1 René Sand: Social Medicine
In 1918, the Belgian government commissioned the Belgian social hygienist and pioneer of social medicine René Sand to conduct a study of Taylorism, or, as Sand himself defined it, âthe science of organizing,â which was occupied with mechanical efficiency and related physiological, psychological, and social factors.1 To this end, Sand visited factories, workshops, stores, insurance companies, public administrations, schools of various types and levels, museums, libraries, hospitals, social welfare institutions, and scientific, medical, labor, and employersâ associations in both the United States and England. He also spoke to politicians, lawyers, judges, publishers, journalists, bankers, writers, and ordinary people. The key lesson Sand drew from his research was that even if an enterprise was well organized from a material point of view, its functioning would be precarious if the human factor was not taken into account. The quality, economy, and continuity of the production relied on the workersâ health, assuring the ability to produce; general and vocational education, developing the talent to produce; and contentment, determining the willingness to produce. To Sand, it had become clear that industry was not simply about the art of fabricating. One had to adapt industry to men instead of the other way around. Efficiency does not go without beneficiency, he argued.2
What Sand proposed and advocated for was a social medicine that would play a pivotal role in urban-industrial society. Social medicine was conceived of as an umbrella science that, depending on where the emphasis was placed, either studied the medical factor in social problems or the social factors in medical questions. In that regard, social medicine was inextricably bound to the so-called social question and related processes of medicalization and educationalization.3 It was concerned with medical statistics and demography, referred to as the âphotography of the nationâ and the âcinematography of national lifeâ respectively4; social hygiene and pathology; health issues at the workplace; genetics and eugenics; as well as social, criminal, and educational anthropology, including experimental pedagogy, pedology, and pedotechnics.5 The latter is important for it not only demonstrates social medicineâs ambition to replace pedology as the new holistic bio-psycho-social paradigm, it also reveals a continued interest in progressive education.6 In this respect, two references stand out in Sandâs works: his acknowledgement of the work of his contemporary Ovide Decroly; and, related to his visit to the United States, his discussion of the public education system in Gary, Indiana.
2 Ovide Decroly: Pedagogical Therapy
As physicians, Sand and Decroly both looked at social problems and at the role education could play in dealing with them from a medical point of view. Although Ovide Decroly is first and foremost remembered for his pioneering
Modern urban-industrial society was a society plagued by social ills and diseasesâalcoholism, syphilis, and tuberculosis foremost among them.10 In the alleys of the large cities, children would therefore run the risk of picking âthe flowers of evil.â11 This applied in particular to the many poor and working-class children whose plight served as a metaphor for the destructive and pathogenic city. Decroly called those children âthe future recruits for the army of the degenerate who probably would end up in jail.â12 Deviant behavior was a symptom of
What was needed, Decroly argued, was a âpedagogical therapy.â15 Mental tests were applied in order to check the mental capacity of each child. These mental tests were to enable the homogenization of groups and the individualization of instruction. The real aim of these tests was to improve the pedagogical methods applied. A differential psychology had to correspond with an âindividual pedagogy.â16 This necessitated, however, a radical shift from a collective to an individualized way of instruction that would be in accordance with the mental capacity of each individual child. The Decroly Method not only was essentially based on the childâs main interests; it also ascribed an important role to educative games in the childâs learning process. Many of those games were derived from mental tests and became the quintessence of the intensification, or Taylorization, of the three Rs with a view to improving their efficiency.17 The ultimate goal was âto Taylorize instruction in order to valorize education.â18
Conceived of as a âpedagogy of efficiencyâ aiming at the socialization of as many children as possible, the Decroly Method used mental tests in order to determine norms for each category of pupils, such as the normal, the âpedagogically and medically backward,â and the more gifted child.19 In this respect, the benchmark was not the normal, that is, the average (compare Queteletâs notion of âthe average manâ), but the level of perfectibility of each different category.20 It therefore could be argued that Decrolyâs scientific work to a very large
3 Gary, Indiana: An Educational Wasteland
