The reign of the king of the Crown of Aragón Jaime ii is one of the most politically and artistically interesting on the medieval Iberian Peninsula.1 Scholars have in recent years highlighted how he used art as a tool of power, but there still remains much to be clarified, in particular the profound meaning of some of his commissions and their relevance beyond his own generation; the visual-cultural relevance of his kingship in Sicily, which overlapped with the first years of his kingship in Aragón; the reasons for the real aesthetic change that occurred during his reign and the role of queens â if any â in this change; and the important relationship between political events and his patronage of the arts.2 Jaime ii constructed his outward appearance and communicated it by means of a variety of rituals, object-types, and media, as some of his predecessors had, and he used art to create a concise image of power and authority. As I will show, his strategies in this arena were not merely the result of existing trends: Jaime ii marked a milestone in the use of art for propaganda purposes, and, as history attests, he inspired the commissions of some of his successors, including Pedro iv the Ceremonious (r. 1336â1386), among others.
The surviving portrayals of Jaime ii consist of 34 manuscript illuminations,3 3
To carry out this study, I will set aside the large bibliography published about the king,8 instead focusing on primary sources, such as documents issued by the king and the royal chancellery, along with chronicles, including three of the so-called Four Great Catalan Chronicles. These materials, among others like the Descendentia dominorum regum Siciliae,9 elucidate in what forms and contexts, at what moments, and for what reasons the image of the king was used, whether by the king himself or by other institutions in the medieval Crown of Aragón.
1
Among all the genres in which we find royal images, coins and seals are the most interesting in that they are clear manifestations of monarchical authority. These two object-types draw from the same ideological and politico-symbolic corpus and are endowed with an identical sanctioning character. As has been argued, the royal image imprinted on a coin is what gives it its authenticity and value, just as the royal image stamped into a seal confirms the authenticity of the document on which it is fixed. The king was conscious of these objectsâ intrinsic power and capacity for disseminating his image, and, given that he oversaw their production, he carefully chose their iconographies and inscriptions. Indeed, these images and texts served the important purpose of making the king recognizable as the issuing authority. The iconographic motifs used on coins were static; while this meant that they were sometimes very distinct from contemporary aesthetics, their unchanging appearance allowed them to function as stable signs and ensured their acceptance.10
As scholars have shown, the authenticated charter was an iconic document in which several systems of signs â writing, image, heraldic emblem, and so forth â were operative.11 The iconography fostered a symbolism of power and illustrated the organizing principles of society.12 That is why, to give an (albeit non-royal) example slightly predating the period of Jaime ii, in the Libri Antiquitatum Sedis Barcinonensis we find 12th-century bullae transferred to the following century and accompanied by drawings of the reverse of the papal seals of Paschal ii (d. 1118) and Alexander iii (d. 1181) (Figure. 13.1).13 Evidently, those who transferred the bullae considered it imperative to also include the issuersâ seals, the same objects that had given validity to the original documents. But seals were not always seen as necessary for authentication: if desired by the interested parties, a legal document could be issued without seals, as can be seen in a document signed by Jaime ii in 1322.14 Their validatory function
Jaime ii introduced some novelties to the sigillography of the kings of Aragón, differentiating his seals from those of his predecessors. Probably
Due to the spatial constraints, the heraldry that accompanies the image of enthronement on the obverse of Jaime iiâs seals consists of only the pales of the Crown of Aragón. On the reverse, however, the covering of the horse and the shield of Jaime ii are divided into quarters with the arms of Aragón and Sicily, similar to how Fernando iii of Castilla and León divided his emblems into quarters.37 By 1295, when the matrix of this seal was produced, Jaime ii was sovereign of both territories. This type of heraldic organization, mixing emblems, imbued the image with an equilibrium fitting to a king who wanted to be fair to all the territories over which he reigned.38 With the Treaty of Agnani (signed 12 June 1295), he would return to using exclusively the heraldry of Aragón, an emblematic simplicity countered by the complexity of his regalia. This intricacy must be understood in relation to his journey to Rome over three months in 129739 and the title given to him by the pope for his planned expedition to the Holy Land: Sancte Romane Ecclesie vexillarii, Admirati, et Capitanei Generalis.40 The growing intricacy and decorativism of his bullae,
2 Ornamentum and Sollemnitas: Beyond Reflecting the Kingâs Artistic Sensibility
It has long been pointed out that the return of Jaime ii from Sicily marked a milestone in every respect related to the decorum of the kingâs residences and places of worship.41 Aware of artâs capacity to serve as a tool of power through his knowledge of Hohenstaufen commissions, the sovereign took a special interest in his palaces as well as his chapels, which he restored or rebuilt and furnished with renewed liturgical fixtures to endow worship with the appropriate solemnity. In general, Jaime ii provided a real palatial setting for royalty by making judicious use of ritual, ornamenta, and religious and lay architecture. The fact that his subjects were required to refer to him by the appellative Vestra Maiestas Regia and to âkiss the earth in front of his feet,â a practice that began under his rule, are clear evidence of this,42 as are the specific ordinacions with which he governed his house after his time in Sicily.43
Of course, he exchanged sumptuous gifts with Iberian kingdoms44 and with Eastern Mediterranean courts, such as the rich fabrics sent by Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad on 13 March 1314,45 among other âhonorific clothesâ with special
Although for most of the year his palaces were characterized by modesty and simplicity â more a response to Franciscan teachings, as Jaime Hinojosa states,55 than to economic realities56 â on certain occasions the royal palace was decorated magnificently. Among the objects inventoried by Arnau Messeguer on 12 June 1323, and leaving aside other objects that the king distributed among his sons and daughters before this date,57 we find the following: precious textiles (three of them purple,58 to be used as clothing,59 stage decorations,60 and
3 Funerary Settings for the Glory, the Memory, and the Legitimacy of the Dynasty
Among other artistic commissions, the aesthetic renovation of Santes Creus was designed to showcase Jaime iiâs kingly role, something he had seen in Sicily
These tombs are artistically indebted to those of William i and Frederick ii in Palermo, as Rosenman has stated.103 This is particularly true of the tomb of Pedro iii, in its use of porphyry and a baldachin, elements intimately associated with imperial iconography. Neither the alveus nor the canopy nor the lid of the reliquary-like object finds a precedent in the funerary world of the Crown of Aragón.104 Meanwhile, the tomb of Jaime ii and Blanche dâAnjou, under a similar canopy, offers the novelty of recumbent effigies, the first instance in royal funerary arts in Aragón. Can we perform a joint reading of the innovations that we observe in both tombs? Is it possible to explain them as part of a shared artistic project, namely a symbolic one aimed at promoting the institution of the monarchy? In my opinion, we can. But to do so, we have to look to the origin and nature of Jaime iiâs government.
