Chen Cheng’s Travel and Ming-Timurid Relations

In the middle of the fourteenth century, with famine, plagues, and peasant revolts sweeping across China, Zhu Yuanzhang rose to command the rebels, forcing the ruling Mongol-Yuan rulers to retreat to the Inner Asian steppe. Upon seizing the Yuan capital of Khanbalik (modern Beijing), Zhu ended the Yuan Dynasty and, in 1368, claimed to be the first Ming emperor in Yingtian (modern Nanjing), beginning the Hongwu era. Meanwhile in Central Asia, the warlord Timur Barlas managed to navigate the tumultuous environment following the waning of Chaghatayid influence to emerge as the dominant power and established his new capital in Samarkand. The newborn Ming and Timurid dynasties would soon become the two largest powers in Asia, viewing each other through the wary and curious eyes of the envoys and diplomats sent to their respective courts.

The Ming and the Timurid dynasties began exchanging contacts in 1387. From that time on, the Hongwu Emperor and Timur maintained a steady two-way flow of envoys and gifts.¹ However, their seemingly peaceful ambassadorial exchanges belied Timur’s ambition of world conquest. In 1395, Timur detained the Chinese ambassadors, Fu An 傅安 and Guo Ji 郭驥. Two years later, he interned another group of Chinese envoys led by Chen Dewen 陳德文.² According to Ruy González de Clavijo, the ambassador of the Spanish King Henry III of Castile in Samarkand, Timur publicly insulted the emperor of China, calling him the “Pig Emperor.”³ In 1405, when the nearly-seventy-year-old Timur finally set out to conquer Ming China, he fell ill and died, and his campaign never reached Chinese territory. After fourteen years of civil war, the mantle of power passed to Timur’s son, Shahrukh. The new ruler transferred his capital to Herat, appointed his son Ulugh Beg to govern Samarkand, and attempted to re-establish diplomatic relations with China. In the interim, the Hongwu Emperor’s son, Zhu Di, then the Prince of Yan, had claimed the throne through rebellion, becoming the Yongle Emperor. He moved his capital to Beijing and sought to create friendly relations with foreign regions.

The Yongle Emperor was a well-known sponsor of diplomatic missions and exploration of the world, and is especially renowned for supporting the massive and long-term Zheng He maritime expeditions. Yet this is only one part of the picture. On land, large official delegations were exchanged between China and many Western and Central Asian territories during the twenty-two Yongle years (1403–1424). Much like the Yongle Emperor, meanwhile, Shahrukh subsidized important political missions to China and to India. As a part of these foreign relations, the two new emperors carried on the tradition, established by their fathers, of exchanging envoys—only with more good will. Thus, a decade of prosperous Ming-Timurid relations under these two rulers was no coincidence.⁴

Starting from 1407, when the detained envoys Fu An and Chen Dewen returned to China, the reciprocal ambassadorial visits between Beijing and Herat became increasingly frequent and they were usually conducted with the dispatch of gifts and imperial correspondence and the escorting of envoys coming back and forth. In 1410, the Ming ambassador Bai’a’er-xintai 白阿兒忻台 carried the Yongle Emperor’s letter to Shahrukh, and he returned to Beijing in 1413 with envoys not only from Herat but also from other places of the Western Regions such as Samarkand, Shiraz, Andkhoy, and Turfan.⁵ Later that year, another group of Ming ambassadors including Li Da 李達, Chen Cheng 陳誠, Li Xian 李暹, Jinhalanbo 金哈藍伯 were tasked with escorting the “Western” envoys back and sending gifts to Herat and Samarkand, “rewarding them for their frequent tributary missions.”⁶

Of these ambassadors, Chen Cheng was undoubtedly one of the most important, for he not only contributed nearly thirty years of his career to ambassadorial excursions,⁷ but was the only one among them who left behind written reports of their journey and experiences in Iran and Central Asia. Chen’s works were produced when Shahrukh finally gained control of most of Timurid territory in Iran and Transoxiana after over a decade of civil war following Timur’s death, and he was seeking new ways of legitimating his authority through the religion of Islam. It was also a time when the Chaghatayid princes were striving to Islamize Moghulistan, which was situated on Chen’s route to the Timurid capital.