Had the Decroly Method materialized into a corresponding school building in the United States, it might have looked like the huge model schools in Gary, Indiana, based on John Deweyâs ideas: the Emerson and Froebel schools. Like the Decroly School in Brussels, they attracted visitors from all over the world who wanted to catch âa glimpse of the future.â24 Given the striking similarities, it is very likely that Decrolyâs pencil sketch of the ideal school is based on Graham Romeyn Taylorâs map showing the layout of Garyâs Froebel school as it was reproduced in Sandâs 1920 volume.25 The school buildings were designed by William B. Ittner (1864â1936), who has been called âthe most influential man
Garyâs superintendent of schools, William Wirt, had the âadvantage of having a virgin field in which to work.â30 One might also call it an educational wasteland. Essentially, the Gary Plan represented an effort to apply to an urban school system Deweyâs idea of education as an âembryonic community life.â31 Emphasis was on the school as âa social clearinghouse for the neighborhood.â32 In Deweyâs words: âUsing the school plant as a social center is recognition of the need for social change and of the communityâs responsibility to help effect it.â33 The most distinctive feature of the Gary Plan was the so-called âwork-study-play planâ or âplatoon system,â a way of doubling the capacity of the schools by taking advantage of the fact that when one group of pupils was using the auditoriums, shops, laboratories, and playgrounds, another group could make use of the classrooms.34
As Sandâs work underlines, the public education system in Gary, Indiana, is one of the most telling examples of progressive education in the United States.35 It has been discussed extensively in American scholarship on educational history.36 The Gary Plan is also the most comprehensive example of schools working with âa curriculum that is truly representative of the needs and conditions of a democratic society,â as discussed by Dewey and his daughter Evelyn in Schools of Tomorrow, published in 1915.37
As Garyâs history is inextricably bound up with both the heyday and the decline of the steel industry in the United States, the case of Gary can be seen as emblematic of the âage of steel.â Indeed, soon after the U.S. Steel Company was established in 1901, the company became a billion-dollar industrial empire and urgently needed more capacity to maintain its share of the booming steel market. In 1906, it started acquiring land in Lake County, Indiana, along the southern shore of Lake Michigan almost thirty miles southeast of Chicago. A new steel town arose that was named for Elbert Henry Gary (1846â1927), the first chairman of the board of U.S. Steel. Gary became a symbol of urban-industrial America in the Progressive Era, and it is considered the largest attempt at urban genesis and town planning ever undertaken by American industry.38 It was hailed as âa huge technical miracleâ and the âNew Industrial Utopia.â39 Garyâs steelmaking facilities were to be not only the worldâs largest at the time, covering an area of a square mile, but also the most modern, using the latest methods and technology.40 Because of its mushroom growth, Gary was called âAmericaâs Magic City of Steel.â41 In Deweyâs words, âthe town was made ⦠at a stroke and ha[d] grown rapidly from a waste of sand dunes to a prosperous
Soon after it was founded, Gary became a town of mostly Eastern and Southern European working-class immigrants.45 It instantly developed a vibrant community life offering public transport, sports facilities, city parks, playgrounds, public libraries, saloons, theaters, churches, settlement houses, beaches, and much more. The explosive growth to 55,000 inhabitants by 1920 and 100,000 by 1930 nevertheless brought a host of social problems. In its early years, Gary combined the tough atmosphere of a âfrontier boomtownâ with the virtues and vices of the âinstant city,â as well as the âtypical municipal evils of graft, franchise fights, saloon dominance, insufficient housing and health regulation, election frauds, and lack of social cohesion.â46 Offering the rare opportunity of planning a new city from scratch, backed by the financial and organizational resources of the huge industrial empire of U.S. Steel, Gary obviously represented an urban plannerâs dream. Alas, the dream quickly turned into a nightmare.47 Its dramatic growth did not prevent Gary from becoming a typical American city, or, like the historian Paul OâHara phrased it, even âthe most American of all American cities.â48
In order to avoid the urban tragedy of the model city of Pullman, Illinois, built in the 1880s, U.S. Steel, unlike the Pullman Company, did not aim to create a social utopia.49 In fact, different from Pullman, where the company owned all housing and exercised paternalistic control over the morals and behavior of the workers and their families, U.S. Steel conceived of Gary as a mere center of production âguided by geography, not philanthropy.â50 The physical structure created, as it were, three Garys: a mill town in the north alongside