When he was appointed king of Aragón, in 1291, Jaime ii arrived at the courts of Zaragoza, but he was not solemnly crowned because he had already been anointed and crowned with his accession to the throne of Sicily. He became king of Aragón not by his brotherâs will but by his right of succession.105 Thus,
Of course, Jaime iiâs ideology cannot be separated from the Hohenstaufen political heritage.110 Indeed, for a generation, the House of Aragón had adopted allegorical figures typical of Hohenstaufen eschatological cycles, thus establishing lines of continuity between the imperial ambitions of these two regiae stirpes.111 Historians have suggested that exiled Ghibellines who had served the Hohenstaufens were present at the court of the Aragonese king and that this had important consequences for the reception of political ideas from overseas.112 It is precisely in this context that we must situate the tombs at Santes Creus. Jaime ii was acquainted firsthand with the Hohenstaufensâ artistic policies and, perhaps also, with the elements of Frederician sacrality that Mirko Vagnoni has studied so much.113 He was thus able to design an entire funerary programme that not only referred to the Palermitan tombs that had legitimized him as king114 but also condensed and made visible the principles of the monarchy. With Jaime ii, the Kingdom of Aragón became consolidated: he ruled in a climate of co-existence, trust, and commitment hitherto unknown, after the unionâs legitimacy had been questioned throughout the second half
4 Conclusion
This study builds on previous research on the use of royal statements â whether in corpore or in imago â as instruments of power by King Jaime ii, whose commissions, rather than merely continuing the artistic trends of his time, clearly demonstrate innovations in the use of art as official propaganda. Some of his portraits were intended for various audiences, but most of them remained in the circles of power, whether within or beyond his kingdom. And though it is not possible to offer precise answers regarding where, when, why, and for whom his royal images were used, the examples analysed here show that all of them had clear and specific intentions, which, in most cases, related to his early phase as king of Sicily and, more specifically, to his knowledge and admiration of Frederick ii.
Jaime ii disseminated his royal image through a wide range of media. As was customary, its appearance on coins was executed carefully and accompanied by a legend, together giving the coin a sanctioning and legitimizing quality. In seals, the function of his royal image went beyond mere authentication, accruing social, cultural, and anthropological connotations. With his sigillographic innovations â encompassing not only materials but also iconographies and inscriptions â Jaime ii sought to brand himself as a legalist monarch, a characterization that can be seen in his commissions in other media as well.
Moreover, his awareness of the use of art as a tool of power, undoubtedly learned from the Hohenstaufens during his Sicilian period, comes across in the decorum of his residences and royal chapels as well as his interest in the external manifestation of luxury (i.e. opulent objects, religious settings, precious clothes decorated with embroidery, jewels, and insignia). Textual sources from the period describe a richness and pageantry that is faithfully reflected in the surviving iconography. While Jaime iiâs artistic commissions certainly demonstrate his Franciscan spiritual leanings, his deep devotion never got in the way
The present study forms part of the research project Edificis i escenaris religiosos medievals a la Corona dâAragó (code 2017 sgr 1724) financed by the Generalitat de Catalunya.
Marina Povill Salas is currently undertaking a doctoral thesis on this whole topic: âEscenarios y escenografÃas de un reinado: Jaime el Justo y la utilización del arte como herramienta de poder.
Rolde de la confradia de Sant Martà de Valdonsera (Archivo Diocesano de Huesca, sign. 5â4 xxvii/3, 14th century); Usatici et constitutiones cataloniae, fols. 167r, 212r, 219r, 233r, 133r (Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms. Lat. 4670, c. 1315â25); Usatges i constitucions de Catalunya, fols. 94r, 101r, 105r, 107r, 115r, 139r (Arxiu de la Paeria de Lleida, ms. 1345, c. 1320â1330); additions post. 1333: fols. 81r, 86r; Usatges de Barcelona et â¦, fol. 49r (Arxiu de la Corona dâAragó, ms. 32 de Ripoll, c. 1333); Primer llibre verd, fols. 97r and 115r (Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat de Barcelona, ref. L 8, c. 1333); Llibre dels usatges i constitucions de Lleida, fols. 35r, 38v, 42v, 45r, 54r, 46r, 49r, 96r, 101v (Arxiu Capitular de Lleida, ms. 22, 1333â1336); Tercer llibre verd, fols. 102v, 109v, 251r, 262v (Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat de Barcelona, ref. L 8, 1342â1348); Aureum Opus, fol. 69r (Arxiu Municipal dâAlcira, cod. especials 0.0./3, last third 14th century); Rollo genealógico de Poblet (Biblioteca de Santa MarÃa de Poblet, 1410).
Capital in the cloister of the monastery of Santa MarÃa de Santes Creus (1313â1341); recumbent effigy with his first wife in the same monastery (1313â1315); statues for the Palau Reial of Barcelona (1322, not preserved); and corbels in the Porta Reial of Santes Creus (1332â1336).
Indicated by: Ferran de Sagarra i de Siscar, Sigil·lografia catalana. Inventari, descripció i estudi dels segells de Catalunya i (Barcelona, 1916â32), p. 120.
Main seals from 1291â1327, 1295, and 1299; minor seals from 1292â94, 1302, and 1317â26; bulls dated 1293, 1296, and 1312; finally, a secret seal from 1312.
Denaro or dinero minted in Sicily in 1285â95 and dinero minted in Murcia in 1296.
For an updated review of these bibliographic references, see: Marina Povill Salas, Escenaris i escenografies dâun regnat: Jaume II i la utilització de lâart com a eina de poder. Estat de la qüestió raonat, research presented and defended at Universitat Rovira i Virgili for her Bachelorâs degree, July 2018.
Biblioteca Università ria de València, ms. 394, Olim, 860, dated 1427. On folio 8v, Jaime ii appears as one of the members of the genealogy that explains why Alfonso v must become the new king of Sicily: Amadeo Serra Desfilis, â8. Descendentia Regum Siciliae,â in Una arquitectura gótica mediterránea, ed. Arturo Zaragozá, 2 (Valencia, 2003), pp. 185â88.
Teresa Marot Salsas, âLa moneda medieval, moderna i contemporà nia. Els bitllets,â Ars Cataloniae 12 (1997), 258.
Brigitte M. Bedos-Rezak, When Ego Was Imago. Signs of Identity in the Middle Ages (Leiden, 2011), p. 27.
Ibid., p. 29.
