragments of information” on two scholars with a similar name.4 Indeed, Leo’s text makes little sense and may have suffered from the intervention of a copyist or a compiler who combined two different entries on two different scholars that both went by the name “Ibn al-Khaṭīb.”5

Despite the confusion about Fakhr al-Dīn’s real contributions to the history of Arabic and Islamic philosophy, the entry in Brucker’s Historia critica philosophiae is a witness to the interest that scholars of the 18th century in Central Europe had in thinkers like Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī.6 Had Brucker also consulted Barthélemy d’Herbelot’s (1625–95) Bibliotheque Orientale, which was published 1697 in Paris, he would have learned that this Ibnu El-Chatib Rasi was one of the most influential Shāfiʿite scholars, “who added the knowledge of the foreign sciences to those of Mohammedanism, and who preached eloquently in Arabic and in Persian.”7

D’Herbelot’s Bibliotheque Orientale was by far the most advanced Western resource on all things in the Orient at its time and it was a model for many later encyclopedias of the Enlightenment era. Like them, however, it was not written in Latin but in French, the new language of research in the early modern period, and therefore probably not available to Brucker. The Bibliotheque Orientale features a relatively extensive article on “Razi,” where it lists his year of birth (543 AH) – slightly incorrectly, as he was born a year later – and his year of death (606 AH), according to the Muslim calendar. It also provides a sketch of Rāzī’s life and deals in great detail with a key event therein, namely the “solemn dispute” he had in Fīrūzkūh in 591/1195. D’Herbelot got his information about what we today call the “fitna of Fīrūzkūh” from a manuscript copy of Ibn al-Athīr’s history, still our best source on the disputation and the following riots.8 D’Herbelot’s article stretches over a full column of a dense folio page and includes a brief worklist. Several books of Fakhr al-Dīn, such as his Muḥaṣṣal afkār al-mutaqaddimīn wa-l-mutaʾakhkhirīn, as well as a work titled Uṣūl al-dīn, existed in the Royal Library in Paris and are listed here with reference to the manuscripts’ numbers.9 D’Herbelot even notes one of the features of Fakhr al-Dīn’s œuvre that has attracted much attention in the most recent literature on him. He reports from Ibn al-Athīr that Rāzī’s adversaries in the fitna of Fīrūzkūh accused him of being “a philosopher, meaning according to the language of the Alcoranists [= Karrāmites], an unbeliever.” Yet the first question discussed in his book titled Uṣūl al-dīn, d’Herbelot reports correctly from the manuscript at the Royal Library, is directed against the eternity of the world. Whereas his Karrāmite detractors in the fitna of Fīrūzkūh claimed that his teachings are of the same ilk as those of Aristotle, Avicenna, and Fārābī, writes d’Herbelot, it appears from his Uṣūl al-dīn, “that this author was not as Aristotelian as his enemies wanted us to believe, in order to discredit him.”10 The relationship of Rāzī’s Aristotelianism, or rather his Avicennism, and his work as an Ashʿarite Muslim theologian is still something that puzzles us today.

The one-column entry on “Razi” is not even the full extent of knowledge that d’Herbelot conveys on Fakhr al-Dīn. Earlier in his dictionary Rāzī’s Muḥaṣṣal gets its own entry – which is cross referenced in the article on the author – as does al-Kātibī al-Qazwīnī’s (d. 675/1276 or 693/1294) well-known commentary on that book, al-Mufaṣṣal fī sharḥ al-Muḥaṣṣal. The title Muḥaṣṣal afkār al-mutaqaddimīn wa-l-mutaʾakhkhirīn is translated quite correctly as “Sentimens des Metaphysiciens, ou Docteurs Scholastiques tant anciens que modernes,” and it is characterized as a work by “the most famous scholastic scholar of the Musulmans,” Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī.11

If we were asked about the most famous scholastic thinker in Christianity, then many today as in the days of d’Herbelot would point to Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274). D’Herbelot did not exaggerate when he put Rāzī on a level with the great Dominican “doctor angelicus.” Fakhr al-Dīn was one of the most influential authors of what we identify as the madrasa era of Islamic intellectual history, an era we now also refer to as post-classical Islam. Johann Jacob Brucker and Barthélemy d’Herbelot were quite aware of Rāzī’s great influence and his importance, because they wrote at a time when those madrasas were still functioning and when they educated many students. With the beginning of the colonial era in the Middle East, however, madrasa education would be pushed to the margins and other, Western forms of knowledge reproduction were privileged. For the Western knowledge of leading figures of the madrasa era – or of the post-classical period in Islamic intellectual history – the colonial era often meant a loss rather than an increase of information.