It was in this context that Wirt decided to counter what he called the âeducation that the child gets on the streets and alleysââthus taking an approach that forms a striking parallel with Sandâs and Decrolyâs social-hygienist agenda.52 By removing the opportunity for wasted âstreet and alley timeâ and by placing the working-class immigrant child under âthe helpful, constructive influence of the school throughout the day,â Wirt hoped to develop âa full rounded character, as well as an efficient school product.â53 According to Dewey, â[h]ealth is as important from the social point of view as from the individual, so that attention to it is doubly necessary to a successful community.â54 What was needed, then, was âa reorganization of the ordinary schoolwork to meet the needs of this class of pupils [working-class children], so that they will wish to stay in school [instead of hanging around on the streets and alleys] for the value of what they are learning.â The ideal was not âto use the schools as tools
In Gary, the pupils had the opportunity to learn the specific skills for different professions: â[F]rom the first day he [the pupil] went to school he has been doing work that teaches the motives and principles of the uses to which the material world is put by his social environment, so that whatever work he goes into will really be a vocation, a calling in life, and not a mere routine engaged in only for the sake of pay.â56 It is the kind of âvocationalâ education Dewey distinguished from âtradeâ education, which he considered âan instrument of perpetuating unchanged the existing industrial order of society.â57 The place of industry in education was ânot to hurry the preparation of the individual pupil for his individual trade.â58 Learning was not the work of âsomething ready-made called mind.â According to Dewey, mind itself was an âorganization of original capacities into activities having significance.â59 Vocational training, then, became a means of transforming the existing industrial order of society. The democracy which proclaimed âequality of opportunityâ as its ideal required an education in which learning and social application, ideas and practice, work and recognition of the meaning of what is done are united from the beginning and for all.60 Dewey praised the Gary schools, for they were âshowing how the ideal of equal opportunity for all is to be transmuted into reality.â61
4 Gary, Indiana: A Fading Gospel
Because of the publicity and support by scholars and opinion-makers like Dewey, the platoon system spread rapidly. In 1961, the American historian of education Lawrence Cremin wrote that âby 1916 it seems fair to say that most progressives, if asked to cite the leading example of progressive education, would probably have mentioned Gary.â62 Indeed, in the 1920s the plan was being used in over 1,000 schools in approximately 200 cities in 41 states in the United States, with an estimated enrolment of over 730,000 students around
The appropriation of the Gary Planâthat is, the âplatooningâ or âGaryizingâ of systems throughout the United States69ânevertheless resulted mostly in a kind of semi-departmentalization.70 It was criticized as a âpart-timeâ scheme that accentuated âthe usual evils of fragmentary schooling and demoralizing street life.â71 As a result, the platoon system would soon disappear from the national scene.72 The Gary Plan itself began to unravel in the 1930s and was soon dismantled after Wirtâs death in 1938. A survey of the Gary schools in 1940 described a public education system that had become âstultified in routineâ;
5 Gary, Indiana: Stretching beyond the Age of Steel
The historian William J. Reese once wrote that âthe historianâs job is to ensure that we remember what too many people forget.â He made this statement in 1990, when many citizens, he wrote, may think of Gary as only âone of Americaâs numerous northern, rust belt cities, its schools impaired by familiar urban ills resulting from the legacy of racial discrimination and poverty amidst a collapsing economy.â75 Indeed, like other once-thriving centers of manufacturing, Gary ultimately became a ghost town. Today, Gary is a city plagued by physical decay, joblessness, concentrated poverty, and racial isolation.76 Houses are crumbling, and lots lie empty on Broadway and Fifth Avenue, whose intersection was once the center of the business district.77 Whole rows of shops and stores are boarded up and graffiti-covered. A blaze that swept through downtown Gary in October 1997 destroyed landmark buildings like the Memorial Auditorium and the Methodist Church. Gary made a journey from urban heyday to decay, from utopia to dystopia, from natural to urban wasteland. As a post-industrial city, it returned to its pre-industrial state with a touch of rust.
The white population, still comprising 80 percent of the population in 1930, dropped to 60 percent by 1960 and to 10 percent by 2000. Simultaneously, Garyâs African-American population grew exponentially from less than 20 percent during the 1930s to almost 40 percent in 1960 and over 80 percent in 1990. The population, which peaked at approximately 178,000 in 1960, has decreased to approximately 76,000 today.78 This demographic decline cannot be explained by economic factors only. As Sugrue argues, â[i]t is only through the complex and interwoven histories of race, residence [space], and work [economy] in the postwar era that the state of todayâs cities and their impoverished residents can be fully understood and confronted.â79 A decisive factor in this process was the election in 1967 of Richard Gordon Hatcher, the cityâs first black mayor. Fear of a city run by a black mayor led many white residents to leave Gary. It was the moment that Gary became a black city.80 The white flight also meant that most schools in Gary became entirely black.
