2.1 Divorce Court
The constitutional principles1 in the Duchy of Warsaw were: equality of all citizens before the law (Art. 4), public court proceedings (Art. 70), and independence of the judges (Art. 74). Moreover, legal acts of lower levels stipulated that judges must be professional, as all those who embarked on a career path in the judiciary (with the exception of justices of the peace) were required to hold a degree in law and to pass the relevant exam.2 It must be noted, however, that these requirements did not apply to people appointed to functions in the judiciary during its original organization in 1808 (1809 in Galicia).3
Peace courts, of which in practice there were a few more than the constitution stipulated, examined both civil and criminal cases. Unlike in France, where the entire jurisdiction of the peace court was exercised by a justice of the peace,6 in Poland each peace court included two divisions. At the so-called conciliation division, the justice of the peace adjudicated personally. There were three of them in each court, and they alternated in the performance of duties every four months. In order to successfully file a case with the civil court of first instance, first a mediation attempt had to be made before the conciliation division. One other competence of the justice of the peace was presiding over family assemblies. Moreover, each peace court had a podsędek, who was an official with his own jurisdictional competence. He ruled in criminal cases (the maximum punishment he could impose was up to six months of imprisonment or a flogging of up to 100 lashes) and in disputed civil cases that fell under the jurisdiction of the peace court (cases involving claims of minor value, possessory claims, cases related to letting to hire and other categories of cases stipulated by the relevant regulations).7
Courts that ranked higher in the hierarchy were divided into two categories: civil and criminal. The civil courts were divided into civil tribunals of first instance, (which unlike the French tribunaux de premiere instance8 did not handle correctional cases, and their jurisdiction covered not communal districts [arrondissements communaux], but departments), and an appellate
The structure of the civil tribunals of first instance of each department was essentially the same: each of them was to be composed of a president, six judges and three assessors11 who judged cases in panels of three, organized into two departments.12 For more complex cases, which necessarily included divorce proceedings (Art. 245 and 256 of the cc), a judge-rapporteur was appointed from the panel to draft a report (relacja) (Art. 95 of the cpc). Judgements were rendered by a majority of votes (Art. 116 of the cpc).
Civil tribunals of first instance had jurisdiction over all cases that had not been transferred to other courts, including divorce cases.13 Judgements in cases with claims not exceeding 1,600 zlotys were final. Others could be appealed with the Court of Appeal. In addition, civil tribunals of first instance heard appeals against judgements delivered by podsędkowie (provided that the value of the object in dispute exceeded 80 zlotys).
Since, as already mentioned, examination of divorce cases in the first instance was within the jurisdiction of civil tribunals, it is appropriate to list all courts of this level that functioned in the Polish territories in the period when the Napoleonic divorce regulations were in force.
Moreover, in the Duchy of Warsaw commercial tribunals and the Court of Cassation were established. The judiciary thus organized also functioned in Congress Poland throughout the period in question, although the Constitution, while confirming the existing principles of organization of the judiciary, announced significant changes in the structure of courts. Important changes, however, took place primarily at the highest level: the Court of Cassation was replaced by the High National Court, and the cassation model was replaced by the appeal model.21 The fundamental core of the judiciary organization in the Duchy of Warsaw also survived in Kraków. Owing to the size of the Republic of Kraków, only one civil tribunal of first instance functioned there. Moreover, a Court of Appeal was organized in Kraków, which, in an expanded composition, also served as the Court of Third Instance. The most important changes occurred primarily at the highest level here. The procedure before the Court of Third Instance combined appeal and cassation elements. One original component was the involvement of the Faculty of Law of the Jagiellonian University in adjudicating cases.22
Court building of the First Instance Civil Tribunal in Kalisz
SOURCE: e. stawecki, album kaliskie. seria pierwsza zawierająca widoki samego miasta kalisza, warszawa 1858, illustration no 10
2.2 Prosecutor
The prosecutor is an official established by the King, on whom depends the most in respect of enforcement of laws and of court judgements. He is an official who cares for all minors and absent persons on behalf of the government; he is the one who supervises the civil status officials; he is a guardian of laws and all governmental integrity; he is the eyes of the minister. Through them, the minister learns of all the
activities of the administration of justice, through them, he sees how urgently judges consider cases, how often they convene, when these meetings start and finish, whether the members are present, whether their names are recorded on attendance lists next to all the minutes of decrees issued.26
Article 83 of the cpc stipulated that a prosecutor be informed of all cases of specified categories (among others related to government assets, civil status of persons, the lack of jurisdiction of courts, holding judges accountable, missing persons and married women without their husbands’ authorization). Nevertheless, the prosecutor’s duties concerning the course of divorce cases resulted, above all, from the Napoleonic Code.27 It should be emphasized that merely to notify the prosecutor about cases of this kind was not enough. His active participation in the proceedings was required (only in cases at joint petition was the prosecutor’s participation quite limited).
The prosecutor was notified about divorce petitions already at the stage of conciliation proceedings (Art. 239 of the cc). Next, he was obligatorily presented with the case files prior to the public hearing (Art. 245 of the cc) and upon the completion of evidentiary proceedings (Art. 256 of the cc). The prosecutor also received the files in cases instigated at joint petition of spouses (Art. 288 of the cc). In proceedings initiated for a determined cause, the participation of the prosecutor, or his taking of a position, was obligatory at many stages. He had to award or suspend the permission to cite the other spouse (Art. 240 of the cc), give his view on the exceptions of law (if raised, Art. 246 of the cc), on the exceptions against witnesses (Art. 250 of the cc) and on the merits of the case before the proceedings in the first instance finished (Art. 247 of the cc when evidentiary proceedings were not necessary and Art. 257 of the cc when evidentiary proceedings were conducted). The prosecutor’s presence was required both at public hearings and at sittings with closed doors (Art. 253 of the cc).28
2.3
Officials called huissiers played a very significant role in the organization of the French judiciary.38 Their most important tasks included the service of court correspondence and the enforcement of judgements. By the decree of 29 August 1809, Frederick Augustus ordered them to be titled burgraves.39 Nevertheless, soon after, by the decree of 14 October 1811, the monarch decided to distribute the powers of the huissiers among the new categories of officials, that is, woźni and komornicy.40
Article 2 of the cited act stipulated that the service of court correspondence would be the responsibility of woźni. Moreover, a separate category of woźni was to maintain order during hearings (Art. 5). The enforcement of judgements, in turn, was entrusted to komornicy (Art. 8).