Arxiu Capitular de la Catedral de Barcelona, 13th century; see Ãngel Fà brega i Grau and Josep Baucells i Reig, Catà leg de lâArxiu Capitular de la S. E. Catedral BasÃlica de Barcelona 1 (Barcelona, 1969).
Document issued in favour of Viscount Ramón Folch vii de Cardona, who requested that this means of validation not be placed in the document. MarÃa Carmen Ãlvarez Márquez, âLas ordenanzas de Pedro IV: teorÃa y práctica en el sellado de documentos de la cancillerÃa catalano-aragonesa,â Actas del Primer Coloquio de SigilografÃa (Madrid, 1991), 110.
These are the capbreus of Collioure, Argelès, Saint-Laurent-de-la-Salanque, Torreilles seigneurie de Tautavel and Toulonges (Archives Départamentales des Pyrénées-Orientales, Perpignan, ms. B. 29, 30, 31, 33 and 34): Les Capbreus du roi Jacques II de Majorque (1292â1294), 2 tomes, ed. Rodrigue Tréton (La Rochelle, 2011).
Faustino Menéndez Pidal de Navascues, Apuntes de sigilografÃa española (Guadalajara, 1988), p. 135. For other medieval examples, see John Cherry, âThe breaking of sealsâ, in Michael Andersen and Göran Tegnér eds., Middelalderlige seglerstamper I Norden, (Roskilde 2002), pp. 81â96.
Jerónimo Zurita, Anales de la Corona de Aragón (1512â1580), ed. Ãngel Canellas López (Zaragoza, 2003), lib. xx, cap. xxvii.
Sagarra, Sigil·lografia.
A red-wax seal in which he appears as king of Sicily, duke of Apulia, and prince of Capua is preserved in Valencia: Sagarra, Sigil·lografia, pp. 240â41, n. 187.
To achieve the high artistic quality of his imprints, Jaime ii called in artists from Italy, such as Mino de la Seta and Tutxio de Sens. The latter worked regularly for the king, creating sigillary matrices, monetary stamps, and devotional images: Francesca Español Bertrán, El escultor Bartomeu de Robió y Lleida. Eco de la plástica toscana en Catalunya (Lleida, 1995), pp. 161â63.
These changes would be a visual manifestation whose ultimate purpose was to present Alfonso iii as the true sovereign of Mallorca, which he had annexed in 1289: Marta Serrano-Coll, Effigies regis Aragonum. La imagen figurativa del rey de Aragón en la Edad Media (Zaragona, 2015), pp. 81â82.
This alliance ultimately supported another pre-existing one between Aragón and the Ghibelline part of Italy. Zurita, Anales, lib. iv, cap. lii.
Menéndez Pidal stated that the seals of Jaime ii influenced the ones belonging to the French king, who likewise sought to show his dual status: on the obverse, enthroned as sovereign of France and Navarre and, on the reverse, mounted on horseback as count of Brie. Faustino Menéndez Pidal de Navascués et al., Sellos medievales de Navarra. Estudio y corpus descriptivo (Pamplona, 1995), p. 48.
Book of Wisdom 1:1 and Psalm 16:2, respectively. The first sentence appeared in his fatherâs seals, whereas the second sentence was introduced by Jaime ii.
Jaime i compared himself with King David in his chronicle: Libre dels feyts del rei en Jacme, par. 562. Pedro iv would align himself with King David, for several reasons. For an interesting study on this, see: Marrissa Cook, A Tale of Two Kings: The Use of King David in the Chronicle of Peter III of Catalonia, unpublished ma thesis, University of South Florida, 2011.
Among others: Alphabetum catholicorum sive elementis catholicae fidei (Epistola nuncupatoria tractatus Philosophia catholica et divina ad Iacobum II (letter included in his Philosophia Catholica when he sent this book to the king on 29 August 1302); Alphabetum catholicorum ad inclitum dominum regem Aragonum pro filiis erudiendis in elementis catholicae fidei (new edition of the first book but with 50 lines added between 1302 and 1304, which was intended to provide Christian training for the infantes in a school created for them in the palace, although this never actually occurred); Interpretatio de visionibus in somniis dominorum Iacobi secundi regis Aragonum et Friderici tertii regis Siciliae eius fratris (work written in the summer of 1309 in the form of a historical dialogue between Jaime ii and Frederick iii that interprets the dreams of both kings, who have been chosen by God to carry out a reform of Christianity. This work would form the core of the Raonament dâAvinyó). For details about these writings and others, see: Arnau db. Corpus digital dâArnau de Vilanova,
Jaime Hinojosa Montalvo, Jaime II y el esplendor de la Corona de Aragón (Barcelona, 2006), p. 126.
His wisdom was highlighted in the chronicles even when he was an infant: âlo senyor infant, qui era un dels pus savis princeps del mon e mils parlant (e és encara e serà mentre viu sia)â; see: Muntaner, Crònica, in Ferran Soldevila, Les quatre grans cròniques, 3rd ed. (Barcelona, 1983), cap. cxiv. Many studies have also emphasized his diplomatic skills during times of conflict: AgustÃn Bermúdez Aznar, âUna perspectiva jurÃdica sobre la donación del reino de Murcia a Jaime II de Aragón,â in Congreso Internacional Jaime II 700 años después, eds. Juan Antonio Barrio Barrio et al. (Alicante, 1997), pp. 65â78. Zurita recalled: ây asà andaba el rey en un mismo tiempo entreteniendo a los unos y a los otros para sacar el mejor partido que pudieseâ; see Zurita, Anales, lib. 5, cap. 59. For his diplomacy, see: Esteban Sarasa Sánchez, âEl reino de Aragón en la época de Jaime II (1291â1327),â in Jaime II, eds. Barrio et al., pp. 301â14.
Laurie Shepard, Courting Power: Persuasion and Politics in the Early Thirteenth Century (New York, 1999), p. 191.
These adjectives were applied after the ratification of the boundaries between Aragón and Catalonia in the courts in 1300. The Jewish community described him in the same manner when he helped its members to establish peace in the towns after making certain reforms. Hinojosa, Jaime II, p. 66. See also: Zurita, Anales, lib. vi, cap. lxxv.
For example, in the Battle of Alicante: Muntaner, Crònica, cap. clxxxviii. In the previous chapter, this chronicle reads: âés lo pus gracias senyor, e lo pus cortes, e lo pus ensenyat, e lo pus savi e mellor dâarmes qui anc fos e dels bons crestians del mon.â The culmination is the Battle of Falconara, where Jaime ii âanà per lo camp ab la maça en la mà e lla on veÃa la major pressa, e féu tant dâarmes aquell dia, que tothom pot conèixer que el fill era del molt bon rei En Pere e nét del bon rei en Jacme. ⦠Aixi anava per lo camp, abatent cavallers e a enderrocar cavallers, com fo lo lleon entre les bèstiesâ: Ibid., cap. cxcii. His preparation for and skills in battle were recognized by the pope himself; the apostolic nuncios, when they were looking for someone to help Acre, looked to the king of Sicily: Zurita, Anales, lib. iv, cap. cxiv.