The most well-known among Chen’s works are the two reports he submitted to the Yongle Emperor upon his return to Beijing in 1415,⁸ namely the Xiyu xingcheng ji 西域行程記 [Record of the journey to the Western Regions] (hereafter abbreviated as “XCJ”) and Xiyu fanguo zhi 西域番國志 [Record of the countries of the Western Regions] (hereafter abbreviated as “FGZ”). Along with the reports, Chen presented to the emperor the poetic essay, Shizi fu 獅子賦, “Poem for the Lion,” and his previous diplomatic correspondence with Annan.⁹ In addition, Chen Cheng’s personal literary collection, the Chen Zhushan Xiansheng Wenji 陳竹山先生文集 [The literary collection of Chen Zhushan] (hereafter abbreviated as “ZSWJ”)¹⁰ brings together other essays, poems, and correspondence of Chen Cheng, shedding more light on his trip through the Western and Central Asian territories and his perception of these latter regions’ geography and early fifteenth-century politics.

Between 1422 and 1424, the Yongle Emperor launched several military campaigns against the Mongols who became increasingly powerful north of China, and he had to deal with domestic issues brought about by the resultant growing military expenditures. In this period, no Chinese ambassadors reached the Timurids, though the Ming court received and rewarded several groups of envoys from Herat and Samarkand. The Yongle Emperor’s successor, the Hongxi Emperor, officially terminated all on-going diplomatic missions immediately after his accession to the throne in 1424.¹¹ Although there were sporadic official exchanges between the Ming and the Timurid houses later on, the golden age of their relations had come to an end. There was therefore no opportunity for any Ming author to produce the like of Chen Cheng’s travel writings.

Chen Cheng’s Travel Literature on the Western Regions

Manuscripts and Pre-modern Printings

Travel literature attributed to Chen Cheng can be divided into two groups, the unabridged and abridged versions. As previously mentioned, Chen Cheng submitted several documents to the Ming court when he returned from his journey in 1415. His submissions, especially the FGZ, were subsequently excerpted, copied or incorporated in a number of histories and geographical works produced in the Ming and Qing periods, such as the MSL and the MS, the Ming yitongzhi 明一統志, and the Xianbin lu 咸賓錄.³⁹ The unbridged texts of the XCJ, FGZ, and other works of Chen survived in two types, commonly known by the names of two collections in which the texts appear: the Shanben Congshu 善本叢書 [Collection of Rare Texts] (hereafter abbreviated as the SBCS) and the ZSWJ. These two types of unabridged versions were recovered and made available to scholars in the 1930s and 1980s respectively. Subsequent studies have filled many lacunae in Chen’s texts, making the use of the abridged versions unnecessary. Therefore, I have not consulted the abridged versions for my translations. In the following section, I will discuss the provenance of Chen Cheng’s texts and the history of their transmissions, and compare the two types of unabridged versions.

The SBCS was produced by the Beiping Library (國立北平圖書館) which aimed at collecting and preserving valuable texts after the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931. The XCJ and the FGZ, constituting one volume, are among the texts printed in 1937 in this collection. In this volume, the inside cover indicates that the texts were “photocopied from a Ming hand-copied edition” (據明鈔本影印), and the label on the margin of each page writes “duwuyuan gao 獨寤園稿” (duwuyuan manuscripts) and the “danquan shuwu 淡泉書屋” (danquan study). Given that the duwuyuan and the danquan are names of the study of Zheng Xiao 鄭曉 (1499–1566), a Ming official who had access to a large number of Ming documents, the XCJ and FGZ in the SBCS must be the reproduction of a copy in Zheng Xiao’s private library. In addition to the SBCS edition, another copy of Zheng Xiao’s XCJ and FGZ can be found in the Yushutang congshu 豫恕堂叢書, the personal collection of the late Qing scholar Shen Shandeng 沈善登 (1830–1902), now preserved at the Shanghai Library. Since the Yushutang and SBCS share the same source—Zheng Xiao’s collection, they display little difference.⁴⁰ Because of the SBCS’s accessibility, the XCJ and FGZ reproduced from Zheng’s are commonly known as the SBCS edition.

The SBCS edition of XCJ is the only extant version of the text, and there is thus little room for improvement on its scholarship until new materials are found. Before the recovery of the ZSWJ, the SBCS edition of the FGZ was considered the only unabridged version of Chen Cheng’s travel narrative. For this reason, its title, the Xiyu fanguo zhi 西域番國志, has become the best-known name of the text. At the same time, this version of the FGZ displays several obvious flaws even without comparing against others.