I have not come across any mentions of woźni who maintained order during hearings in the source material covered by my query.41 Komornicy and woźni responsible for correspondence appear in court records mainly in relation to annotations concerning the service of letters.42
2.4
As per Art. 23 of Organizacja sądownictwa cywilnego z dnia 13 maja 1808 r. each civil tribunal of first instance was to have a clerk and an underclerk. Moreover, pursuant to Art. 25 of the said act, when the panel of a given division was chaired by the president of the tribunal, the hearings were recorded by the clerk, and when they were chaired by another judge, the person taking minutes was the underclerk.
Besides taking minutes at hearings,43 the competences of the clerk included issuing all kinds of documents to the parties, for example attesting that the judgement had not been contested,44 or to the contrary, that an appeal measure had been lodged.45
2.5 Legal Position of the Parties
The parties to divorce proceedings were, necessarily, the spouses (although it was not rare for the defendant not to show up). Since the proceedings were dispositive, both could enter means of evidence (Art. 242–243 of the cc),46 present questions for the witnesses (Art. 254 of the cc), raise exceptions (Art. 168 and 173 of the cpc, Art. 235 of the cc),47 appeal against judgements (Art. 443 of the cpc),48 and so on. While such a position of men was the standard, in respect of women it was not at all obvious. Pursuant to the Code civil, a married woman was subordinate to her husband. In the reality of that time, this was nothing unusual. Suffice it to say that both civil codes contemporary to the Napoleonic Code, which occupy a similar position in the history of the European codification movement, that is the Prussian Landrecht of 1794 and
Pursuant to the Napoleonic Code, a married woman of course had legal capacity, but her capacity to sue and to perform acts in law was in many instances restricted by the requirement to have her husband’s consent. In principle, a married woman could not sue nor perform any other procedural acts without her husband’s authorization (Art. 215 of the cc). Her capacity to perform acts in law was somewhat broader, although still very much limited. To wit, a married woman, even if “separate in property”, could not give, alienate, pledge or acquire by free or chargeable title without her husband’s consent. Thus, she practically was unable to contract any liabilities.50 It also merits a mention that she needed her husband’s permission to conduct a trading business (Art. 4 of Code de commerce of 1807).51
Therefore, in principle, a married woman’s capacity to sue was virtually non-existent, and her capacity to perform acts in law was severely limited. Many detailed provisions of the Napoleonic Code, however, made serious dents in these principles. First of all, practically always whenever the husband refused his consent, the wife could turn to court to obtain it (Art. 219 of the cc). Moreover, the husband’s consent was not required to appear before court in criminal cases (Art. 216 of the cc), nor–which is of particular interest here–to petition for divorce (Art. 241 of the cc) and for separation52 (Art. 875 and 878 of the cpc).53 The same applied to entering a lawsuit for the dissolution of community property (Art. 865 of the cpc).54
In the event of dissolution of community property (for example as a result of separation or judicial separation of property), a woman could dispose of movables without any restrictions (Art. 1449 of the cc). The same occurred when the spouses agreed in their prenuptial contract that they would keep their property separate (Art. 1536 and 1538 of the cc). Furthermore, a married woman could make a last will (Art. 226 of the cc), revoke a donation made in favour or her husband during the course of marriage (Art. 1096 of
The civil incapacity of a married woman is based upon a number of reasons. The first, and at the same time the most important one, is that husbands generally have more of a natural aptitude for administering business affairs. It is true that widows and adult unmarried women are no longer subject to care, as in Rome, and that the law now recognizes them as capable of running their own affairs. But when it is easy, as in marriage, to give women advice and guidance, the incapacity imposed on them by law is fully justified.60
2.6
French models were only partially applied in the organization of advocates in the Duchy of Warsaw.61 Legal representatives were divided into categories depending on the type of court at which they worked. A legal representative established at a hierarchically lower court could not appear before a hierarchically higher one. There was no professional self-government.62
In cases before civil tribunals of first instance, mandatory representation was a general rule: each of the parties had to establish a legal representative (Art. 61 par. 1 and Art. 75 of the cpc).63 The same was true at the stage of court hearings in divorce cases (although mediation proceedings were regulated most specifically). The petitioner established his or her representative in the petition (ajournement; Art. 61 point 1 of the cpc read in conjunction with Art. 241 of the cc),64 and the defendant was to do it upon receiving the petition (Art. 75 of the cpc).65
I have also come across a few documents containing powers of attorney granted by defendants. These were usually defendants who could not participate in person in the trial or part thereof, and they granted very broad powers to their representatives (which can be explained as resulting precisely from the principal’s absence).66
Once the petition for divorce was lodged, both parties were bound by mandatory representation, and moreover, despite having authorized a representative, the petitioner had to appear before the court personally (with the representative – Art. 248 of the cc).68 Sometimes, although rarely, one of the parties had more than one representative.69 In the case of a divorce trial at joint petition, both spouses were required to appear, while representatives were not obligatory (Art. 281 and 286 of the cc).70 Based on the source material covered by the query it is usually difficult to assess just how involved the representatives were in the cases entrusted to them. It follows from the minutes that they almost always showed at hearings (this of course does not apply to representatives of defendants sued in cases of divorce in absentia, who likely were usually not established) and presented the position of their principals whenever required to do so (most frequently orally, but sometimes also in writing).71 It was rare for them to get into elaborate legal arguments, however. This, of course, does not have to mean that they were not sufficiently dedicated. It could result from the fact that legal issues requiring complex analyses rarely came up in divorce cases. Nonetheless, such problems did occur in practice, for example with the understanding and application of the terms concubine72 or outrageous conduct, ill-usage, or grievous injuries (excès, sévices ou injures graves).73
Jean Ignace Isidore Gerard, aka Grandville, image with caption: Et dans cette demande en séparation, Messieurs, observes bien deux choses!… [Gentlemen, taking this separation petition into consideration, please look at these two things!]SOURCE: c. veth, der advokat in der karikatur, berlin 1927, p. 53
2.7
France was the first large European country to decide to have its civil status records kept by civil servants, without the participation of the clergy. This goal was ultimately achieved, but not without numerous obstacles.74 Introduction of the secular model of registering civil status records in the Polish territories ruled by Napoleon turned out to be more difficult than in the Empire. The main reason for this was that the reception of the Napoleonic administrative model proved possible only to a limited degree. As far as the French model went, only departments and powiaty, which were the equivalent of districts, were
The principles of nominating civil status officials was governed by the Regulation drafted at a session of the Council of Ministers held on 21 April 1808.77 Pursuant to this regulation, specialized civil status officials, who would not combine the keeping of civil status records with any other public function, were to be appointed in Warsaw only (point 6).78 In other cities, civil status records were entrusted to presidents and mayors (point 1), and in villages with parishes but without significant numbers of Jewish residents, to parish priests (point 2). In villages with a considerable population of religious dissenters, someone else than the parish priest had to be appointed, for example the organist (point 3).