These songbooks were compiled to provide fans and bibliophiles with access to the songs of the most famous troubadours. Alfonso ii is recorded in some of them, such as ms. fr. 854 and ms. 12473, both in the BnF (Paris), copied in Italy in the 13th century and with illuminations showing the king. The illumination of the first manuscript was likely executed in the last quarter of the 13th century, most probably post quem 1282, when Pedro iii became king of Sicily. I base this conjecture on the presence of the Hohenstaufen eagle, which is not a crest, as has been stated: MartÃn de Riquer i Morera, Vidas y retratos de Trovadores. Textos y miniaturas del siglo XIII (Barcelona, 1995), p. xxx. The illuminations were intended to stress his chivalric rather than his royal qualities.
I am referring to the Dancia Jacobi II, written in Occitan, in which the king compared the church to a ship that exceeded all kinds of setbacks. However, some authors question this royal authorship and think it could be a deliberated falsification by Arnau de Vilanova, who wrote the Dancia Jacobi II cum commento Arnaldi de Vilanova around 1305. Nevertheless, the surviving collection of more than one thousand letters attests to his literary capacity, as observed by: Heinrich Finke, âRelacions dels reis dâAragó ab la literatura, la ciencia y lâart,â Estudis Universitaris Catalans 4 (1910), 66â80, esp. 67.
Founded on 1 September 1300. He stipulated that they could teach civil and canon law, medicine, philosophy, and arts, among other approved sciences. He prohibited these studies from being carried out elsewere in his domains. Consequently, the Estudi General had a monopoly on university education in all the territories of the Crown of Aragón: Roser Gort Riera, LâEstudi General de Lleida al segle XIV (Lleida, 2016).
He demanded scrupulous observance of the laws, and he gave an example of this by swearing to uphold the fueros (rights and privileges) and the constitutions and by respecting the agreements signed between him and his subjects. Hinojosa, Jaime II, p. 48. The documentation reflects episodes in which the king decided to suspend trials until he arrived in the city: José Vicente Cabezuelo Pliego, âEl poder real en la Murcia aragonesa a través del oficio de la procuración, 1296â1304,â in Jaime II, eds. Barrio et al., p. 107.
Sarasa, âReino de Aragón,â p. 314.
Fernando iii (r. 1230â1252) used this model when he finally unified the Kingdom of Castilla and León: Faustino Menéndez Pidal de Navascués, âEmblemas heráldicos de España,â Revista de Historia Militar 30/60 (1986), 209â26, esp. 217.
Zurita pointed out that Jaime ii had been the first Aragonese king to make this kind of division: Zurita, Anales, lib. iv, cap. lxxxi.
Juan M. del Estal Gutiérrez, âEl itinerario de Jaime II de Aragón en la conquista del reino castellano de Murcia (1296â1301),â in Jaime II, eds. Barrio et al., pp. 157â59.
Sagarra, Sigil·lografia, p. 120. The Latin fragment comes from Marsili Chronicle, as stated in: Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. 18; it was studied by: Manuel de Montoliu i de Togores, âLa crònica de Marsili i el manuscrit de Poblet. Contribució a lâestudi de la Crònica de Jaume I,â Anuari de lâInstitut dâEstudis Catalans 5 (1913â14), 277â310, esp. 280.
Francesca Español Bertrán, âCalendario litúrgico y usos áulicos en la Corona de Aragón bajomedieval: arquitectura y ornamenta,â Studium Medievale 2 (2009), 185â212, esp. 185.
Ibid.
Ordinacions that were used as the basis for those of Jaime iii of Mallorca and, later, Pedro iv, who adopted practices already in use at the time of Jaime ii: Heinrich Finke, Acta Aragonensia 1 (Berlin, 1908), pp. 33â47, and 2 (Berlin, 1922), pp. 16â25. However, we must bear in mind that in Aragón there were certain ordinances from the times of Pedro ii, Pedro iii, and Alfonso iv.
Such as â.i. curtina de drap d or ab orles de sendat reyal e fo feta de .i. drap d or que l rey de Castela dona al senyor rey. ⦠.i. curtina de drap d or ab orla de sendat reyal e fo feta de .i. drap que l rey de Castella dona al senyor reyâ: Francisco Martorell i Trabal, âInventari dels béns de la Cambra reyal en temps de Jaume ii,â Anuari de lâInstitut dâEstudis Catalans 4 (1911â12), 553â67, esp. 560. Predictably, Castilla and León are also the place of origin of the âcapell de sol cubert de drap d or ab leons e ab castellsâ: ibid., p. 557.
All his gifts are related in: Maximiliano A. Alarcón y Santón and Ramón GarcÃa de Linares, Los documentos árabes diplomáticos del Archivo de la Corona de Aragón (Madrid, 1940), p. 95.
Mercè Viladrich i Grau, âNoves dades sobre les relacions entre el soldà del Caire Al-Nasir Muhammad ibn Sayf al-Din Qalawun i el rei Jaume II,â in Jaime II, eds. Barrio et al., pp. 501â10, esp. 504â05.
Martorell, âInventari,â pp. 553â67; Eduardo González Hurtebise, Libros de la TesorerÃa de la Casa Real de Aragón (Barcelona, 1911); Joan Ernst MartÃnez Ferrando, âDatos sobre el vestuario de Jaime II de Aragón,â Anales y BoletÃn de los Museos de Arte de Barcelona 3 (1945), 5â16.
Joan Ernest MartÃnez Ferrando, âLa Cámara Real en el reinado de Jaime II (1291â1327). Relación de entradas y salidas de objetos artÃsticosâ, Anales y BoletÃn de los Museos de Arte de Barcelona 11 (Barcelona, 1953â54).