First, there are numerous apparently erroneously transcribed characters in this FGZ.⁴¹ Second, the contents page includes the entry “Khotan” (Yutian 于闐), whereas, in fact, Khotan is simply mentioned in the account of Beshbalik and is not described individually. In addition, there is no evidence that Chen Cheng’s group had visited Khotan on that trip. Lastly, the accounts of Tashkent (Dashigan 達失干) and Bukhara (Buhua’er 卜花兒) are placed in the end of the FGZ, which should not be in the correct order of the original text. Since all entries within Chen’s xiyu literature—the XCJ, the FGZ, and the poems—are organized strictly chronologically, i.e., according to the order of his visitations, Tashkent and Bukhara, which were located in Timurid territory, could not have been the last places the group visited before entering China. These major flaws point to the fact that the copyist of this FGZ (or one of the copyists before him) did not use sufficient discretion or did not properly comprehend the text, and that the SBCS edition of the FGZ, though relatively complete, is imperfect.

Fortunately, the resurfacing of one copy of the ZSWJ in 1984, as well as the later recovery of other editions of the text,⁴² gave a boost to the study of Chen Cheng’s work. Because the ZSWJ copies display a clear chain of editors and contributors that can be traced all the way back to Chen Cheng’s time, this clarified many obscure issues regarding the FGZ text and its transmissions.

The ZSWJ, or Chen Zhushan Xiansheng Wenji 陳竹山先生文集, is Chen Cheng’s personal literary collection which stayed within his family. Compiled by Chen Rushi 陳汝實, Chen Cheng’s great-grandson, this collection was completed in the 12th year of Zhengtong/1447 while Chen Cheng was still living; it is highly possible that Chen Rushi was able to consult Chen Cheng directly in the process. The first edition of the ZSWJ is prefaced by Wang Zhi 王直, the minister at the Ministry of Personnel (吏部尚書) and the head state historiographer (國史總裁), who indicates that Chen Cheng kept a back-up copy of his submission to the throne, which then became the source material for the ZSWJ.⁴³ After the first edition, ZSWJ was copied or reprinted three more times by Chen Cheng’s descendants: in the 16th year of Chongzhen/ 1643, the 7th year of Yongzheng/ 1729, and the 24th year of Jiaqing/ 1819. Though only the last two editions have survived, the date and contributors of each edition are clearly indicated on cover pages or in prefaces. When the Qianlong Emperor (r.1735–1795) commissioned the compilation of the Siku quanshu 四庫全書 [Complete books of the Four Storehouses], a copy of the 1729 edition was collected by the compilers. This ZSWJ was not included in the main series of the Siku quanshu, but was photocopied and published in 1997 by the Qilu Press in the series of cunmu 存目 texts,⁴⁴ i.e., texts that were consulted and given bibliographic descriptions but were not included in the main series. This is the main text on which my translation is based, and I abbreviate this particular edition as the ZSWJ/SK.

The ZSWJ is divided into two parts: the “inner chapters” (內篇) and the “outer chapters” (外篇).⁴⁵ The former section is an assemblage of works authored by Chen Cheng while the latter was written by Chen’s friends and colleagues. Notably, the text of the XCJ is not collected in the ZSWJ, which may be explained by the fact that the Li Xian was the main notetaker of the ambassadorial group’s itinerary and that Chen did not keep a copy of the XCJ. This speculation is supported by the fact that some non-Chinese place names are transcribed differently in the two accounts.⁴⁶

The FGZ text in the ZSWJ is entitled Jincheng yulan Xiyu shanchuan fengwu jilu 進呈御覽西域山川風物記錄, “Record Submitted to the Emperor of the Landscapes, Sceneries, Traditions, and Customs of the Western Regions”—styled formally and in line with Chen’s other submissions to the throne. Such a title also precisely reflects the various aspects dealt with in Chen Cheng’s report, and there is thus little doubt that this is the original title of Chen’s submission. Furthermore, a “retirement addendum” (歸休補遺) to the FGZ comprising two short accounts, “Pamir Mountains” (Congling 蔥嶺) and “On the Rose Water” (qiangweilu zhi shuo 薔薇露之說), only exist in the ZSWJ collection.⁴⁷ Most importantly, the FGZ text presented in the ZSWJ shows little ambiguity, demonstrating that the it had been carefully copied and would appear fairly close to the original.