Like in other cities in the Northeast, Midwest, and West, the race question in Gary mainly goes back to the Great Migration, also called a âmigration of desperation,â which roughly took place between 1910 and 1970.81 During this massive internal migration, African Americans left the rural South and met with poverty and racism from northern whites and immigrants who quickly learned the âcolor status hierarchy.â82 In Gary, the African Americans were forced into the Patch, where they settled among the immigrant groups. African Americans
As a result of its emphasis on local conditions, with âenvironmentâ and âneighborhoodâ being the central notions, Deweyâs discussion, in Schools of Tomorrow, of the Gary schools glided over this race question. In fact, Dewey accepted the status quo and what has been described as âde-facto segregationâ in a multiracial, multiethnic, class-structured urban setting.86 In addition, one should bear in mind that the great influx of African Americans to Gary only started with the 1919 steel strike, when they were used as strikebreakers.87 That was five years after Evelyn Dewey had visited Gary. Visual documents, too, show only a few African Americans and a strongly segregated Gary. The photobook Steel Giants, for example, shows images from the image collection created by U.S. Steel and Inland Steel, housed in the Calumet Regional Archives.88 The book primarily documents the first fifty years, until circa 1950, so it only shows
As Greg Grandin has argued with respect to Detroit, âdegeneration was always already built into the opulence.â90 With Ann Laura Stoler, I would like to suggest that we look at Garyâs ruins, including the abandoned schools and auditoriums, as âimperial debrisââthat is, as âimperial formationsâ defined by racialized relations of allocations and appropriations.91 These ruins are not just memorialized and large-scale monumental âleftoversâ or relics of a glorious past, but âthe aftershocks of empire â¦, the material and social afterlife of structures, sensibilities, and thingsâ that âreside for instance in the gutted infrastructure of segregated cityscapes.â92 Colonialism is not a closed story, since racism replaced slavery as a âtool of social control in the concentration and segregation of African Americans at the bottom of society.â93 The notion of âempireâ here is referring both to the âimperial configuration of the United States,â emphasizing the âcolonial dimensions of U.S. nationalism and national identity,â and to Garyâs particular history in which racialized segregation is inextricably bound to the role the industrial empire of U.S. Steel played in the development of Gary.94
Arthur Naparstek, an expert on urban redevelopment and neighborhood revitalization, calls it âone of our fundamental mistakes ⦠that policies have not focused on peopleâ and defines âthe small community neighborhood as the locus for service delivery.â95 His plea for partnership in order âto make
In 1923, in the aftermath of the First World War, Dewey referred to âthe growth in the last ten years of social intoleranceâ as â[t]he most discouraging symptom of American life today,â arguing that âthese causes of division, of separation, and of mutual distrust may not go on growing among us,â and emphasizing the importance of social work by urging teachers to be âleaders in social work.â98 More recently, Ian Shaw referred to âthe urban desertâ when pointing at the unexplored potential for social work research and practice in the city.99 Indeed, there is more wasteland to be cultivated by both researchers and practitioners in order to make the city an âarena for learning democracy.â100 Looking at Gary, then, their focus should be on an economic turnaround for the Rust Belt, an urban economic transformation, or an emphasis on âpost-deindustrializationâ rather than on âdeindustrialization.â101 In this process, renewed interest should go to the school as a social clearinghouse by (re)establishing bonds between schools and neighborhoods that, in conjunction with forms of non-formal education and community work, hold the potential
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Van Gorp Angelo. Tussen mythe en wetenschap: Ovide Decroly (1871â1932). Leuven: Acco, 2005.
Van Gorp Angelo, Marc Depaepe, and Frank Simon. âBacking the Actor as Agent in Discipline Formation: An Example of the âSecondary Disciplinarizationâ of the Educational Sciences, Based on the Networks of Ovide Decroly (1901â1931).â Paedagogica Historica 40, nos. 5â6 (2004): 591â616.
Wirt William Albert. Newer Ideals in Education: The Complete Use of the School Plant. An Address Delivered Before the Public Education Association in the New Century Drawing Room, January 30, 1912. Philadelphia: Public Education Association, 1912.
Zilversmit Arthur. Changing Schools: Progressive Education Theory and Practice, 1930â1960. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993.
René Sand, Organisation industrielle, médecine sociale et éducation civique en Angleterre et aux Ãtats-Unis (Brussels: Librairie Maurice Lamertin; Paris: Librairie J.-B. Baillière et fils, 1920), 5â17. On Sandâs pioneering role in social medicine, see Michael Gard and Carolyn Pluim, Schools and Public Health: Past, Present, Future (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014), 19â23. In 1953, Sand was called âone of the most outstanding world leaders in public healthâ; see âRené Sand [obituary],â American Journal of Public Health 43 (1953): 1476. Crucial to his international reputation was the volume Vers la médecine sociale (Paris: Baillière et fils, 1948), which was translated into English as Advance to Social Medicine, trans. Rita Bradshaw (New York: Staples Press, 1952).
Sand, Organisation industrielle, 26. Sand based his analysis on Ordway Tead, Instincts in Industry: A Study of Working-Class Psychology (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1918).
On the concept of medicalization, see, e.g., Robert A. Nye, âThe Evolution of the Concept of Medicalization in the Late Twentieth Century,â Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 39, no. 2 (2003): 115â29. On the concept of educationalization, see, e.g., Marc Depaepe, Between Educationalization and Appropriation: Selected Writings on the History of Modern Educational Systems (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2012); Paul Smeyers and Marc Depaepe, eds., Educational Research: The Educationalization of Social Problems (Dordrecht: Springer, 2009).
René Sand, Lâéconomie humaine par la médecine sociale (Paris: Les Ãditions Rieder, 1934), 19. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations are the authorâs.
Sand, Organisation industrielle, 718â20. His other works, too, reflect this approach; see particularly La santé de lâécolier (Brussels: Maison nationale dâédition lâÃglantine, 1923); La Belgique sociale [Un inventaire et un plan dâaction] (Brussels: J. Lebègue, 1933); Lâéconomie humaine par la médecine sociale; un programme de la santé pour la Belgique (Brussels: Office de Publicité, 1945).