The provisions of the Regulation were in principle confirmed in the decree of 9 May 1808 On Nominations (Art. 24 and 28).79 Interestingly, the listed registrars included some rabbis. On the other hand, Organization of the Civil Judiciary of 13 May 1808 stipulated in its Art. 13 that each commune would have a civil status official responsible for the registration of civil status records. Civil status officials were nominated by the minister of justice.80
The literature of the subject propagates the erroneous opinion that outside of Warsaw (and perhaps some other places where the population was not religiously homogeneous) the civil status records were maintained exclusively by Roman Catholic parish priests.84 Archive queries, however, prove that even though parish priests formed the majority of civil status officials in the
- 1)Roman Catholic parish priests,
- 2)parish leaders of other congregations,
- 3)lay persons responsible for the comprehensive maintenance of civil status records,
- 4)lay persons responsible for keeping special civil status records that existed alongside those maintained by the local parish priest, used for recording acts contrary to canon law (divorces, solely civil weddings and their announcements).85
2.7.1 Roman Catholic Parish Priests
In the enforcement of the decree of 23 February 1809, the wording “clergymen responsible for parish duties” is translated literally. Some Catholic priests apply it to the geographic area, forcing the followers of other religions residing in their parishes to record civil status events with them.91
The minister had a clearly negative opinion of such practices.92 Yet this problem could not be solved by increasing the number of lay civil status officials. To the contrary, in some places the parish priests took over keeping registers from lay officials even before the reform introduced by Book i of the Civil Code of the Kingdom of Poland.93
My query shows that Catholic priests generally observed the forms provided for by the state law, which required the recording of slightly different data than canon law. The issue was with observing the time limits for performing these duties.94 The fact that the activities of ecclesiastical civil status officials required constant supervision is attested to by the report of the Government Justice Commission of 15 February 1818,95 in which the Commission notifies the namiestnik of unusually bustling activity, or even overzealousness, of civil tribunal prosecutors and justices of the peace in this respect.96
2.7.2 Parish Leaders of Other Congregations
Each parish has its area, which is not the same as the political unit. Parishes of different religions are located in a single district of the country, and these religions have their own and inconstant boundaries, places of worship and residences of priests.105
This heterogeneity resulted in problems, both for regular citizens and for peace courts which, pursuant to the act of 18 March 1809106 supervised civil status officials. This raised some practical difficulties as the division into parishes
2.7.3 Lay Persons Responsible for the Comprehensive Maintenance of Civil Status Records
The third category comprised laymen who comprehensively kept civil status records in a given area. It was rare for this to be their primary occupation; this probably happened only in Warsaw and possibly also in Kalisz.109 Usually to laymen, just like to clergymen, keeping civil status records was something they did alongside their main professional activity. They were often city presidents and mayors110 or magistrates.111 At least three were employed as teachers.112
2.7.4 Lay Persons Recording Events Contrary to Canon Law
The last group of civil status registrars consisted of laymen recording events contrary to canon law, simultaneously with parish priests in a given area. They only kept track of events that were not admissible in light of canon law, that is, divorces, solely civil weddings and their announcement. Such was the situation in Zamość, where the mayor acted in this capacity114; in Kielce, where the function was exercised by the municipality president115; and in Jastrząb (Radom Department), where two people filled this role at the same time: the mayor and probably one of the magistracy clerks.116 While in Zamość and in Kielce separate books were set up for recording these events, in Jastrząb lay officials in 1815 made an entry on divorce in the same records that were otherwise kept by the local vicar.
This was also the direction in which the practice in Łomża evolved with time, where records maintained by the local parish priests contain three entries on divorce, made in three different ways. In June 1814, a dissolution
Sometimes mayors acted in the capacity of civil status registrars by pure accident. For example, in 1822 the local parish priest from Cieszęcin refused to record the divorce of Ludwika and Wincenty Podlecki, which had been pronounced by the civil tribunal in Kalisz. Ludwika Podlecka turned to the tribunal, asking it to authorize the mayor of the nearby town of Wieruszów to record it. The tribunal granted her petition.121
Dziennik Praw, vol. 1, p. ii et seq.
The royal decrees regulated several types of exams that were required for particular positions. In order to take up the position of a secretary at a civil tribunal of first instance, at a criminal or appeal court, as well as of a clerk (pisarz) or underclerk (podpisarz) at a court of peace, it was necessary to complete a law course at the Warsaw School of Law and pass a public examination (Art. 1 of the decree dated 11 July 1809 Względem egzaminów urzędników sądowych [On Examinations of Court Officials], Dziennik Praw, vol. 1, p. 298 et seq.). The course of examinations at the School of Law, in turn, was determined by the royal decree of 24 May 1808 o organizacji i przebiegu studiów w Szkole Prawa w Warszawie [On the Organization and Course of Studies at the School of Law in Warsaw] (Ustawodawstwo Księstwa Warszawskiego. Akty normatywne władzy najwyższej, vol. 1: 1807–1808, eds. W. Bartel, J. Kosim, W. Rostocki, Warszawa 1964, p. 106 et seq.). Pursuant to this decree, at the end of each year of study (which lasted three years), students sat examinations before committees composed of three teachers. Moreover, after the second and third year of studies, they could take public exams before the School’s Board of Trustees appointed by the minister of justice. Part of the Roman law exam was held in Latin, and the rest in Polish. In order to take higher positions in the judiciary, candidates had to pass the examination for assessors or judges (both before commissions appointed by the minister). The exam for assessors covered Roman law, land law, Napoleonic Code, Commercial Code, criminal law, procedure, Constitution, organization of courts and of the notarial profession (Art. 13 of the decree of 11 July 1809). The scope of the material covered by the judicial examination was somewhat broader and included: the law of nature, history of law, Roman law, canon law, land law, Prussian law, Constitution, organization of the judiciary, Napoleonic Code, procedure, Commercial Code and criminal law. It also covered practical cases (Art. 14 decree of July 11 1809).
W. Sobociński, Historia ustroju i prawa Księstwa Warszawskiego, Toruń 1964, p. 242.
Ibid, p. 240.
powiat is the second-level unit of local government and administration in Poland, equivalent to a county, district or prefecture.
Prawo cywilne obowiązujące w Królestwie Polskiem, ed. S. Zawadzki, Warszawa 1861, vol. 2, p. 164, footnote 1.
W. Sobociński, Historia ustroju i prawa …, pp. 243–245 and 282; for more on the number of peace courts: pp. 18 and 245; A. Rosner, Sądy pokoju w Księstwie Warszawskim. Kształt prawny, funkcjonowanie, sędziowie i urzędnicy (Ph.D. thesis: Library of the Faculty of Law and Administration of the University of Warsaw), Warszawa 1985, pp. 45–47.