This is nowhere more evident than in the case of Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī. Whereas Brucker and d’Herbelot made strong efforts to gather facts and insights about him, those efforts ceased almost entirely during the 19th century. In their bibliography of academic publications concerned with Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī, which we find here in print, Damien Janos and M. Fariduddin Attar have found less than a handful of contributions from the 19th century. As far as I know, the German scholar Richard Gosche (1824–89) has a short remark at the end of his monographic article on Ghazālī, where he briefly compares Rāzī’s al-Mabāḥith al-mashriqiyya with Ghazālī’s Maqāṣid al-falāsifa.12 Gosche relied in his knowledge about Rāzī on Ḥājjī Khalīfa’s (d. 1068/1657) bibliographical encyclopedia Kashf al-ẓunūn, which was already the main source for Barthélemy d’Herbelot, as well as on a manuscript of al-Mabāḥith al-mashriqiyya in the Prussian Royal Library in Berlin. Manuscript catalogues, particularly Wilhelm Ahlwardt’s monumental 10-volume catalogue of the manuscripts in the Berlin library, provide the most valuable information on Rāzī and his works throughout the 19th century.13

For Western intellectual historians of Islam at the turn of the 20th century, Fakhr al-Dīn was of no interest. He belonged to the group of “epitomists” (Kompendienschreiber), dealt with briefly in Tjitze de Boer’s (1866–1942) History of Philosophy in Islam. The book was published in German in 1901 and it treats the likes of Fakhr al-Dīn in a brief chapter, right after Ghazālī. Were his book about education, writes De Boer, this group of scholars who worked at madrasas “would necessarily have a larger space assigned,” but given that he writes a history of philosophy, “we shall dismiss it in a few words.”14 On the one hand, De Boer acknowledges that Ghazālī did not destroy philosophy but rather integrated it into the Muslim mainstream, to the extent that “general culture too had adopted an element of philosophical learning.” On the other hand, De Boer bemoans a lack of freedom in Muslim societies of this time that led to “a general decay of civilization.” Literary production became stagnant and the same was true for philosophy. After Avicenna, “no one felt called upon to come forward with independent views [and] the day had come for abridgements, commentaries, glosses, and glosses upon glosses.”15 So brief are De Boer’s remarks in this chapter that he neglects to name any of those who followed Avicenna and Ghazālī. Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s name does not appear.

Such lack of attention somewhat changed when in 1905 Rāzī’s Muḥaṣṣal afkār al-mutaqaddimīn wa-l-mutaʾakhkhirīn appeared in a Cairo print.16 The German Privatdozent Max Horten (1874–1945) was one of the first scholars who took notice of this publishing event and who analyzed the book in at least three of his publications.17 Horten’s work, however, did not yet create a breakthrough, for if we look at the first edition of the Enzyklopaedie des Islām, which was published in four volumes (plus supplement) during the years 1908 to 1938, we find that it lacks an article on Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī. The editors must have envisioned it because it is announced to appear under “Rāzī” in one of the earlier volumes.18 Other priorities must have prevailed, however, and when one looks through the third volume covering the letters L to M, which was published in 1936, there is no entry on him.