Although the king cannot be regarded as a full bibliophile because he did not build a library located in a specific space, he nevertheless had a novel interest in books: Isabel Escandell Proust, âLibros en la documentación de la cancillerÃa de Jaime II,â in Imágenes y promotores en el arte medieval. Miscelánea en homenaje a JoaquÃn Yarza Luaces, ed. Marisa Melero Moneo (Bellaterra, 2001), pp. 327â35, esp. 335. There are many documents that relate his desire to acquire books not only for himself but also for members of other courts and for educational institutions: Antoni Rubió i Lluch, Documents per a la història de la cultura catalana mig-eval. Institut dâEstudis Catalans, 2 vols (Barcelona, 1908â1921, repr. 2017), docs. i, ii, iii, iv, xiv, xvi, xviii, xix, xx, xxiv, xxvi, xxvii, xxxv, and lii. He also sent requests to ensure the return of books he had lent out: docs. viii, xv, xxxii, and l. Other texts allude to their creation: docs. ix, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxix, liii, and ap. ii and iv. In some cases, the king stopped taxes from being applied to friars because of the books that they had in their custody: doc. xliii.
As the Jewish physician from Barcelona Jafudà Bonsenyor described him in Llibre de paralles e dits de savis e filosofs; see: Manuel A. RodrÃguez de la Peña, âMecenas, trovadores, bibliófilos y cronistas: los reyes de Aragón del Casal de Barcelona y la sabidurÃa (1162â1410),â Revista Chilena de Estudios Medievales 2 (2012), 81â120, esp. 83, n. 6.
For a survey of this, see: Escandell, âLibros,â pp. 327â35.
Rubió, Documents 2, doc. xxxviii; Jordi Rubió et al., âInventaris inèdits de lâordre del Temple a Catalunya,â Anuari de lâInstitut dâEstudis Catalans 1 (1907), pp. 358â407, esp. doc. xii. It was on 23 May 1297 that the king appointed the major chaplain of the Royal Chapel as abbot of Santes Creus: Reg. 108, fol. 34v. Del Estal, âItinerario,â p. 159.
âunum reliquier operis de Limotges, in quo est in quolibet capite quedam ymago et fuit inventum ligatum et sigillatum cum sigillo Petri de Soleiro et, prout continebatur in inventarium factum per nobilem Artaldum de Luna, erant in dicta caxia sex saquets de reliquies et unus pannus de purpura in quo sunt aliqui ligalli qui ut dicitur sunt reliquieâ: Rubió, Documents 2, doc. xxxviii.
âtradidistis fratri Guillelmo Baro, monaco Sanctarum Crucum, capellano nostro, ad opus capelle nostre unam pitxena de xristallo cum quatuor leonibus argenti in pede deauratisâ; Rubió, Documents 2, doc. xxxvii.
Hinojosa, Jaime II.
As pertains to the state of decay of the royal residences, at Barcelona there were leaks and possibly rats, given the kingâs interest in acquiring hunting cats (murilegui): Joan Ernest MartÃnez Ferrando, Jaime II de Aragón. Su vida familiar (Barcelona, 1948), 1:32. Regarding Tarragona, see: Isabel Companys i Farrerons, El Castell del rei en temps de Jaume II. Edició comentada dels llibres de comptes de lâobra 1313â1317 (Tarragona, 1994).
All of these are listed in: Rubió, Documents, doc. xxxiii (beautiful mattresses, silver cups, and bowls, ivory images, rich clothes); doc. xxxiv (precious clothes and knives decorated with coral and silver), doc. xxxvii (crucifixes with precious stones, crystal chandeliers, cameo âcum figura leonis,â goldsmith crosses, an altar frontal âcum unicam garlanda sive frontali altaris de folio argenti deaurata cum rosis et salamonibus flocatis de auro et de siricoâ); doc. xxxviii (reliquary of Limoges); doc. xl (precious hats, crucifixes, rich clothes, painted chests, jewellery as cameos, and precious stones); doc. xli (gold rings, one of them with a sculpted sapphire âad sigillandum aptus,â silver plates, hats with the royal arms, and other clothing accessories, rich knives); doc. xlv (very different precious stones, some of them to be hung, cameos â one of them âforme veteris insertum in auro â,â altar frontals); doc. xlvi (textiles, clothes as mantles, rings, reliquaries, precious swords). Other lists of gifts are preserved, but with dates subsequent to the inventory of June 1323: ibid., docs. xlix, li, and liv.
â.iii. pesses de porpraâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 558.
âescapolo de drap de seda ab scut a señal reyal e d aguilesâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 159. â.i. carner de sendat blau ab aguiles e ab obres de fil d or ab escuts de quarto reyall e d aguiles e no es cusitâ: ibid., p. 557; â.i. pessa de bort d Alexandria de seda listada ab camp vermellâ: ibid., p. 559; â.i. manil d estam listat ⦠.i. pessa de drap de seda vermella ab listes d or amples e menudesâ: ibid., p. 560. Regarding clothing, the series known as Thesaurarie, Pecunie and Solucionum is very well analysed by: MartÃnez Ferrando, âDatos,â pp. 5â17. Orders for clothing accumulated mainly when important ceremonies were approaching, such as meetings with other sovereigns, receptions of ambassadors, weddings, or liturgical festivities: ibid., p. 8.
â.i. longua d estor de seda vermeyla ab usayl d argent daurat e ha en la cavadura alguns corals e tenen segits obras de fil d or e d argent ab poques perles ⦠.i. longua d estor obrada de fil d or e de seda a señal reyal ⦠.i. drap veyl de pintenar de seda blanca ab obres de seda vermella ab escut de quarto ab señal reyal e d aguiles forrat de sendat vermeylâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 556. â.i. curtina de sendat a senyal reyal que ha .x. canes de lonch e .ii. e mige d ample e es forrada de drap de li vert ⦠.i. cobertor de sendat a senyal reyal e ha de loncgh .iiii. d ample e era forrat de drap de li blauâ: ibid., p. 559. â.i. drap de seda listat ab senyera d or a la .i. capâ: ibid, p. 560. â.i. curtina de drap d or ab orles de sendat reyal e fo feta de .i. drap d or que l rey de Castela dona al senyor rey ⦠.i. curtina de drap d or ab orla de sendat reyal e fo feta de .i. drap que l rey de Castella dona al senyor reyâ: ibid., p. 560. Coming from the templeâs properties, â.i. drap d or e de seda de Luchaâ: ibid., p. 567.
âCorda de capell de seda vermella acabada ab crestauyls e ab coralsâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 556. â.iiii. benes de drap de li ab escudets reyals de fil d or e de seda per fer capçanes de fre e i. frontal de fre de obra de laç de fil d or e de seda a señal reyall ⦠.ii. frontals de fre obras de fil d or e d argent e de seda e ha en cascun .i. escut de quarto reyall e d águilaâ: ibid., p. 557; â.i. corda de capell de seda vermella e grogaâ: ibid., p. 558. âcordons de seda groga cabats ab fil d orâ: ibid., p. 559.