Loi sur l’organisation des tribunaux (27 ventôse an viii – 18 March 1800), Title ii, Art. 7, [in:] J. B. Duvergier, Collection complete des lois, décrets, ordonnances, réglements, avis du Conseil d’État, Paris 1827, vol. 12, p. 167.
Organizacja sądownictwa cywilnego z dnia 13 maja 1808 r., Art. 28, [in:] Zbiór Przepisów Administracyjnych Królestwa Polskiego, Wydział Sprawiedliwości, Warszawa 1867, p. 2, vol. 6.
Loi sur l’organisation des tribunaux …, Title iii, Art. 21, p. 169.
Organizacja sądownictwa cywilnego z dnia 13 maja 1808 r., Art. 23. In reality, on 22 and 28 April 1808, Frederick Augustus appointed the presidents of all six tribunals, as well as: five judges and four assessors in Warsaw, six judges and four assessors in Poznań, six judges and four assessors in Kalisz, five judges and three assessors in Płock, five judges and two assessors in Łomża, five judges and three assessors in Bydgoszcz (Dziennik Praw tyczący się nominacji urzędników, vol. 1, pp. 16–20 and 22–24). Some of these positions were already filled by 28 May 1808 (Dziennik Praw tyczący się …, vol. 1, pp. 36–37). The subsequent nominations took place, among others, on 14 July 1808 (Dziennik Praw tyczący się …, vol. 1, pp. 59–60).
Organizacja sądownictwa cywilnego z dnia 13 maja 1808 r., Art. 24. With time, however, second divisions were established in Warsaw and in Kraków [Cyrkuł viii, vol. 54, p. 130 (no. 40)]. In other tribunals, the second divisions were abolished. (Zbiór przepisów administracyjnych Królestwa Polskiego, Wydział Sprawiedliwości, p. 2, vol. 6, p. 105, footnote 1 and p. 107, footnote 1). In practice, cases were sometimes considered by larger panels, for example: TCKal, vol. 1, fol. 95, vol. 6, fol. 101, vol. 291, fol. 46; Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 6, fol. 69 and 259, vol. 9, fol. 21; TCKrak, vol. 250, case no. 2 [s.l.].
This also resulted from Art. 234 of the cc.
In practice, courts commenced their operations somewhat later. The earliest entries in the records of cases of the Kalisz tribunal are from June 1808, and of the Bydgoszcz tribunal–from July 1808.
Historia państwa i prawa Polski, vol. 3: Od rozbiorów do uwłaszczenia, ed. J. Bardach, M. Senkowska-Gluck, Warszawa 1981, p. 592.
Zbiór przepisów administracyjnych Królestwa Polskiego, Wydział Sprawiedliwości, p. 2, vol. 7, pp. 151–155; Historia państwa i prawa Polski, vol. 3: Od rozbiorów …, p. 472; A. Heylman, O sądownictwie w Królestwie Polskim, Warszawa 1934, p. 41.
Dziennik Praw, vol. 2, p. 221.
H. Maciszewski, Historia Rzeczypospolitej Krakowskiej, Kraków 1851, vol. 1, p. 330.
Postanowienie namiestnika z 6 sierpnia 1816 r. przenoszące stolicę województwa krakowskiego z miasta Miechowa, z powodu niedogodności, do miasta Kielc do dóbr narodowych należącego, Dziennik Praw, vol. 1, pp. 429–430; Zbiór przepisów administracyjnych …, p. 2, vol. 7, pp. 147–149. Voivodeship authorities actually moved to Kielce in 1818 (B. Markowski, Z dziejów gospodarki miejskiej w Kielcach, Warszawa 1930, p. 20).
Z. Zarzycki, Rozwód w świetle akt Sądu Okręgowego w Krakowie w l. 1918–39, Kraków 2010, p. 41.
P. Pomianowski, Początki polskiego czasopiśmiennictwa prawniczego. Seria pierwsza Themis Polskiej, Warszawa 2015, p. 151 et seq. The commercial judiciary also underwent changes.
B. Fidelus, Rozwód w orzecznictwie sądów Wolnego Miasta Krakowa w latach 1815–1833 na tle przepisów prawa małżeńskiego osobowego (Ph.D. thesis: Jagiellonian University Archives), Kraków 1982, p. 45 et seq.; Historia państwa i prawa Polski, vol. 3: Od rozbiorów …, pp. 817–818. An example of a case in which the opinion of the Faculty of Professors and Doctors of Law of the Jagiellonian University survived to our times: Krakowskie sądy wyższe, vol. 194, pp. 915–918.
For more on how this model was shaped: R. Hube, “O prokuratorach we Francji”, Themis Polska 1828, vol. 2, pp. 1–32.
W. Sobociński, Prokuratura Sądu kasacyjnego w Księstwie Warszawskim, Toruń 1993, p. 27.
W. Sobociński, Historia ustroju i prawa …, p. 252; Organizacja sądownictwa cywilnego z dnia 13 maja 1808 r., Art. 36.
Zbiór Przepisów Administracyjnych …, p. 2, vol. 7, p. 331.
Although in some rare cases the court cited Code de procédure rather than the Napoleonic Code, for example: Cyrkuł iii, vol. 99, fol. 45.
As well as during judges’ deliberations (Zbiór Przepisów Administracyjnych …, p. 2, vol. 8, p. 335; H. Chwalibóg, Wykład kodexu postępowania cywilnego, Warszawa 1874, p. 185). In principle, the prosecutor presented his statements in public (Zbiór Przepisów Administracyjnych …, p. 2, vol. 8, p. 337).
For example: Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 24, p. 28, vol. 24, p. 45 (prosecutor referred to as commissioner of the government; Pol. ‘urząd cywilny’, literally ‘public office’); TCKal, vol. 731, p. 201 (here a civil prosecutor, Pol. ‘prokurator cywilny’ is mentioned).
For example: TCKal, vol. 317, fol. 308, vol. 319, fol. 241v, vol. 330, fol. 145; TCKrak, vol. 193: Księga II wyroków cywilnych … Wydział I. 1828, p. 1115. It should be noted that copies of judgements or decisions should contain the conclusions of the Prosecutor in full, if made in writing (Rozporządzenie Komisji Rządowej Sprawiedliwości d. 15 marca 1820 r. nr. 2740, [in:] Prawo cywilne obowiązujące w Królestwie Polskiem, publ. S. Zawadzki, Warszawa 1861, vol. 2, p. 234).