The encyclopedia’s editors must have understood this desideratum, because when in the late 1930s and early 1940s the two Dutch scholars Arent Jan Wensinck (1882–1939) and Johannes Hendrik Kramers (1891–1951) compiled the one-volume Handwörterbuch des Islam from articles that appeared earlier in the much longer Enzyklopaedie des Islām, Kramer himself wrote the missing entry on Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī.19 This article is, however, relatively short and with just under one page comes nowhere near the five-page-long contribution on Ghazālī, for instance. Still, Kramer’s article of 1941 is the first encyclopedic treatment of Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī after d’Herbelot’s in 1697. It foreshadows the much longer entry on him in The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition, published in 1963, now also stretching over almost five encyclopedia pages. Its author Georges C. Anawati (1905–94) was one of the earliest intellectual historians of Islam after the likes of d’Herbelot who understood the importance of Rāzī and who devoted to him the attention that he deserves. Like his predecessor three centuries earlier, Anawati informs his readers about Rāzī’s life and also focuses on the fitna of Fīrūzkūh. He provides an annotated worklist that, like that of d’Herbelot, is incomplete and where, just like there, Rāzī’s Muḥaṣṣal draws the most attention.20 Elsewhere Anawati wrote more extensively about Rāzī’s life and about the Muḥaṣṣal.21

With the generation of Anawati, who was active during the third quarter of the 20th century and who trained many important intellectual historians of Islam, begins the slow academic discovery of Rāzī. The true flowering of studies on him, however, still had to wait for another quarter of a century, because it is only in the 1990s and then in the first decade of the 21st century that we see the first Western monographs on Rāzī together with a general increase in the number of studies.22 From one day to the next, however, this wellspring turns into a flood. The publication of Rāzī’s al-Maṭālib al-ʿāliya in 1987, a text of which there are hardly any manuscripts in European libraries, led to increased interest in its author.23 Anawati does not mention al-Maṭālib al-ʿāliya in his EI2 article of 1963, yet since it came out in print it has replaced the Muḥaṣṣal as the work that draws the most attention. Finally, with the opening of many manuscript libraries in Istanbul to foreign researchers in 2002, more and more texts became accessible that are not yet available in print.

Today, the field of Rāzī studies is one of the strongest sub-fields in Islamic studies, with contributions on his philosophy, his theology, his ethics, as well as on his works in fiqh and its method, in the natural sciences, and in the occult sciences. We have become keenly aware that Rāzī was one of the most important intellectuals of Islam’s post-classical period and, in fact, a thinker who set patterns for much of what we regard as characteristic for this period. As a philosopher he was instrumental in the establishment of the genre of ḥikma; as a theologian he was the creator of the order in which subjects are dealt with in kalām textbooks of madrasa education; in fiqh he argued for maṣlaḥa as a productive source of law; in the genre of Qurʾān commentary, he went way beyond the text and included rational and scientific explanations of its meaning and examples for its daily usefulness; and in the occult sciences, he introduced teachings from Indian and so-called Ṣabian sages into what became a widespread Muslim understanding of the paranormal and the uncanny. These are just a few examples of the places in post-classical Muslim culture where Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī not only left an imprint, but where he was the originator of major new developments. For at least three centuries after his death, Rāzī remained the reference point in a great number of sciences in Islam. His importance is illustrated, for instance, by his frequent appearance in many chapters on different sciences in Ibn Khaldūn’s Muqaddima.

This bibliography, with its 1100 entries, is a testament to the importance of Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī and to the research on him. Bibliographies like this one are common in other fields of research in the humanities, and even more so in the social sciences, as well as in STEM fields. They were also quite common in the earlier days of Oriental studies, when even the books displayed in the Oriental reading rooms of major research libraries were listed in publications.24 The late 20th century witnessed the elaboration of major bibliographies that focus on publications in particular languages.25 Since then, however, bibliographies have unfortunately become rare. Comprehensive topical bibliographies remain today a desideratum to which selective online tools such as the Oxford Bibliographies series are no substitute.26 With the exception of Jules Janssens’ bibliographies on Avicenna27 – which are to some degree a model for this book – there are no recent bibliographic reference works devoted to the various subfields of Islamic intellectual history.

The goal of the present work is to list all modern academic publications that deal with any aspect of Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s life and œuvre. Damien Janos and M.F. Attar have helpfully categorized the publications related to Rāzī into different subjects, so that readers may get a clear overview of the research that has been done in a specific subfield of Rāzian studies. This listing is in itself a monumental task, and one can only wish that such inventories be conducted for other major thinkers in Islam. Other comparable endeavors to what Damien Janos and M.F. Attar have done here would enrich our field and increase the productivity and quality of future work on the history of Islamic thought.