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Prints, copies, and transmission of Chen Cheng’s works

Citation: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 66, 7 (2023) ; 10.1163/15685209-12341607

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Other works in the “inner chapters” include the Shizi fu 獅子賦, “Poem for the Lion,”⁴⁸ which was one of Chen’s official submissions to the Yongle Emperor; a number of narrative poems and essays written since Chen’s retirement in 1425; and a record of credentials that summarizes the life and career of the author. The “outer chapters” gather a number of literary works written by eminent Ming officials and literati addressing Chen Cheng when seeing him off to the Western Regions and on other occasions. These works illustrate Chen’s social networks and,⁴⁹ at the same time, demonstrate the significance of this diplomatic mission from the perspective of the Ming government.

Modern Editions, Translations, and Studies

As early as 1888, Emil Bretschneider introduced Chen Cheng to English readers and partially translated his travel accounts for the first time.⁵⁰ Since the 1970s, Morris Rossabi has published several studies on Chen Cheng, exploring his career and the editions of his works. Furthermore, he has translated the section “Herat” of the FGZ into English.⁵¹ Despite the undeniable contributions of these earlier studies, much of the information and translation provided in their works are not accurate, and their style is obsolete; my article therefore will not engage with them.

In 1991, the Zhonghua Book Company (中華書局) published the first critical edition of Chen Cheng’s XCJ and FGZ. This edition is heavily annotated by Zhou Liankuan 周連寬 and introduced by Wang Jiguang 王繼光. Though Zhou uses the SBCS as the basis of his edition, he publishes the related essays and correspondence found in the ZSWJ as appendices to the reports.⁵² Thus, this book (or its later reprints) is still the most commonly used modern edition of Chen Cheng’s text.⁵³ However, the shortcomings of Zhou’s annotations must be noted. First, the descriptions and analysis given by Zhou regarding Timurid history are often irrelevant and not necessarily accurate, as he rarely collates information from contemporary Timurid or other Islamicate sources. Second, his investigation of the geographical data presented in Chen’s works, especially the XCJ, is based on what appear to be Soviet maps. Such a method would not have been reliable at the time that Zhou was writing and the information provided has also now become outdated. In addition, his edition does not include Chen Cheng’s poems. Nevertheless, his work is the most widely used and still the only annotated modern Chinese edition of the XCJ and FGZ; I have read it critically and indicated where my interpretation diverges from that of Zhou.

Another notable development of the study of Chen Cheng’s texts started with Wang Jiguang’s discovery of the Jiaqing edition of the ZSWJ at the Gansu Library in 1984. Later, he acquired Chen’s genealogical register from the latter’s hometown⁵⁴ and systematically discussed the editions and values of the ZSWJ, adjusting several earlier speculations on Chen Cheng’s travel accounts and their transmissions.⁵⁵ Drawing on the Jiaqing edition of ZSWJ, Wang published a modern edition of Chen Cheng’s writings, Chen Cheng xiyu ziliao jiaozhu [Annotated Documents of Chen Cheng On Xiyu],⁵⁶ in which he presented a complete, punctuated version of the ZSWJ, as well as other documents related to Chen that he had collected. On the one hand, the simple layout and the small volume of the book enable the reader to skim quickly through Chen Cheng’s writings, making it a desirable guidebook; on the other, the lack of annotations (opposed to what the book title suggests), the use of simplified Chinese, and the occasional errors would disqualify it from being considered as the main source for a rigorous examination of Chen’s text.