For example: TCKal, vol. 55, fol. 35–35v, vol. 59, fol. 145–146.
For example: TCKal, vol. 9, fol. 248–248. In turn, grounds of judgements delivered in Warsaw often quoted the final position of the prosecutor, made in writing and read at the hearing, in extenso. For example: Cyrkuł iii, vol. 110, fol. 21v–22v.
For example: Cyrkuł iii, vol. 108, fol. 16 et seq. There were some exceptions, namely judgements of 12 February 1812, of 28 August 1815, of 1 February 1819, of 26 April 1819 and of 22 April 1822, in which the Kalisz tribunal granted divorce despite the prosecutor’s conclusions to the contrary (TCKal, vol. 9, fol. 246 et seq., vol. 21, fol. 393 et seq., vol. 313, fol. 108 et seq. and fol. 538 et seq., vol. 323, fol. 829 et seq.); similarly: Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 6, p. 19 et seq., vol. 30, p. 169; Cyrkuł iii, vol. 120, fol. 67v; TCByd, vol. 8, pp. 94–95.
For example: Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 24, p. 7 and 43; TCKal, vol. 9, p. 121.
For example: TCKal, vol. 9, p. 260.
For example: Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 24, p. 35.
Zbiór Przepisów Administracyjnych …, p. 2, vol. 8, p. 333.
Mentioned in the following articles of Code de procédure: 1, 16, 20, 45, 52, 61, 62, 66–68, 132, 143, 144, 153, 156, 199, 200, 293, 329, 350, 435, 438, 507, 556, 562, 585, 587, 590, 591, 596, 597, 609, 611, 625, 673, 675, 685, 780, 783–785, 787–790, 795, 802, 808, 832, 901. Cf: Prawo cywilne obowiązujące w Królestwie Polskiem …, p. 613 et seq. Discussion of this institution: T. Królasik, Francuski model postępowania egzekucyjnego w Księstwie Warszawskim i w Królestwie Polskim w latach 1808–1823 (Ph.D. thesis: Library of the Faculty of Law and Administration of the University of Warsaw), Warszawa 2018, p. 39 et seq.
Dziennik Praw, vol. 2, p. 45. The name of this office appeared earlier at the Kalisz tribunal (TCKal, vol. 1, fol. 96v, vol. 291, fol. 463).
Dziennik Praw, vol. 3, p. 407.
Unless we consider annotations on closing doors as such, for example: TCKal, vol. 298, fol. 135.
For example: Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 46, p. 72 (in this case one of the judgement copies was served to the prosecutor and not to the defendant); similarly: vol. 33, p. 318. An annotation of service to a party’s representative: Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 24, p. 32; similarly: vol. 33, pp. 161–162. Annotation on service to a party: Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 24, p. 343, vol. 33, p. 445 (here also annotations that both parties refused to sign for the judgement served). Annotation on the service of a judgement to a defendant serving time at a maximum security prison: Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 39, p. 125.
The headings of minutes and judgements always contained the name of the clerk, besides the names of the adjudicating panel members. For example: Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 24, p. 149; Krakowskie sądy wyższe, vol. 240: Wyroki cywilne sądu apelacyjnego 1818, p. 943.
For example: Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 22, p. 55, vol. 46, pp. 81 and 91.
For example: Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 46, p. 161.
These provisions apply to witnesses and other evidence, and in relation to the defendant, only his or her right to enter witnesses is mentioned. It may be assumed, however, that defendants would also be able to enter other means of evidence pursuant to Code de procédure.
Art. 235 of the cc applied only to the defendant.
Appeals against judgements declaring that there was no ground for divorce could only be lodged by both spouses in two separate acts (Art. 291 of the cc).
Landrecht, p. ii, Title 1, § 184; ABGB § 91; K. Sójka-Zielińska, Wielkie kodyfikacje …, p. 110.
P. Burzyński, Wykład prawa cywilnego francuzkiego, Kraków 1852, vol. 1, p. 268.
La femme ne peut étre marchande public sans le consentement de son mari (Code de commerce, Paris 1807).
Le Droit civil français, par K. S. Zachariae, traduit de l’allemand sur la 5e édition, annoté et rétabli suivant l’ordre du Code Napoléon, ed. G. Massé, Ch. Vergé, Paris 1854, vol. 1, p. 233.
J. A. Rogron, Code de procédure civile expliqué par ses motifs, par des exemples, et par la jurisprudence: avec la solution, sous chaque article, des difficultés, ainsi que des principales questions que présente le texte, et la définition de tous les termes de droit, Paris 1841, p. 1040.
Ibid, p. 852.
Also some other provisions of property marriage law made certain concessions in favour of married women: for example Art. 1534 of the cc.
Le Droit civil français, par K. S. Zachariae, traduit de l’allemand sur la 5e édition, annoté et rétabli suivant l’ordre du Code Napoléon, ed. G. Massé, Ch. Vergé, Paris 1854, t. 1, p. 234.
Delsol, J. J., Explication élémentaire du Code Napoléon, mise en rapport avec la doctrine et la jurisprudence, Paris, 1867, v. 1, p. 234.
P. Burzyński, Wykład prawa cywilnego francuzkiego …, p. 270.
Ibid, p. 265.
J. J. Delsol, Explication élémentaire du Code Napoléon …, v. 1, pp. 224–225: Incapacité de la femme mariée. – L’incapacité de la femme mariée est fondée sur plusieurs raisons. La première et la plus grave est que le mari a généralement, pour l’administration des affaires, une aptitude naturelle supérieure à celle de la femme. 11 est vrai que les veuves ou les filles ayant atteint leur majorité ne sont plus, comme à Rome, soumises à la tutelle, et que la loi les répute suffisamment capables pour la direction de leurs intérêts. Mais lorsqu’il est facile, comme dans le mariage, de donner aux femmes un conseil et un guide, l’incapacité que la loi leur impose se trouve pleinement justifiée.
W. Sobociński, Mecenasi przy Sądzie kasacyjnym Księstwa Warszawskiego, [in:] Szkice z dziejów adwokatury, series 3, ed. R. Łuczywek, Warszawa 1983, pp. 20–21.
A. Redzik, T. J. Kotliński, Historia adwokatury, Warszawa 2014, p. 92 et seq.
W. Sobociński, Historia ustroju i prawa …, pp. 253–254; Historia państwa i prawa Polski, vol. 3: Od rozbiorów …, p. 155; J. A. Rogron, J. A., Code de procédure civile expliqué par ses motifs …, p. 204, H. Krzyżanowski, Zasady postępowania sądowego cywilnego, Warszawa 1864, p. 204; A. Łabęcki, Krótki rys processu stosownego do Kodexu Napoleona, przedstawiony z zlecenia JW. ministra sprawiedliwości z przyłączeniem nót i stosownych artykułów, Warszawa 1808, pp. 5–6.