Frank Griffel

Yale University, New Haven

1

(Editors’ note: The following footnote citations consist of a/ author, b/ section of the bibliography in which the entry appears, c/ date of publication, and d/ page number, if applicable. Full bibliographical references are given in those cases where studies are not listed in the bibliography.) Johann Jakob Brucker, Historia critica philosophiae, 2nd ed., 6 vols., (Leipzig: Widemanni et Reichii, 1766–67), 3: 113–15.

2

On Leo Africanus and his Libellus de viris quibusdam illustribus apud Arabes, see Dag N. Hasse, Success and Suppression. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy in the Renaissance (Cambridge [Mass.]: Harvard University Press, 2016), 45–52. We do not know under which circumstances or in which language Leo wrote this book, which exists only in Latin. The text was available in manuscript(s) and was first published by Johann Heinrich Hottinger in his Bibliothecarius quadripartitus (Zurich: Melchior Stauffacher, 1664), 246–94 (the entry on Rāzī is pp. 280–84), and later once again in Johann Albert Fabricius. Bibliotheca graeca, 14 vols. (Hamburg: T.C. Felgineri, 1708–28), 13:259–98 (entry on Rāzī, pp. 289–92). The entry on Rāzī, however, seems incomplete in both prints. The text in Brucker, Historia critica philosophiae, 3:113–14, seems to quote passages that are missing in Hottinger’s and Fabricius’ prints, suggesting that he worked from a more complete manuscript.

3

For Lisān al-Dīn b. al-Khaṭīb, see Cynthia Robinson, in Essays in Arabic Literary Biography 1230–1850, ed. J.E. Lowry and D.J. Stewart (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2009), 159–74.

4

Brucker, Historia critica philosophiae, vol. 3, 115.

5

Hasse, Success and Suppression, 46, suggests that the jumbling together of two different entries is due to a copying mistake in the preserved Florentine manuscript of Libellus de viris.

6

Another important presentation of Arabic philosophy during this period is Wilhelm Gottlieb Tennemann’s (1761–1819), Geschichte der Philosophie, 12 vols. (Leipzig: Johann A. Barth, 1798–1819), which in its 8th volume (first part, 362–448) includes a presentation of Arabic philosophy that, however, does not mention Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī.

7

“(…) car, il avoit ajoûté la connoissance des Sciences étrangeres à celles du Mahometisme, & prêchoit fort éloquemment en Arabe, & en Persan,” Barthélemy d’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale ou Dictionaire universel contenant generalement Tout ce qui regarde la connoissance des Peuples de l’Orient (…) (Paris: La Compagnie des Libraires, 1697), 712.

8

For the events of the fitna of Fīrūzkūh, see Griffel, 2/2021, 283–85.

9

“Uṣūl al-dīn” is a copy of al-Masāʾil al-khamsūn fī uṣūl al-kalām, see W.M. le Baron de Slane, Catalogue des manuscrits arabes de la Bibliothèque Nationale, 3 vols. (Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1883–95), 1:240 (#1253). On the Paris MS of Muḥaṣṣal with commentary by al-Kātibī al-Qazwīnī see ibid. 1:240 (#1254).

10

“par où il paroist, que cet Auteur n’étoit pas si Aristotelicien que ses ennemis le vouloient faire croire, pour le décrediter,” d’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, 712.

11

“le plus fameux Docteur Scholastique des Musulmans,” d’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, 617. Cf. also the article on “Mofassel,” 596.

12

Richard Gosche, “Über Ghazzâlîs Leben und Werke,” in Abhandlungen der Königl. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1858): 237–311, at 292, 310–11.

13

Wilhelm Ahlwardt, Die Handschriften-Verzeichnisse der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin. Verzeichnis der arabischen Handschriften, 10 vols. (Berlin: A.W. Schade, 1887–99). On the MS of al-Mabāḥith al-mashriqiyya, see 4:403–15 (#5064). Ahlwardt describes many works of Rāzī in great detail, including, for instance, al-Sirr al-maktūm (5:282–84, #5886).

14

De Boer 1/1901, 150; Engl. trans. De Boer 1/1903, 169.