Facilitated by these modern editions, more studies appeared and diverse methods were applied to approach Chen Cheng’s text and the Ming-Timurid ambassadorial exchanges in which he participated. For example, Felicia J. Hecker examined Chen’s career and the Persian vocabulary in the FGZ in “A Fifteenth-Century Chinese Diplomat in Herat”;⁵⁷ Ralph Kauz utilized Chen’s accounts an important source in his monograph on the Ming-Timurid relations;⁵⁸ and Sally Church translated the XCJ with Zhou Liankuan’s annotations into English and she has proposed to use GIS to map out Chen Cheng’s trip.⁵⁹

Notably, Gülçin Çandarlıoğlu translated both of Chen Cheng’s reports, the FGZ and XCJ, into Turkish, along with the letters exchanged between the Timurid and Ming courts. Her study was published in 1995 as Orta Asya’da Timurîler, Çin’de Ming Münâsebetleri Ch’en Ch’eng Elçilik Raporu.⁶⁰ However, even though her translation was published after the appearance of Zhou Liankuan’s annotated edition of Chen Cheng’s reports, Çandarlıoğlu did not utilize Zhou’s critical edition, and instead relied solely on the SBCS text. As a result, her translation reflects certain salient flaws of the SBCS text and is in need of update.⁶¹

In 2012, Michel Didier published a monograph on Chen Cheng that contains Didier’s French annotated translation of the XCJ, FGZ, Chen Cheng’s travel poems and diplomatic correspondence, among other essays from the ZSWJ.⁶² Didier’s book has brought a number of lesser-known works of Chen to the non-Chinese speaking audience, thereby substantially contributing to the study of Chen Cheng and Ming foreign relations. However, several fundamental problems in Didier’s methodology must be noted. First, Didier’s historical inquiry is not a well-founded one, as it is mostly restricted to the Hongwu era and is dependent on Chinese histories and a very limited number of outdated translations of Timurid sources.⁶³ Second, despite his attempt to highlight the geographic information in Chen’s literature, Didier does not sufficiently consult histories and archeological studies to identify the meanings of place names at the time of Chen’s writing. In addition, Didier’s pairing of the localities in the FGZ with the dates on which those places were visited in the XCJ is redundant and misleading, as the two works were not produced at the same time.⁶⁴ Third, it seems that Didier resorts to assumptions where he fails to make sense of Chen’s text, leading to the overinterpretation of phrases at times and causing absurd mistakes at other times. For example, Chen wrote the poem, “Baysonghur: Son of Shahrukh,” on his visitation of the Timurid prince Baysonghur, yet Didier translates the proper name “Baysonghur” as “la fratrie du tigre blanc des bois de pins” and comments that this strange and obscure title could be a poetic and symbolic expression.⁶⁵ Free, uninformed interpretations such as this one constitute the most regrettable aspect of Didier’s translation.

As discussed above, in the past decades, the study of Chen Cheng’s travel literature has seen considerable progress while remaining inadequate from the viewpoint of Islamicate and Eurasian history. First, there is still no complete translation of the FGZ in English. Though Church and Didier have produced annotated translations of the XCJ in English and FGZ in French respectively, their works are heavily influenced by Zhou Liankuan’s Chinese annotated edition, which itself is in urgent need of revision. Second, the majority of scholars still tend to treat Chen’s literature principally from the perspective of Sinology and thus ignore or misrepresent information from sources in Persian or Arabic, and the political backdrop of Islamicate history. Last but not least, in the studies that do consider Chen’s works within a global framework, the focus is mostly on the Timurid capital of Herat and Ming-Timurid relations, whereas the significance of Chen’s report on Moghulistan and its connections with the Timurids is rarely identified and examined.⁶⁶ The inadequacy in the investigation of Chen’s reports reflects a gap in the study of the medieval history of Iran and Central Asia, where certain important sources are yet to be read with a multi-disciplinary approach, combining the knowledge of Islamicate studies with a good understanding of Turco-Mongol traditions and Eastern Asian history and languages.

Notes on Translation, Transliteration, and Annotation

This translation includes Chen Cheng’s Xiyu fanguo zhi and my selection of his poems on the Western and Central Eurasian regions. The main text I used for my translation is the 1729 edition of the ZSWJ, which was photocopied and published in volume 26 of the Siku quanshu cunmu congshu series by the Qilu shushe in 1997 (Abbreviated as ZSWJ/SK). I have checked this text against the SBCS edition, Zhou Liankuan’s annotated edition, Wang Jiguang’s compilation of Chen Cheng’s documents, which is based on the 1819 edition of the ZSWJ, and Didier’s French translation. Where major differences in the text and disagreements of interpretation occur, I have indicated them in my notes and explained my reading when necessary.