J. A. Rogron, Code de procédure civile expliqué par ses motifs, p. 175. Documents of this type were not, however, necessary: The court believed “public defenders” who were subordinate to it as a special type of officials. This was, in a way, an acknowledgement of the unilateral nature of the act of granting power of attorney, whose commission and acceptance left no trace in the files (W. Sobociński, Mecenasi przy Sądzie kasacyjnym …, p. 37).
An example of establishment of a representative by a defendant at a hearing: TCByd, vol. 14, p. 172.
The divorce trial of Karolina and Aleksander Chodkiewicz is an example of such a case. In this case, the defendant gave detailed instructions to his or her representatives, albeit from a distance (Archiwum Młynowskie Chodkiewiczów, pp. 89–95). Commentary: M. Chachaj, Poufne instrukcje dla adwokatów Aleksandra Chodkiewicza w sprawie rozwodowej z Karoliną z Walewskich, [in:] Zbrodnie, sensacje i katastrofy w prasie polskiej do 1914 roku, eds. K. Stępnik, M. Gabryś, Lublin 2010, pp. 67–78.
Cyrkuł iii, vol. 99, fol. 88–90. Another principal, by the name of Wojnicki, authorized his representative to reach a settlement. 99, fol. 3–4v). Some powers of attorney covered only specific acts, such as appearance before a civil status official at the pronouncement of divorce (Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 9, pp. 211 and 227). In one of the cases, it was necessary to present a power of attorney explicitly allowing the representative to give judicial acknowledgement as per Art. 1356 of the cc (Cyrkuł iii, vol. 97, fol. 11–14).
Although the literal interpretation of Art. 242 of the cc may suggest that the defendant could act without a representative in the trial, I have not come across such an occurrence. The Kalisz tribunal has also pointed out the indispensability of personal appearance (TCKal, vol. 299, fol. 81).
TCKal, vol. 299, fol. 81, vol. 323, fol. 811.
Cf: TCKal, vol. 25, fol. 118.
For example: Krakowskie sądy wyższe, vol. 236: Wyroki cywilne sądu apelacyjnego (1816 r.), pp. 135–137.
TCKal, vol. 300, fol. 365–365v.
Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 24, p. 235.
G. Noiriel, “L’identification des citoyens. Naissance de l’état civil républicain”, Geneses. Sciences sociales et histoire 1993, no. 13, pp. 8–25. In the Illyrian Provinces, where the keeping of civil status records was usually in the hands of parish priests, it proved even more difficult to introduce their new type than in France proper (M. Senkowska-Gluck, “Rządy francuskie w Ilirii. Przykład nieudanej recepcji obcych instytucji”, Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 1975, vol. 27, fasc. 2, p. 246).
T. Mencel, “Gmina wiejska w Księstwie Warszawskim”, Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 1984, vol. 36, fasc. 1, pp. 66–67.
In the period of the Duchy of Warsaw, given the reluctance of clergymen to keep civil status records, an idea emerged to entrust this function to wójtowie. Yet, due to the general weakness of commune level administration, this idea was rejected (T. Mencel, Gmina wiejska …, pp. 51 and 62).
agad, Rada Stanu i Rada Ministrów Księstwa Warszawskiego, series 2, vol. 76, pp. 1–2; Diocesan Archives in Łomża: Fond ii – Akta ogólne, ref. no. 448, fols. 11v–12. The text of the Regulation has been published in an appendix to the article: P. Pomianowski, “Funkcjonowanie francuskiego modelu rejestracji stanu cywilnego w Polsce”, Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 2015, vol. 67, fasc. 1, p. 104.
List of nominations: Gazeta Warszawska 1808, no. 37, p. 593.
Dziennik Praw, vol. 1, pp. 54–55.
Minutes of the Council of State session held on 15 March 1808 indicate that the minister of justice already at this time was sending to parish priests forms pursuant to which civil status records are to be kept (Protokoły Rady Stanu Księstwa Warszawskiego 1807–1813, eds. B. Pawłowski, T. Mencel, M. Kallas, Toruń 1964, vol. 1, part 1, p. 199). The text of one of the nominations that accompanied them is presented by Witold Jemielity in: “Akta stanu cywilnego w Księstwie Warszawskim i Królestwie Polskim”, Prawo Kanoniczne 1995, no. 1–2 (38), pp. 165–166.
Dziennik Praw, vol. 1, p. 195 et seq. Moreover: Dekret z 18 marca 1809 roku dotyczący zastosowania przepisów Kodeksu Napoleona w sprawie aktów stanu cywilnego do systemu prawnego obowiązującego w Księstwie Warszawskim [the act of 18 March 1809 transferred the duties related to overseeing civil status records from civil tribunals to peace courts] (Dziennik Praw, vol. 1, p. 231 et seq.).
Perhaps this is why literature of the subject sometimes purports that parish priests did not take to keeping the records right away (A. J. Nowowiejski, Pasterologia, Płock 1930, p. 107; A. Molisiak, Akta stanu cywilnego, [in:] Nauka pasterzowania, ed. Z. Pilch, Kielce 1939, vol. 1, p. 154; W. Jemielity, Akta stanu cywilnego …, p. 164).
For example: Cyrkuł i; State Archives in Płock: Akta stanu cywilnego gminy Płock, powiat płocki [fond: 50/357], vol. 83; State Archives in Lublin: Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Rzymskokatolickiej w Zamościu [fond: 35/1964/0], vol. 40.
W. Dworzaczek, Genealogia, Warszawa 1959, p. 60; I. Dybus-Grosicka, Początki i rozwój rejestracji stanu cywilnego na ziemiach polskich, Prawo – Administracja – Kościół 2006, no. 3 (27), p. 76; M. Dyjakowska, Rejestracja stanu cywilnego w Księstwie Warszawskim i w Królestwie Polskim, Metryka 2013, no. 1, p. 19; W. Jemielity, Akta stanu cywilnego …, p. 164; A. Molisiak, Akta stanu …, p. 154; A. J. Nowowiejski, Pasterologia …, p. 107; W. Sobociński, Historia ustroju i prawa …, p. 181; Historia państwa i prawa Polski, vol. 3: Od rozbiorów …, p. 138; T. Walachowicz, “Kodeks Napoleona a kościelna dyscyplina małżeńska w dobie Księstwa Warszawskiego”, Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 1977, vol. xxiv, fasc. 5, p. 142; E. Ziółek, Między tronem …, p. 114; J. Skalski, Rzym a sprawy polskie w okresie porozbiorowym, Warszawa 1968, p. 12; G. Rychlik, Data urodzenia Fryderyka Chopina: ewaluacja źródeł, analiza informacji, konkluzja, Warszawa 2017, p. 138; F. Skarbek, Dzieje Księstwa Warszawskiego, Warszawa [1897], vol. 2, p. 80.