Angelo Van Gorp, âFrom Special to New Education: The Biological, Psychological, and Sociological Foundations of Ovide Decrolyâs Educational Work (1871â1932),â History of Education 34, no. 2 (2005): 135â49.
Raymond E. Callahan, Education and the Cult of Efficiency: A Study of the Social Forces that Have Shaped the Administration of the Public Schools (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970). Kliebard even refers to an âorgy of efficiencyâ; see Herbert M. Kliebard, The Struggle for the American Curriculum 1893â1958, 3rd ed. (New York: RoutledgeFalmer, 2004), 80.
On his study tour of the United States, Decroly was accompanied by Raymond Buyse, who recorded his impressions of the trip in a diary. See Marc Depaepe and Lieven Dâhulst, eds., An Educational Pilgrimage to the United States: Travel Diary of Raymond Buyse, 1922 (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2011).
Sand, Organisation industrielle, 158.
Ovide Decroly, âPlaies sociales et remèdes,â Revue Contemporaine: Pour lâÃcole 1 (1904): 406â10.
Ovide Decroly, âDiscours dâouverture: Ve Congrès belge de Neurologie et de Psychiatrie (Mons 25â26 septembre 1909),â Journal de Neurologie 14, no. 21 (1909): 412; see also Ovide Decroly and Raymond Buyse, Les applications américaines de la psychologie à lâorganisation humaine et à lâéducation (Brussels: Lamertin, 1923).
Ovide Decroly et al., âQuestionnaire pour servir à la confection du dossier médico-pédagogique,â La Policlinique 15, no. 15 (1906): 226; see also Ovide Decroly, âProphylaxie et traitement de lâenfance anormale: Le rôle du médecin,â LâÃcole Nationale 9, no. 2 (1909): 4â5.
[Ovide Decroly], Dr. Ovide Decroly, 1871â1932. Toespraak gehouden te Ronse in 1904: Tekst van de onuitgegeven redevoering (Ghent: Departement Onderwijs, [1904]), 23.
Ibid., 24.
Decroly and Buyse, Les applications américaines, 52.
Ibid., 41.
See Anson Rabinbach, The Human Motor: Energy, Fatigue, and the Origins of Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).
Decroly and Buyse, Les applications américaines, 56.
Ibid., 52.
See André Turmel, âTowards a Historical Sociology of Developmental Thinking: The Case of Generation,â Paedagogica Historica 40, no. 4 (2004): 419â33.
It equally could be argued that branding the Decroly Method as merely âbourgeoisâ is ignoring the subject in the âDecroly deltaâ or, to put it differently, the varied classes, ranks, types, and categories the converging and diverging constructions in Decrolyâs scientific works touched upon. It did not prevent Decroly, and particularly the Decrolyans, from being convinced that the Decroly School as a true avant-garde school had to target an elite whose role and importance was to guide the masses and to bring happiness to an urban-industrial society that itself created backwardness and abnormality. See Van Gorp, âFrom Special to New Educationâ; Angelo Van Gorp, Marc Depaepe, and Frank Simon, âBacking the Actor as Agent in Discipline Formation: An Example of the âSecondary Disciplinarizationâ of the Educational Sciences, Based on the Networks of Ovide Decroly (1901â1931),â Paedagogica Historica 40, nos. 5â6 (2004), 591â616.
Sand, Lâéconomie humaine, 244.
Ibid., 191.
William J. Reese, foreword to Children of the Mill: Schooling and Society in Gary, Indiana, 1906â1960, by Ronald D. Cohen (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), x.
Graham Romeyn Taylor, Satellite Cities: A Study of Industrial Suburbs (New York: Appleton, 1915), 222; Sand, Organisation industrielle, 755â56; Decrolyâs pencil sketch is reproduced in Frederik Herman et al., âModern Architecture Meets New Education: Renaat Braemâs Design and the Brussels Decroly School (1946),â Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Nieuwste Geschiedenis/Revue Belge dâHistoire Contemporaine 41, nos. 1â2 (2011): 135â66; see also Frederik Herman et al., âAuf den Spuren von Diskurs, Traum und Wirklichkeit der architektonischen Formgebung in Decrolys Ermitage,â Zeitschrift für Pädagogik 57 (2011): 928â51.
Virginia E. McCormick, Architecture in Ohio: From One-Room Schools and Carnegie Libraries to Community Education Villages (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 2001).
Randolph S. Bourne, The Gary Schools (1916; Cambridge, MA: mit Press, 1970), 23.
John Dewey, The School and Society: Being Three Lectures (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1899), 77â78, 89, 93â94; see also John Dewey, Democracy and Education: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Education (New York: Macmillan, 1916), 416.
Bourne, The Gary Schools, 14, 32.
Ibid., 10.