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Key locations in Chen Cheng’s travels in the “Western Regions”

Citation: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 66, 7 (2023) ; 10.1163/15685209-12341607

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Naturally, many geographical descriptions in Chen’s texts, especially those regarding direction and distance, do not meet our contemporary standards of accuracy. However, those descriptions reflect how early fifteenth-century Western and Central Asia were perceived specifically by a Ming traveler, I have not altered the text for the sake of “accuracy.” Instead, I have created a map, using GIS and historical gazetteers, to indicate the precise locations of the places mentioned in Chen Cheng’s accounts (see map 1). In addition, I have supplemented necessary information regarding particular Islamicate and Persianate phenomena mentioned in the accounts and provided my readings in the notes. It must also be pointed out that Chen Cheng uses a number of words referring to the concept of “foreign,” that is, not Han Chinese, such as yi 夷, hu 胡, rong 戎, and qiang 羌. Each of these words usually has a specific original meaning, indicating a certain non-Han race, and they all, to some extent, contain a negative connotation and serve the purpose of otherizing those peoples. However, Chen Cheng mostly uses these terms interchangeably to allude to “foreign” or “western,” regardless of their original meaning, and does not necessarily imply the inferiority of any foreign race. Thus, it would be inaccurate to treat these terms as proper nouns or to translate them as “barbarians.” When such a term appears, I often render it as “foreign” and indicate the original term next to it.

I have translated most proper nouns into English whenever the modern American standard can be applied. For Chinese, I have adopted the Hanyu Pinyin romanization system. Where needed, I have inserted the Chinese characters immediately after the romanized versions to help readers identify the terms. Though I choose to use the traditional Chinese characters, I make exceptions for publications in Chinese, in which cases I stick to the writing system of each publication. For Persian and Arabic transliterations, I have followed the International Journal of Middle East Studies guidelines. For transliteration of Turkic terms, I have followed the forms used by Gerard Clauson in An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish.

Herat (Halie 哈烈)⁶⁸

Herat⁶⁹ is located southwest of Samarkand (Sama’erhan 撒馬兒罕). It is 12,700 li⁷⁰ from Jiayu Pass (嘉峪關)⁷¹ of the Suzhou Guard (肅州衛)⁷² of the Shanxi Regional Commission (陝西行都司). It lies in a level plain of over 100 li wide. There is a westward-flowing river in the middle [of the plain]; there are big mountains in all four directions. The city is close to the foot of the mountain to the northeast; it is over 10 square li.

The ruler of the country⁷³ resides in the northeast corner of the city.⁷⁴ Bricks and stones were piled up to build [his] residence, which is flat and square, looking like a high platform. Beams, rafters, and earthenware tiles are not used. There are several dozen empty vaulted chambers (中拱虛室). The walls and windows are decorated with gold, jade, and green glaze. The door panels are engraved with decorative patterns, inlaid with bone and horn. The floor is covered with felt carpets. There is also a multicolored embroidered tent erected next to the chamber; it is where the ruler rests. A golden bed with several layers of mattresses sits in the room. There are no chairs; [people] often sit cross-legged on the floor.⁷⁵

The ruler of the country wears narrow-sleeved attire, a robe, and a little embroidered hat (罩剌帽).⁷⁶ He wraps his head with a white cloth, and shaves his head and then wears a wig. Like the people of the country, he prefers to dress in white. People commonly address him as sulṭān (Suolutan 鎖魯檀),⁷⁷ which is similar to the honorable title of “sovereign” (君主) in Chinese. The ruler’s wife is commonly addressed respectfully as āghā (aha 阿哈);⁷⁸ his son is addressed as mīrzā (mi’erzan 米兒咱),⁷⁹ which is similar to “born of a nobleman” (舍人) in Chinese. Whenever people from different ranks address one another, they do so directly by name; even the ruler [is addressed] this way.⁸⁰

There are no different bureaus (衙門),⁸¹ and there is no bureaucratic system (官制).⁸² Those who run affairs are called dīwān (diaowan 刁完)⁸³ officials; all [administrative] affairs, great and small, are handled by the dīwān officials.⁸⁴

There is no etiquette at all when meeting with each other; [they] only bend their bodies slightly and say the phrase al-salām ʿalaykum (sali mali 撒力馬力).⁸⁵ If [two people] have not seen each other for a long time, or meet for the first time, they may show formal courtesy, bending one knee and genuflecting several times. When an individual of lower rank meets with a person of higher rank, [the former] steps forward, kneels, and [they] shake hands and that is all. People of the same rank only shake hands or embrace to show courtesy; this applies to both males and females. One salutes another by saying “salām” (salan 撒藍).⁸⁶ In all gatherings and meetings, the king and his officials, men and women, the elders and the young all sit in a circle.