State Archives in Lublin: Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Rzymskokatolickiej w Zamościu [fond: 35/1964/0], vol. 40; State Archives in Kielce: Akta Urzędnika Stanu Cywilnego Powiatu Kieleckiego [fond: 21/1143/0], vol. 1–6.
P. Sygowski, Żydzi Janowca w latach 1811–1864 w świetle Ksiąg Urzędu Stanu Cywilnego z Archiwum Państwowego w Lublinie i Dokumentów Centralnych Władz Wyznaniowych z Archiwum Głównego Akt Dawnych w Warszawie, [in:] Historia i kultura Żydów Janowca nad Wisłą, Kazimierza Dolnego i Puław. Fenomen kulturowy miasteczka – sztetl. Materiały z sesji naukowej „V Janowieckie Spotkania Historyczne”. Janowiec nad Wisłą, 28 June 2003, ed. F. Jaroszyński, Janowiec 2003, p. 51; State Archives in Białystok (Łomża Branch): Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Rzymskokatolickiej w Łomży [fond: 5/514/0], vol. 60, entries no. 20 and 31; Archiwum Państwowe w Suwałkach: Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Rzymskokatolickiej w Augustowie [fond: 63/148/0], vol. 1, entry no. 1. Sometimes separate books were set up for Jews, for example: State Archives in Piotrków Trybunalski: Akta stanu cywilnego gminy Brzeziny [fond: 49/443/0], vol. 2.
Mowa jaśnie wielmożnego Franciszka Węgleńskiego posła hrubieszowskiego miana na posiedzeniu seymowym dnia 15 grudnia 1811 roku [Warszawa 1811], p. 2.
W. Dworzaczek, Genealogia …, p. 59. For more about such practices among Muslims in late 18th and early 19th century: A. Kołodziejczyk, “Przyczynek do historii Tatarów bialskich. Księga Małżeństw, Urodzin i Zgonów gminy mahometańskiej w Studziance ze zbiorów AP w Lublinie”, Archeion 1986, vol. 80, p. 229.
For example: State Archives in Lublin: Akta stanu cywilnego Gminy Mahometańskiej w Studziance [fond: 35/1800/0], series 1, vol. 1, fol. [22].
Dziennik Praw, vol. 1, p. 195.
agad, Rada Stanu i Rada Ministrów Księstwa Warszawskiego, series 2, vol. 76, p. 51.
Ibid. The division into parishes was not in line with the general administrative division of the country. Some parishes overlapped two powiats, which meant that the parish priests who acted as the civil status official fell under the jurisdiction of two peace courts (G. Trafalski, “Funkcjonowanie łowickich urzędników stanu cywilnego w latach 1808–1815”, Roczniki Łowickie 2015, vol. 13, pp. 53–54).
State Archives in Płock: Akta stanu cywilnego gminy Wyszogród, powiat płocki [fond: 50/370/0].
Judgement of the Łomża Voivodeship Tribunal of First Instance of 18 May 1816, Diocesan Archives in Łomża: Fond ii – Akta ogólne, ref. no. 6: Akta generalne konsystorza łomżyńskiego tyczące się korespondencji z Komisją Województwa Augustowskiego i innymi władzami cywilnymi 1816–1818 [s.l.].
agad, I Rada Stanu Krolestwa Polskiego (1810–1832), series 1, vol. 104, pp. 121–122.
Commentary: W. Witkowski, Komisja Rządowa Sprawiedliwości w Królestwie Polskim 1815–1876, Lublin 1986, pp. 178–179.
Pursuant to it: In order to appease the concerns of Catholic Clergy, our Minister of Justice shall issue Instructions for these Clergymen who perform the duties of Civil Status Officials, notifying them that they are not obliged to pronounce civil divorces, nor to announce the nuptials of those who have only civil divorces, nor to officiate the civil weddings of such persons, and that these shall be the competences of Presidents and Mayors, pursuant to provisions applicable in all these cases that shall be issued by the Minister of Justice (Dziennik Praw, vol. 1, p. 196). State Archives in Białystok (Łomża Branch) Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Rzymskokatolickiej w Łomży [fond: 5/514/0], vol. 58, entry no. 6; Parish Archives of the Holy Trinity Roman Catholic Church Parish in Grajewo: Akta Zaślubienia Gminy Grajewskiej Powiatu Biebrzańskiego w Województwie Augustowskiem na rok 1821, entry no. 3; State Archives in Radom: Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Rzymskokatolickiej Szydłowiec [fond: 58/166/0], vol. 10, p. 69. An example of officiating the wedding of a person with a civil divorce: G. Trafalski, “Alegata – źródło do badań genealogicznych. Aneksy z łowickich urzędów stanu cywilnego z lat 1808–1815”, Rocznik Lubelskiego Towarzystwa Genealogicznego 2014 (2015), vol. 6, p. 116. Sometimes, a priest assisted as a witness in the drafting of a divorce entry by a lay civil status registrar: Cyrkuł iv, vol. 17, fol. 98; similarly: State Archives in Płock: Akta stanu cywilnego gminy Płock, powiat płocki [fond: 50/357], vol. 82, p. 15.
Sześcioletnia korespondencja władz duchownych z rządem świeckim Księstwa Warszawskiego, Warszawa 1816, p. 385.
Ibid, pp. 386–389. In one of the later cases, faced with the resistance of another parish priest, the Kalisz tribunal authorized the mayor to pronounce a divorce, with the reservation that the entry must be passed on to the parish priest in order to be recorded in the relevant books (TCKal, vol. 48, fol. 429).
Damazy Dzierożyński also addressed the activity of pastors as civil status officials in: Instrukcja dokładna o urzędnikach i aktach stanu cywilnego, Warszawa 1813, p. 169; State Archives in Poznań: Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Ewangelickiej Bnin [fond: 53/3767/0]; Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Ewangelickiej Margonin [fond: 53/3813]; Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Ewangelickiej Zaborowo [fond: 53/ 3875]. In Płock, for some time the local pastor also kept the civil status records for Catholics (State Archives in Płock: Akta stanu cywilnego gminy Płock, powiat płocki [fond: 50/357], vol. 13). In Toruń, I came across an annotation on the possibility of a civil wedding concluded by a Catholic woman before a pastor (State Archives in Toruń: Gmina ewangelicka Nowe Miasto Toruń [fond: 69/277/0], vol. 99, p. 99).