Lawrence A. Cremin, The Transformation of the School: Progressivism in American Education 1876â1957 (New York: Vintage Books, 1961), 155. On the relation between Dewey and Wirt, see Malcolm Thorburn, âJohn Dewey, William Wirt and the Gary Schools Plan: A Centennial Reappraisal,â Journal of Educational Administration and History 49, no. 2 (2017): 144â56. Thorburn argues that â[w]hile much has been made of Wirt being a âdisciple of Deweyâ ⦠the extent to which this is the case is not noticeably discernible from a review of the correspondence between the two men.â He adds: âIn fact, there is no evidence that the two men ever met in person (although it is possible that Wirt was tutored by Dewey when in class at the University of Chicago)â; ibid., 149.
John Dewey and Evelyn Dewey, Schools of Tomorrow (1915; New York: E. P. Dutton, 1962), 197.
Ibid., 227.
Arthur Zilversmit, Changing Schools: Progressive Education Theory and Practice, 1930â1960 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); see also the notion of âactivity centersâ as explained by Karin Priem and Frederik Herman in ââSensuous Geographiesâ in the âAge of Steelâ: Educating Future Workersâ Bodies in Time and Space (1900â1940)â (in this volume). Bourne also referred to this departmentalization as the ârotation-of-cropsâ system, see Bourne, The Gary Schools, 64.
Sand, Organisation industrielle, 753â57.
See, e.g., Kliebard, The Struggle for the American Curriculum; Susan F. Semel and Alan R. Sadovnik, eds., âSchools of Tomorrow, Schools of Todayâ: What Happened to Progressive Education (New York: Peter Lang, 1999); Zilversmit, Changing Schools; Cohen, Children of the Mill; Cremin, The Transformation of the School.
Dewey and Dewey, Schools of Tomorrow, 288.
Anthony Brook, âGary, Indiana: Steeltown Extraordinary,â Journal of American Studies 9, no. 1 (1975): 35.
Adeline Levine and Murray Levine, âIntroduction to the New Edition: The Gary Schools, a Sociohistorical Study of the Process of Change,â in Bourne, The Gary Schools, xxvii; S. Paul OâHara, Gary: The Most American of All American Cities (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011).
Brook, âGary, Indiana.â
OâHara, Gary.
Dewey and Dewey, Schools of Tomorrow, 268; see also Bourne, The Gary Schools, 3â4; Cremin, The Transformation of the School, 154.
Andrew Hurley, âChallenging Corporate Polluters: Race, Class and Environmental Politics in Gary, Indiana, since 1945,â Indiana Magazine of History 88 (1992): 273â302.
Warner Bloomberg, Jr., and Victor F. Hoffmann, Jr., âThe Recession Hits Gary, Indiana: Smiling Through?,â Commentary 26, no. 1 (1958): 16.
Neil Betten and Raymond A. Mohl, âThe Evolution of Racism in an Industrial City, 1906â1940: A Case Study of Gary, Indiana,â The Journal of Negro History 59, no. 1 (1974): 51â64.
Brook, âGary, Indianaâ; Zilversmit, Changing Schools, 57; Bourne, The Gary Schools, 3.
Brook, âGary, Indiana,â 43.
OâHara, Gary: The Most American of All American Cities.
Ibid.; see also Stanley Buder, Pullman: An Experiment in Industrial Order and Community Planning, 1880â1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967).
OâHara, Gary: The Most American of All American Cities, 44.
Brook, âGary, Indiana,â 46.
William Albert Wirt, Newer Ideals in Education: The Complete Use of the School Plant. An Address Delivered Before the Public Education Association in the New Century Drawing Room, January 30, 1912 (Philadelphia: Public Education Association, 1912), 4. Although Wirt had studied educational methods in Belgium, England, France, and Germanyâsee Dictionary of American Biography (1940), s.v. âWirt, William Albertââand Dewey influenced both Decroly and Wirt, there most probably is no direct link between them. With reference to the social question, social-hygienic interventions were inherent to modern urban-industrial society. On the influence of Dewey on Decroly, see Angelo Van Gorp, âOvide Decroly: Warum sollten wir ihn erforschen?,â Zeitschrift für pädagogische Historiographie 13, no. 1 (2007): 6â13; Angelo Van Gorp, Tussen mythe en wetenschap: Ovide Decroly (1871â1932) (Leuven: Acco, 2005), 237â48; Tom De Coster et al., âDewey in Belgium: A Libation for Modernity? Coping with His Presence and Possible Influence,â in Inventing the Modern Self and John Dewey: Modernities and the Travelling of Pragmatism in Education, ed. Tom Popkewitz (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 85â109.
Wirt, Newer Ideals in Education, 14; see also Bourne, The Gary Schools, 38.
Dewey and Dewey, Schools of Tomorrow, 290.
Ibid., 311.
Ibid., 265.