No spoons or chopsticks are laid out for food and drink. They take meat and rice with their hands and drink soup mostly from small wooden ladles. They usually like the tastes of sweet, sour, and oily. Although they often eat rice, they mix it with fat and oil. Dishware is mostly porcelain and earthenware pottery, and is seldom glazed. Only wine flasks, footed cups (臺盞) and the like are made of gold and silver. No tables or chairs are set; [people] all sit on the ground in order to eat. In the case of a banquet, low tables are used for food and drink. Various types of broths and soups are taken at the same time. [People] leave right after the food is eaten.

Houses are all built with bricks and stones. The affluent and powerful families [build] massive houses, like that of the ruler of the country. Some even use embroidered silk, saqallāt (sahala 撒哈剌)⁸⁷ and the like to cover and to protect the walls, showing pride and wealth.⁸⁸ The commoners below them live in flat-roofed earthen houses or felt tents. No tiles are used in houses. Because it seldom rains, [houses] do not collapse.

On both sides of the markets and streets, buildings are erected. The top [of the markets and streets] is covered with cloth or enclosed with bricks, with windows in the roof for light. There is no [need to] avoid the sun on clear days, or to set up awnings for the rain. When dust accumulates due to dryness, water is sprinkled [on dusty areas]. Each booth [in the market] offers a separate category of goods: bows, arrows, saddles, bridles, clothes and so on, and [the merchandise] is not mixed. Conflicts and quarrels are seldom seen. Sellers of horses, camels, and [other] livestock, too, gather in separate places. Cooking stoves are seldom seen in the urban households. Food is sold at stores, and thus marketplaces do not close at evening; trading takes place with lamps and candles burning all through the night.⁸⁹

Silver money is commonly used in trade. The largest weighs one qian 錢 six fen 分 (approx. 5.96g);⁹⁰ it is called tanka (dengge 等哥).⁹¹ The second weighs eight fen (approx. 2.98g); it is called dīnār (dina 抵納). The one that is of even lesser value weighs four fen (approx. 1.49g); it is called jiajimei 假即眉.⁹² These three denominations are produced by the workers (從人, lit., retinue or servants) themselves. After minting, they pay a tax to the ruler of the country, who [then] stamps the money. It is [then] circulated in trade. Without the stamp, the money cannot be used.⁹³ For denominations less than jiajimei, only copper money is minted; it is called pūl (puli 蒲立).⁹⁴ Either six or nine of them are equal to one jiajimei. It is only used locally and cannot circulate generally.

Measuring vessels (斗斛) are not set; only scales (權衡) are used. The scale has a plate on each extremity, and is balanced at the center. Pieces of irons and stones of big and small sizes are placed in one plate according to their weight, until it is balanced. Even the five grains (五穀)⁹⁵ are weighed in the scale plate. The standards of weight vary from place to place; there is no fixed system. The tax rate is two in ten.⁹⁶ In a trade, the buyer compensates for taxes. State expenditures all come from this money.

Governmental letters and notes do not use the official seal. When the ruler of the country, as well as every official, issues an order, he only uses a small piece of paper on which text is written directly. Each uses his own signature (花押) to mark the document, so it becomes effective immediately. The method of affixing the signature is to make a ring from gold or silver, on which the name of the signee is carved.⁹⁷ There is no other official seal and there is no forgery.

Criminal law is seldom applied in the country. Lawsuits are rare among the military and common people. If there is a case that involves the killing of a person, the punishment will not go beyond compensation for a certain amount of money. There is no death penalty. As for other lesser crimes, only light punishments or flogging would be carried out.⁹⁸

The prohibition of alcohol is rather strict. Violators are punished by flogging with a leather whip. Thus [the people] do not brew rice wine; they ferment grapes.⁹⁹ Occasionally, there are illegal sellers.¹⁰⁰ Those who have moral principles do not drink alcohol; they pray to God in the morning and in the evening, lest they commit blasphemy.