State Archives in Lublin: Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Greckokatolickiej w Babicach (35/1617), Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Greckokatolickiej w Berdyszczach (35/1618), Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Greckokatolickiej w Bezwoli (35/1621), Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Greckokatolickiej w Buśnie (35/1629), Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Greckokatolickiej w Lubieniu (35/2051), Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Greckokatolickiej w Łaziskach (35/2054), Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Greckokatolickiej w Łosicach (35/2058), Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Greckokatolickiej w Milejowie (35/2072), Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Greckokatolickiej w Pawłowie (35/2092), Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Greckokatolickiej w Świerżach (35/2148), Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Greckokatolickiej w Tarnawie (35/2150), Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Greckokatolickiej w Terebelli (35/2155).
State Archives in Kielce: Akta stanu cywilnego greko-orientalnej cerkwi w Opatowie [fond: 24/658/0].
State Archives in Lublin: Akta stanu cywilnego Gminy Mahometańskiej w Studziance [fond: 35/1800/0], series 1, vol. 1 et seq.
agad, Rada Stanu i Rada Ministrów Księstwa Warszawskiego, series 2, vol. 76, p. 51. Cf: Dekret o zawieszeniu na okres lat dziesięciu wykonywania praw politycznych przez ludność żydowską zamieszkałą w Księstwie Warszawskim, [in:] Ustawodawstwo Księstwa Warszawskiego. Akty normatywne władzy najwyższej, vol. 1: 1807–1808, eds. W. Bartel, J. Kosim, W. Rostocki, Warszawa 1964, p. 148.
agad, Rada Stanu i Rada Ministrów Księstwa Warszawskiego, series 2, vol. 76, p. 49.
Dziennik Praw, vol. 1, p. 231 et seq.
agad, Rada Stanu i Rada Ministrów Księstwa Warszawskiego, series 2, vol. 76, pp. 49–51.
Dziennik Praw, vol. 5, p. 1.
Here, civil status registrars call themselves simply this, and not mayors or other officials acting in the capacity of civil status registrars. Besides the registrars from Warsaw, also Feliks Walderowicz from Kalisz referred to himself like this (for example: in a copy of a birth certificate attached to a court file–TCKal, vol. 323, fol. 431). Records kept by Walderowicz have survived to this day in the State Archives in Poznań, where they were erroneously listed as Księgi metrykalne parafii ewangelickiej w Kaliszu [Parish Books of the Lutheran Parish in Kalisz] (fond: 53/3882/0). Also Stanisław Załęski refers to Walderowicz as a civil status official in: O masonii w Polsce od roku 1742 do 1822 na źródłach wyłącznie masońskich, Kraków 1908, p. 147. This was also the title of Adam Heybowicz of Augustów (Diocesal Archives in Łomża: Fond ii – Akta ogólne, ref. no. 410: Akta rozwodowe Heybowiczów), of Ignacy Piotrowski of Płock (State Archives in Płock: Akta stanu cywilnego gminy Płock, powiat płocki [fond: 50/357], vol. 32, fol. 13) and of Mikołaj Morawski of Chocz (State Archives in Poznań: Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Rzymskokatolickiej Chocz (pow. pleszewski) [fond: 53/3613/0], vol. 1 et seq.).
Bełchatów (State Archives in Łódź: Akta stanu cywilnego gminy Bełchatów [fond: 39/1397/0]), Pyzdry (TCKal, vol. 313, fol. 187–187v), Błaszki (TCKal, vol. 305, fol. 223v), Mszczonów (State Archives in Warsaw; Akta stanu cywilnego gminy Mszczonów, powiat Grodzisk Mazowiecki [fond: 73/189/0], vol. 4, fol. 31), Łowicz (G. Trafalski, Allegata …, p. 116; Idem, Funkcjonowanie łowickich urzędników …, p. 50).
In Kraków it was Walenty Bartsch, first lay justice (Akta rozwodowe z terenu gmin, powiatu i miasta Krakowa, vol. 1, entry no. 2); M. Friedberg, L. Strojek, Walenty Bartsch, [in:] Polski Słownik Biograficzny, ed. W. Konopczyński, Kraków 1935, vol. 1, p. 332. In Płock, it was a cashier by the name of Szymon Dobrowolski (State Archives in Płock: Akta stanu cywilnego gminy Płock, powiat płocki [fond: 50/357] – for example: vol. 82).
State Archives in Płock: Akta stanu cywilnego gminy Wyszogród, powiat płocki [fond: 50/370], vol. 2; State Archives in Bydgoszcz: Akta metrykalne parafii rzymskokatolickiej w Bydgoszczy [fond: 6/ 240/0]–for example: vol. 12 and 15; Cyrkuł vi, vol. 110, annex no. 33.
Diocesan Archives in Łomża: Fond ii – Akta ogólne, ref. no. 6: Akta generalne konsystorza łomżyńskiego tyczące się korespondencji z Komisją Województwa Augustowskiego i innymi władzami cywilnymi 1816–1818 [n.p.]. The punished lay officials were: 1. J. P. Paweł Misztalewski (Zambrów), 2. well born Kazimierz Gosiewski (Zawady), 3. well born Krajewski (Szumowo), 4. well born Wiśniewski (Stary Lubotyń). Ecclesiastical officials: 1. Father Szadkowski (Łomża), 2. Father Pieńkowski (Piątnica), 3. Father Krajewski (Drozdowo), 4. Father Bóbr (Dobrzyjałowo), 5. Father Milewski (Kolno), 6. Father Borowski (Nowogród), 7. Father Mieczkowski (Kołaki), 8. Father Sokołowski (Rutkowo), 9. Father Przeździecki (Puchały).
State Archives in Lublin: Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Rzymskokatolickiej w Zamościu [fond: 35/1964/0], vol. 40; similarly: State Archives in Lublin: Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Rzymskokatolickiej w Radzyniu [fond: 35/1908/0], vol. 40, pp. 1–3, vol. 42, p. 6.
State Archives in Kielce: Akta Urzędnika Stanu Cywilnego Powiatu Kieleckiego [fond: 21/1143/0], vol. 1–6.
State Archives in Radom: Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Rzymskokatolickiej Jastrząb [fond: 58/137/0], series 1, vol. 4, unnumbered extra fol. between fols. 68 and 69.
State Archives in Białystok (Łomża Branch) Akta stanu cywilnego Parafii Rzymskokatolickiej w Łomży [fond: 5/514/0], vol. 58, certificate no. 6.
Ibid, vol. 58, certificate no. 53.
Ibid, vol. 60, certificate no. 11, fols. 29–29v.
Ibid, vol. 60, certificate no. 11, fol. 6–7.
TCKal, vol. 48, fol. 428–429.