Dewey, Democracy and Education, 369.
Dewey and Dewey, Schools of Tomorrow, 312.
Dewey, Democracy and Education, 368.
Dewey and Dewey, Schools of Tomorrow, 315.
Ibid., 316.
Cremin, The Transformation of the School, 155.
Callahan, Education and the Cult of Efficiency, 413.
Thomas D. Fallace, Race and the Origins of Progressive Education, 1880â1929 (New York: Teachers College Press, 2015), 136.
Callahan, Education and the Cult of Efficiency, 57.
Ibid., 126; Cohen, Children of the Mill, 121; see also Reese, foreword to Children of the Mill, x; Kliebard, The Struggle for the American Curriculum, 76.
Kliebard, The Struggle for the American Curriculum, 83; Cremin, The Transformation of the School.
John Franklin Bobbitt, âThe Elimination of Waste in Education,â The Elementary School Teacher 12, no. 6 (1912): 260â61, cited in Kliebard, The Struggle for the American Curriculum, 83.
David Levine, âThe Milwaukee Platoon School Battle: Lessons for Activist Teachers,â The Urban Review 34, no. 1 (2002): 47â69.
Don C. Bliss, âPlatoon Schools in Practice,â The Elementary School Journal 20, no. 7 (1920): 510â15.
Bourne, The Gary Schools, 64.
Larry Cuban, âHow Schools Change Reforms: Redefining Reform, Success and Failure,â Teachers College Record 99, no. 3 (1998): 453.
Callahan, Education and the Cult of Efficiency, 58.
Cohen, Children of the Mill, xiv, xvii, 158; Cuban, âHow Schools Change Reforms,â 453.
Reese, foreword to Children of the Mill, x. The Rust Belt is the heavy-manufacturing region bordering the Great Lakes. The steel industry, car companies, and rubber tire production were the biggest Rust Belt industries. In the 1950s, the Rust Belt was an economic giant, accounting for more than half of all U.S. manufacturing jobs and about 43 percent of all U.S. jobs. See Simeon Alder, David Lagakos, and Lee Ohanian, Competitive Pressure and the Decline of the Rust Belt: A Macroeconomic Analysis, nber Working Paper No. 20538 (Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2014); Lee E. Ohanian, Competition and the Decline of the Rust Belt, Economic Policy Paper 14-6 (Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, December 2014); see also George Hobor, âSurviving the Era of Deindustrialization: The New Economic Geography of the Urban Rust Belt,â Journal of Urban Affairs 35, no. 4 (2012): 417â34.
Thomas J. Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005).
Brook, âGary, Indiana,â 43.
United States Census Bureau, âQuick FactsâGary, Indiana,â https://www.census.gov /quickfacts/fact/table/garycityindiana/PST045216; Stats Indiana, âIndiana City/Town Census Counts, 1900â2010,â http://www.stats.indiana.edu/population/PopTotals/historic_counts_cities.asp.
Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis, 5.
OâHara, Gary, 138, 146; see also James H. Lytle, âUrban School Reform: To What End?,â in International Handbook of Urban Education, ed. William T. Pink and George W. Noblit (Dordrecht: Springer, 2007), 861.
Mordecai W. Johnson, âThe Negro and His Relationships,â National Conference on Social Welfare Proceedings (1937): 64.
Theresa Richardson, âMoral Imperatives for the Millennium: The Historical Construction of Race and Its Implications for Childhood and Schooling in the Twentieth Century,â Studies in Philosophy and Education 19 (2000): 301â27; Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis; Zeus Leonardo and Margaret Hunter, âImagining the Urban: The Politics of Race, Class, and Schooling,â in Pink and Noblit, International Handbook of Urban Education, 781; Betten and Mohl, âThe Evolution of Racism in an Industrial City,â 64. As De Genova argues, the defining and decisive feature of U.S. racist hegemony âhas always been, and continues to be, precisely the systematic maintenance of a racial hierarchy in which whiteness is exclusively guarded as the most privileged condition [i.e., white supremacy].â See Nicholas De Genova, âThe Stakes of an Anthropology of the United States,â The New Centennial Review 7, no. 2 (2007): 250.
Brook, âGary, Indiana,â 49; Betten and Mohl, âThe Evolution of Racism in an Industrial City,â 52.
Betten and Mohl, âThe Evolution of Racism in an Industrial City,â 64.
Cohen, Children of the Mill, 156.