â.i. corona d or de .xi. pesses en la qual son encastats .vi. balaix grosses e .xxxiiii. balaixs no tan grosses e .xi. balaix menors que aquells qui son encastats en mig de les aguiles e .v. balaix grosses encastats en los .v. murs de la dita corona e .v. safirs grosses e .xvi. saffirs no tan grosses com los altres e .xi. safirs .i. poch pus grosses, qui son encastats en los murs de la dita corona, e .v. maragdes pochs e .v. maragdes un poch pus grosses, qui son encastats en los murs de la dita corona, e .xi. aguiles qui son en la dita corona ficades e son balaixets e maragdes e safirs encastats a ornament de les dites aguiles e .xliiii. perles menudes encastades en les orles dels balaixs e .ii. saffirs grosses e .lxxii. perles grosses qui son enfilades en la orla de la dita corona.â Martorell, âInventari,â pp. 561â62. In his testament, he refers to the insignia for the coronation ceremony: âEidem etiam heredi nostro universali dimittimus totam capellam nostrum seu apparatus ipsius et etiam unam crucem nostrum magnam argenti. Item dimittimus ipsi heredi nostril universali ceptra nostra cum corona, quam volumus esse regie coronacione apropiata, quoniam dictam coronam et ceptra iamdicta excepimus ab ordinacione de qua supra dicitur per nos facta super vendendis certis iocalibus nostris pro dictis debitis et iniuriis exsolvendis.â Antoni Udina i Abelló, Els testaments dels comtes de Barcelona i dels reis de la Corona dâAragó. De Guifré Borrell a Joan II (Barcelona, 2001), doc 32, pp. 185â86.
â.i. estoig de fust en que ha .iii. garlandes de seda e i.i ab poques perlesâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 558.
â.i. Pom d or lo qual es dins tou e ha sobre lo pom .i. creu en la qual son .xii. perles grosses veres qui están entorn de la dita creu e .x. peres precioses, ço es a saber .v. safirs e .v. balaixs e esta lo dit pom en .i. estoig de cuyr vermell e pese .x. unçesâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 559. â.i. pom de jaspi lo qual fo del rey en Pere e era estat perdut el barreig de Torrelaâ: ibid., p. 560. â.i. pomet d or qui pesa .ii. marchs ensems ab .i. verga prima dobladaâ: ibid., p. 561.
â.i. verge d or qui es dins tova e ha a la .i. cap alguns esmalts e a l altre cap ha .i. pera semblant de crestayl e sobre la pera ha .i. creu de .iiii. perles veres e de .i. balaix e de .i. safir e la dita verga esta en .i. estoig de cuyr vermeyl e pesa .ii. marchsâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 559. â.i. cetra d argent tota plana ab .iii. escuts a senyal reyal e pesa la dita cetra .iii. marchs .iiii. onçes e mige a march de Valenciaâ: ibid., p. 560. â.i. bordonet poch ab manech de jaspi ab .ii. virolles d argent e ha en la .i. virola .ii caps de ca e en l altra .i. escudet esmaltat ab .i. leo e es la bahina de samit vert ligades de fil d or e en la guaspa ha .ii. viroles d argent e ha y .i. cordo de seda vertâ: ibid., p. 560.
â.i. espaha appeilada Tiçon ⦠altra espaha appelada Girbetaâ: ibid., p. 556; â.iii. poms d espaha de jaspi, p. 557.
â.i. senyera veylla d or batut e d argent a señal reyal e d aguiles negresâ: ibid., p. 556.
â.ii. guans de launes cuberts de sendat reyalâ: ibid., p. 557.
â.i. capmafeu poch, encastat en argent daurat ab .i. cordo de seda vermella ⦠.i. flor d or ab .i. pera preciosa grossa appellada rubiç, qui es el cap de la dita flor, ab .i. perla qui es clavada sobre lo dit rubiç e pesa .iii. unçesâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 559. Coming from the properties attached to the temple: â.vi. anells d argent la .i. ab pera apellada agata ab cercles negres blanchs e vermells e los .ii. ab sengles peres appelades grapaulines, lo quart e l .ve. ab peres cornelines, lo .vie. ab .i. pera blanca cornelina ⦠.ii. anels d or la .i. ab pera turquesa lunada e l altre ab safir ⦠.i. borssa ab .ii anells d or ab sengles safirs grosses ⦠.i. anell gran d or ab .i. gros safir escur penjant en .i. cordoâ: ibid., p. 564.
âpera grosa encastada en lauto, semblant de crestayl, que es appellada brillo e es en .i. stoig de cuyrâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 556.
Some really expensive: â.i. coltell ab manech de jaspia f foure de camut guarnit d argent ab .iii. escudets a senyals reyals e de aguiles ⦠.i. coltell catalanesch granat ab foura pintat a señal reyal e d aguiles ⦠.i. coltell catalanesch granat ab foura pintat a señal reyal e de aguiles e ha el manech casquetes d argent e corallsâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 556. â.i. coltell de Pamplalona ab guitia a senyal reyalâ: ibid., p. 558. â.i. verga d argent daurada qui es dins tova e pesa .vii. onçes e migeâ: ibid., p. 559.
â.i. ganivet ab manech de crestayll ab foure â¦; manechs de ganivets de voriâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 556. â.i. colttell de taula e ha lo manech de cori en que es .i. dona qui te .i. bratxet ⦠.i. manech de ganivet de vori e es hi entailada .i. dona ab .i. infant e te el bras .i. bratxetâ: ibid., p. 557. â.i. ganivet ab manech de roart en que ha .ii. virolas d argent daurades e .i. cordo de seda groch e lo foure de camut negreâ: ibid., p. 559.
â.i. tassa ab cubertor d argent daurat e empremtat dins ab .i. esmalt en la taça e altre al cobertor e tot esmaltat de fora e ha al mig del cobertor .i. gran pom tot blau e ha peu d argent daurat e ab .i. esmalt e ab .ii. figures d omens e pesa entre tot .xii. marchsâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 562.
âde seda blanca obrada de seda ab oçellets de fil d orâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 556. â.i. tovayola cabada ab listes d orâ ⦠.i. tovayola de li obrada als caps de fil d or e de seda de color de foch e blava e negra d obra de laç qe es aytal d una part coom d altra ⦠.i. tovayola de drap de li obrada de seda ab molts escudets reyalsâ: ibid., p. 559.
â.i. pinte de voriâ: ibid., p. 558. Regarding these objects and the precious fabrics âbalandronetsâ that were used when the king shaved âad servicium radendi barbamâ and that were decorated with gold thread and sometimes with royal emblems, see: MartÃnez Ferrando, âDatos,â p. 11.