15

De Boer 1/1901, 151; Engl. trans. De Boer 1/1903, 169–70.

16

Rāzī, Kitāb Muḥaṣṣal afkār al-mutaqaddimīn wa-l-mutaʾakhkhirīn min al-ʿulamāʾ wa-l- ḥukamāʾ wa-l-mutakallimīn (Cairo: al-Maṭbaʿa al-Ḥusayniyya al-Miṣriyya, 1323 [1905]). On this print, see Tritton 3/1965‒66.

17

For an appraisal of Max Horten’s contribution to Rāzī studies, see Griffel 2/2021, 310–12.

18

Enzyklopaedie des Islām: Geographisches, ethnographisches und biographisches Wörterbuch der muhammedanischen Völker, edited by M.Th. Houtsma et al., 4 vols. and Ergänzungsband (Leiden, and Leipzig: E.J. Brill and O. Harrassowitz, 1913–38), 2:46; see also 3:1225–29. Cf. the English translation Encyclopaedia of Islam: A Dictionary of the Geography, Ethnography and Biography of the Muhammadan Peoples, ed. M. Th. Houtsma et al., 4 vols. plus Supplement (Leiden and London: E.J. Brill and Luzac & Co., 1913–38), 2:44; see also 3:1134–38.

19

Kramers 1/1941; and 1/1961 [1953] for the English translation.

20

Anawati 1/2012.

21

On the Muḥaṣṣal, see Gardet and Anawati 2/1948, 162–64 and index; on Rāzī’s life, see Qanawātī [Georges Anawati] 2/1962.

22

For the earliest monographs in Western languages on Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī, see Ceylan 2/1996, Arnaldez 2/2002, Shihadeh 14/2006, and Jaffer 16/2014 in this bibliography.

23

Rāzī, al-Maṭālib al-ʿāliya min al-ʿilm al-ilāhī, edited by Aḥmad Ḥijāzī al-Saqqā, 9 parts in 5 vols. (Beirut: Dār al-Kitāb al-ʿArabī, 1407/1987). There is a fragment of this book under Or. 9004 in the British Library, London, which, however, is miscatalogued.

24

See, e.g., Walter Gottschalk, Katalog der Handbibliothek der Orientalischen Abteilung. Preussische Staatsbibliothek (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1929).

25

Examples are Bibliographie der deutschsprachigen Arabistik und Islamkunde: von den Anfängen bis 1986 nebst Literatur über die arabischen Länder der Gegenwart, edited by Fuat Sezgin, 27 vols. (Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften, 1990–2006); Erika Bär, Bibliographie zur deutschsprachigen Islamwissenschaft und Semitistik vom Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts bis heute, 3 vols. (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1985–91); Klaus Schwarz, Der Vordere Orient in den Hochschulschriften Deutschlands, Österreichs und der Schweiz (Freiburg i.Br.: Klaus Schwarz, 1980).

26

https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/.

27

Jules Janssens, An Annotated Bibliography on Ibn Sînâ (1970–1989) (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1991); idem, An Annotated Bibliography on Ibn Sīnā. First Supplement (1990–1994) (Louvain-la-Neuve: Collège Cardinal Mercier, 1999), and idem, An Annotated Bibliography on Ibn Sīnā. Second Supplement (1995–2009) (Temple [Ariz.]: ACMRS, 2017).

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A Comprehensive, Annotated, and Indexed Bibliography of the Modern Scholarship on Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (544/1150—606/1210)

Reihe:  Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1 The Near and Middle East, Band: 171
Cover A Comprehensive, Annotated, and Indexed Bibliography of the Modern Scholarship on Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (544/1150—606/1210)
ISBN:
9789004516199
Verleger:
Brill
Print-Publikationsdatum:
10 Feb 2023
  • Fachgebiete
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    • Philosophie
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Front Matter
Preliminary Material
Copyright page
Foreword
Preface
Chapter 1 Introduction
Chapter 2 Bibliography
Back Matter
Index of Contributors to Modern Rāzian Scholarship
Index of Subjects and Disciplines
Index of Historical Figures and Authors
Index of Works by Rāzī

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