William W. Brickman, introduction to Dewey and Dewey, Schools of Tomorrow, xxivâxxv; see, e.g., John Dewey, âThe School as a Means of Developing a Social Consciousness and Social Ideals in Children,â National Conference on Social Welfare Proceedings (1923): 450; see also Semel and Sadovnik, âSchools of Tomorrow, Schools of Today,â 364â65; Cohen, Children of the Mill. After the Supreme Court case of Brown v. Board of Education in 1954, for instance, the Gary School Board argued that âit was not responsible for integrating unintentional segregation caused by racial separation in neighborhoodsâ by calling the phenomenon âde-facto segregationâ; cited in OâHara, Gary, 137. One of the more critical pieces on Dewey as (essentially) racist is Frank Margonis, âJohn Deweyâs Racialized Visions of the Student and Classroom Community,â Educational Theory 59 (2009): 17â39. On Deweyâs supposed silence on race, see also, e.g., Fallace, Race and the Origins of Progressive Education; Thomas D. Fallace, âRecapitulation Theory and the New Education: Race, Culture, Imperialism, and Pedagogy, 1894â1916,â Curriculum Inquiry 42, no. 4 (2012): 510â33; Thomas D. Fallace, âWas John Dewey Ethnocentric? Reevaluating the Philosopherâs Early Views on Culture and Race,â Educational Researcher 39, no. 6 (2010): 471â77; Thomas D. Fallace, âRepeating the Race Experience: John Dewey and the History Curriculum at the University of Chicago Laboratory School,â Curriculum Inquiry 39, no. 3 (2009): 381â405. On âwhite philosophy,â see also Michael A. Peters, âWhy Is My Curriculum White?,â Educational Philosophy and Theory 47, no. 7 (2015): 641â46.
Brook, âGary, Indiana,â 41; Betten and Mohl, âThe Evolution of Racism in an Industrial City,â 52.
Stephen G. McShane and Gary S. Wilk, Steel Giants (Bloomington, IN: Quarry Books, 2009). The different sections show the building of the steel mills, the production of steel, the steel communities, and the steel people.
Dora Apel, Beautiful Terrible Ruins: Detroit and the Anxiety of Decline (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2015). For examples of Garyâs ruin photography, see, for instance:
http://www.forbidden-places.net/urban-exploration-gary-indiana-ghost-town#1
https://nl.pinterest.com/pittmoss/indiana-dunes-ruins-of-gary/
http://www.darkroastedblend.com/2011/07/exploring-ruins-of-gary-indiana.htmlhttp://www.dewitzphotography.com/personal-photography-projects/ruin-porn-of-the-past-united-states-murder-capital-gary-in/
http://desertedplaces.blogspot.com/2016/04/the-abandoned-ruins-of-gary-indiana.html.
Greg Grandin, âEmpireâs Ruins: Detroit to the Amazon,â in Imperial Debris: On Ruins and Ruination, ed. Anna Laura Stoler (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013), 116.
Ann Laura Stoler, âImperial Debris: Reflections on Ruins and Ruination,â Cultural Anthropology 23, no. 2 (2008): 193.
Ibid., 194.
Ibid., 210; Richardson, âMoral Imperatives for the Millennium,â 317.
De Genova, âThe Stakes of an Anthropology of the United States,â 243, 247.
Arthur J. Naparstek, âCommunity Empowerment: The Critical Role of Neighborhoods,â National Conference on Social Welfare Proceedings (1980): 56.
Dewey, Democracy and Education, 369, 373.
Ibid., 370.
Dewey, âThe School as a Means of Developing a Social Consciousness,â 450, 453.
Ian Shaw, âSocial Work Research: An Urban Desert?,â European Journal of Social Work 14, no. 1 (2011), 11â26. Seen from this perspective, it is no coincidence that Sand is first and foremost remembered as a pioneer of international social work. See, e.g., Kerstin Eilers, âRené Sand (1877â1953) and His Contribution to International Social Work, iassw-President 1946â1953,â Social Work & Society 5, no. 1 (2007): 102â9; Lynne M. Healy, âIntroduction: A Brief Journey Through the 80 Year History of the International Association of Schools of Social Work,â Social Work & Society 6, no. 1 (2008): 115â27; Anette Kniephoff-Knebel and Friedrich W. Seibel, âEstablishing International Cooperation in Social Work Education: The First Decade of the International Committee of Schools for Social Work (icssw),â International Social Work 51, no. 6 (2008): 790â812.
Gert J. J. Biesta, Learning Democracy in School and Society: Education, Lifelong Learning, and the Politics of Citizenship (Rotterdam: Sense Publishers, 2011).
Hobor,â Surviving the Era of Deindustrialization,â 417.
Daniel Bell and Virginia Held, âThe Community Revolution,â The Public Interest 16 (1969): 142â77; Hurley, âChallenging Corporate Polluters,â 299.
Henry A. Giroux, The Mouse that Roared: Disney and the End of Innocence (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1999); Leonardo and Hunter, âImagining the Urban,â 779.
Cremin, The Transformation of the School, 121; see also Robert D. Putnam, âE Pluribus Unum: Diversity and Community in the Twenty-First Century. The 2006 Johan Skytte Prize Lecture,â Scandinavian Political Studies 30, no. 2 (2007): 137â74.