â.i. cuixi obrat de seda a señal reyal e d aguiles.â Martorell, âInventari,â p. 556. âcubertes de cuixins de drap d orâ: ibid., p. 557.
â.ii. matalafs de fluxell qui solien esser cuberts de drap de seda listat vert e vermell e ara son cuberts de drap reyall de seda e de cotoâ: ibid., p. 558.
â.i. cubertor de lit de cuyr ab .iii. escuts a senyal reyal ⦠.i. cobertor de godomasir obrat en los cantons ab escuts reyalsâ: ibid., p. 560.
â.iiii. farells de coffres verts ab scuts a senyal reyal ⦠.i. cadire de ferre sobreargentada.â Ibid., p. 559; â.i. pitxer d argent tot pla per calfar aygua a ops de la barba del senyor rey qui pesa .vi. marchs .iiii. uncers e mige e .i. ternal ⦠.i. plater dâargent ⦠.ii. bacins d argent de dar aygua a mans e ha .i escut a senyal reyal en la .i. baci e en l altre baci altre escut a senyal de flors e pesen .ii. marchs .v. onçes e .iii. vuytavesâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 560.
â.i. creu de crestall de jaspi ab crucifix d argent dauratâ. It was given to Elisenda de Montcada on 13 June 1326: ibid., p. 560.
â.i. estoig d argent ab reliquies ⦠.i. capsa de vori en que ha reliquies ⦠.i. capsa de fust en que ha reliquies ⦠.i. troç de drap de li en que ha embolcats alguns orçes e peres que paren reliquies.â Those relics were brought to his royal palace in Barcelona: âitem fratri Raimundo Calvo, capellano nostro, reliquas involutas in quodam trocio panni lintei, quas posuit in altari beate Marie palacio nostri Barchinone cum dictum altare fuit consecratumâ:Martorell, âInventari,â n. 4, p. 560.
As the â.i. agnus Dei encastat en estanyâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 566. This piece must be the one received from Peñiscola Castle, which appears in the inventory made on 22 April 1311 as: âunum Agnus Dei encastatum in stagno.â Published in: Martorell, âInventari,â doc. iv. Quoted in: Lourdes de Sanjosé i Llongueras, Elements dâorfebreria litúrgica en la documentació catalana (segles IX-XIV). Recull provisional (Vic, 2017), doc. 312.
â.viii. barrats de Tuniçâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 561. â.viii. barrats pochs reyals ⦠.i. barrats reyals grans ⦠.vi. barrats grans vertsâ: ibid., p. 562. Coming from the templeâs property, â.i. barralet d argent fet a manera de glan en que creen que ha reliquiesâ: ibid., p. 566.
As is the case of the chapel of Saint George in Poblet, from the time of the Magnanimous in the 15th century, where the vault was painted with the barrats of Aragón.
MartÃnez Ferrando, âDatos,â p. 16.
âper ço en aquella semana los darets aygaamans, e.l digious de la Cena los lavarets los peus e exugarets, e, per recorda[r] l[a] humilitat de la pacijes de [Christ], los besaretsâ: Obres catalanes A. de Vilanova, I. Escrits religiosos, ed. Miquel Batllori (Barcelona, 1947), p. 227. Quoted in: Español, âCalendario,â p. 191.
Frantisek Kunetka, âThe Ceremony of Foot-washing in the Liturgy of Holy (Maundy) Thursday: an Anamnesis or Mimesis?,â Studia Theologica 20 (2018), 67â107. About Mandatum, see: James Monti, A Sense of the Sacred: Roman Catholic Worship in the Middle Ages (San Francisco, 2012).
âE ⦠Jacme podets comparar a Melquior ⦠lo pus just hom de justicia, e de cortesia e de veritat qui anc nasqués, sal Jesucristâ: Muntaner, Crònica, cap. xcvi.
As he stated in his ordinacions: Anna M. Adroer i Tasis, âAlgunes notes sobre la capella del Palau Major de Barcelona,â Anuario de Estudios Medievales 19 (1989), 385â392, esp. 387.
Francesca Español Bertrán, âFormas artÃsticas y espiritualidad. El horizonte franciscano del cÃrculo familiar de Jaime II y sus ecos funerarios,â in Poder, piedad y devoción. Castilla y su entorno. Siglos XII-XV, ed. Isabel Beceiro (Madrid, 2014), pp. 383â418. On the Franciscan tendencies of the royal family, see: Martin Aurell Cardona, âMessianisme royal de la Couronne dâAragon (14e-15e siècles),â Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 52/1 (1997), 119â55, esp. 123.
Anna Castellano i Tresserra, âEl paper religiós i social dels monestirs femenins. Lâexemple del Reial Monestir de Santa Maria de Pedralbes,â in Petras Albas. El monestir de Pedralbes i els Montcada (1326â1673), ed. Anna Alarcón (Barcelona, 2001), 45â61, esp. 53.
Her will, dated 10 February 1299, states: âeligimus nobis sepulturam ⦠in domo fratrum minorum civitatis Barchinoneâ: Frederic Udina i Martorell, âLos restos reales existentes en la catedral de Barcelona,â BoletÃn de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 23 (1950), 49â67, esp. n. 12.
Such as the abbessâs chair belonging to Blanche of Sigena, Jaime iiâs daughter, which features a drawing of Saint Louis, Bishop of Toulouse canonized in 1317: Carmen Berlabé Jové, âFundación y patronato real en el monasterio de Sigena (Huesca). De Alfonso el Casto a Jaime el Justo,â in Imágenes y promotores, ed. Melero, pp. 255â68, esp. 261â67.
The tomb of Jaime iiâs son the archbishop Jaume dâAragó (cathedral of Tarragona) and the double tomb (Pedralbes Monastery) of his fourth wife, Elisenda de Montcada, are illustrative.
The first document in which Pedro iv states his wish to be buried in Poblet dates to 13 August 1340, but its lines mention another previous document written on 1 March 1340. Frederic Marès Deulovol, Las tumbas reales de los monarcas de Cataluña y Aragón del monasterio de Santa MarÃa de Poblet (Barcelona, 1988), p. 90.
Constance of Sicily was entombed in Sant Francesc in Barcelona, as were Alfonso iii and Maria of Cyprus, the second wife of Jaime ii, in itinere. His third wife, Elisenda de Montcada, was buried in the Poor Clares Convent of Pedralbes. Alfonso iv was laid to rest in Sant Francesc in Lleida, as was his second wife, Leonor de Castilla. His first wife, Teresa de Entenza, was entombed in San Francisco in Zaragoza.
Among all inventoried by Arnau Messeguer on 12 June 1323 appears: â.i. cordo de coto de frare menorâ: Martorell, âInventari,â p. 559.
As pointed out in: Francesca Español Bertrán, El Gòtic català (Manresa, 2002), p. 39.
Marta Serrano-Coll, âImatges de la monarquia dins un espai monà stic: Santes Creus,â in El Cister. Poder i espiritualitat (1150â1250) (Barcelona, 2006), pp. 181â92.
âEligimus nobis sepulturam in monasterio Sanctarunm Crucum, ordinis Cisterciensis ⦠et quod sepultura nostra fiat bene et honorificeâ: Udina, Els testaments, doc. 24, p. 163.
On 29 August 1285, the monarch granted a transfer to compensate the monastery for a quantity it had advanced: âin fabricatione sepulture dicti domini Regis Petriâ; see: Ricardo del Arco Garay, Sepulcros de la Casa de Aragón (Madrid, 1945), p. 210.
âVolentes et mandantes quod corpus nostrum sepeliatur in altero illorum duorum tumulorum quos Nos ibi construi fecimus pro nobis et illustra domina Blancha ⦠nostra sepultura fiat bene et honorifice sicut decetâ: Udina, Testaments, p. 181.
These links with Italy are described in: Josep Vives i Miret, âEls sepulcres reials del monestir de Santes Creus,â Studia Monastica 6/2 (1964), 359â79. However, it was Rosenman who pointed out that the Sicilian tombs provided the typological model; see: Barry Ch. Rosenman, The Royal Tombs in the Monastery of Santes Creus (Minnesota, 1991), p. 5.
Español, El Gòtic, p. 43.
Zurita, Anales, lib. iv, cap. cxxii, and cxxiii. See also: Bonifacio Palacios MartÃn, La coronación de los reyes de Aragón. 1204â1410. Aportación al estudio de las estructuras polÃticas medievales (Valencia, 1975), p. 191. In fact, the testament of Pedro iii dated 13 June 1282 specified that his heir was to be his son Alfonso, with Jaime and Pedro as substitutes: Udina, Testaments, doc. 24, p. 165. Jaime ii was a king who rejected the politics of partitions, hoping to remain king of Sicily in addition to king of Aragón: Ferran Soldevila, Història de Catalunya (Barcelona, 1963), p. 390.
Jerónimo Blancas, Coronaciones de los serenÃsimos reyes de Argón, con dos tratados del modo de celebrar cortes (Zaragoza, 1641), p. 25.
José A. Sesma Muñoz, âEl sentimiento nacionalista en la Corona de Aragón y el nacimiento de la España moderna,â in Realidad e imágenes del poder, ed. Adeline Rucquoi (Valladolid, 1988), pp. 215â32, esp. 226.
Palacios, Coronación, pp. 196â200. In this sense, Arnau de Vilanova established a way of exalting the monarchy: Manuel A. RodrÃguez de la Peña, âHesper, el Vespro y el Vespertilio: elementos de continuidad entre el milenarismo stáufico y el ciclo profético del imperio aragonés,â in Jaime II, eds. Barrio et al., pp. 685â97. Also: Pere Bohigas i Balaguer, âProfecies catalanes dels segles XIV I XV: assaig bibliogrà fic,â Butlletà de la Biblioteca de Catalunya vi (1920â22), 24â49.
I discuss and develop this idea in the forthcoming publication: Marta Serrano-Coll, âJaime II and his artistic patronage in Santes Creus: pruposes, semantic content and the influence of Frederick II,â Imago Temporis Medium Aevum 16 (2022), in press.
RodrÃguez de la Peña, âHesper,â p. 685.
Ibid., p. 686.
Such as the dignitary Richard Filangeri, the jurist Henry of Isernia, and John of Procida, who was the personal physician of Frederick ii and then chancellor to King Manfred and Pedro iii; see: Steven Runciman, Visperas Sicilianas. Una historia del mundo mediterráneo a finales del siglo XIII [The Sicilian Vespers: a history of the Mediterranean world in the later thirteenth century], (Cambridge, Eng., 1958; repr. Madrid, 2009), pp. 200â03. And: Helene Wieruszowski, âLa corte di Pietro dâAragona e i precedenti dellâImpresa Siciliana,â in Politics and culture in medieval Spain and Italy (Rome, 1971), pp. 185â222.
Mirko Vagnoni, Federico II allo specchio. Analisi iconographica e polÃtico-funzionale delle sue raffigurazioni, unpublished ma thesis, Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia dellâUniversità di Siena, 2003â2004; Mirko Vagnoni, âLex animata in terris. Sulla sacralità di Federico II di Svevia,â De Medio Aevo 1 (2013), pp. 47â66; Mirko Vagnoni, âIl significato politico delle caratteristiche iconografiche di Federico II di Svevia,â Iconographica. Rivista di iconografia medievale e moderna 5 (2006), 64â75; Mirko Vagnoni, âLa legittimità e la sacralità imperiale di Federico II di Svevia,â Tabulae. Del Centro Studi Federiciani 18/1 (2006), 127â69.
His mother was Constance of Sicily, whom Pedro iii put forward as the legitimate heiress of the Italian Hohenstaufen, naming her regina for political reasons. On 19 April 1298, in Messina, Constance was proclaimed the legitimate queen: she assumed the regency, with her son Jaime, the future Jaime ii, as her heir and co-regent. See Miguel Marzal GarcÃa-Quismondo, âLa perspectiva catalano-aragonesa de D. Jaime de Sicilia,â in Jaime II, eds. Barrio et al., pp. 417â44, esp. 422â23.
The problems within the Union would coincide with the arrival of Pedro iv. See Esteban Sarasa and Carmen Orcástegui Gros, âEl rechazo de la aventura mediterránea y la manifestación de las contradicciones internas: la consolidación del reino y los comienzos de la crisis (1276â1336),â Historia de Aragón 6 (1985), 11â46.
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Libri Antiquitatum Sedis Barcinonensis: drawings of the seals belonging to Pascalis i and Alexander iii (13th century).
© Arxiu Capitular de la Catedral. Catedral de Barcelona (with its kind permission)
Left: Capbreu de Colliure (1292). Right: Bull of Jaime ii (1293)
a) © archives départementales des pyrénées-orientales, 1b29 (with its kind permission). b) published by sagarra, sigil·lografia, fig. 39
Wax seal belonging to Jaime ii (1295)
published by sagarra, sigil·lografia, fig. 40
Tercer Llibre Verd, fols. 102v and 75r (c. 1333)
© arxiu històric de la ciutat de barcelona (with its kind permission)