[According to] the rules of the country, if someone of a different origin (別色人)¹⁰¹ wishes to become a Muslim, it is said that he will be granted ten thousand in cash, in addition to clothes, saddles, and horses.

Men usually marry sisters as wives and concubines, to become a family close as bones and flesh.¹⁰² Even patrilineal cousins can marry.¹⁰³ As for a younger brother marrying his elder brother’s widow, or an elder brother marrying his younger brother’s widow, it is also a common arrangement in this country.¹⁰⁴

In the country, men shave their heads, wrapping them with white cloth. Women also cover themselves in white cloth, with their eyes slightly revealed. When there is a funeral, they wear dark blue or black clothes instead. Curtains are all dark blue or black. [People] mourn for no more than a hundred days, and remove their mourning apparel soon after. Coffins are not used for burial at all. Bodies are only wrapped in shrouds and are buried in mounds. Affluent and powerful families usually build up tall earthen structures upon the tombs, making them as luxurious and sumptuous as they wish.¹⁰⁵ Indigent and humble families dig graves next to their houses, and there is absolutely no taboo [on doing this].

[People] do not offer sacrifices to ghosts and gods, do not establish temples for the god of the land, do not worship ancestors, and do not build family altars. They only offer sacrifices at the tombs [of holy persons] (墳墓).¹⁰⁶ They face the west and pray several times each month; this is called namāz (namasi 納馬思).¹⁰⁷ If people assemble, they gather in one place and construct a large earthen building. It is called a muṣallā (moxi’er 默息兒).¹⁰⁸ Whenever it is time to pray, [people] gather in the earthen house, forming rows and lines. One person among them shouts out loud several times; the crowd kneels and prays in rows. If [one] is on the road, he prays wherever he is.

The tenth month of each year and the second month of spring are the fasting months.¹⁰⁹ [People] do not drink or eat during daytime; they only eat after sunset. After a whole month, regular [patterns of] eating and drinking are resumed.

On the occasion of breaking the fast, they shoot at gourds as an entertainment. The method of gourd shooting is to insert in the ground a long pole, which is several zhang 丈¹¹⁰ tall, with a gourd hanging at the end and a white dove hidden in the gourd. A pair [of men] who are good at horsemanship and archery shoot at it from a galloping horse. The one who breaks the gourd and releases the dove wins a prize.¹¹¹

The person who understands the classics and the interpretations of the Muslim (Huihui 回回)¹¹² religion is revered by all. He is called mullā (manla 满剌).¹¹³ He stands and sits above everyone. Even the ruler of the country respects him. Whenever there is a worship ceremony, only the mullā recites prayers.

There are people who give up their family property and positions, with disheveled hair and dirty feet, wearing shabby clothes and sheepskins, holding crutches in their hands and wearing the bones of cows or sheep. They mostly have unusual appearances. They do not avoid cold or heat, begging on the road and mumbling when encountering passers-by, appearing pitiful. If it is extremely difficult to find shelter, [they] may gather outside houses or in graveyards, or reside in caves in the name of practicing their religion. They are called dielimishi 迭里迷失.¹¹⁴

In the middle of crowded markets, there are medical practitioners who gather people seeking cures, make them sit down in a circle, talk with them about illness and disease, and do a variety of other things. Afterwards, these people all pay cash, and [the practitioners] distribute a small amount of medicine to each person and leave. The effects are ultimately unknown.

There are intrusive people in the crowd who wave big axes and gesticulate outrageously with hands and feet in the marketplace of the city, shouting loudly. The reason is not clearly known. It is probably just to admonish people to virtue.¹¹⁵

There are people good at running who can cover two or three hundred li in one day. They lightly lift their feet and [run] faster than a horse. However, they are not born good runners and they practice from childhood to acquire this skill. Whenever the local authorities have urgent affairs, these people are ordered to run with an arrow to deliver a message in order to convey the level of urgency.¹¹⁶ They usually have bells hanging at their waists and stick-shaped weapons (骨朵) in their hands, running as though flying.

Men and women seldom carry burdens; they depend on horses, camels, donkeys, and mules for riding and carrying loads. If it is a small charge or the objects are light, they carry it on their heads, walking swiftly, swaying and keeping the objects from falling.

Women all go about on horses or mules. When encountering others on the way, they talk and laugh and tell jokes, appearing totally unashamed. [Women and men] even wantonly salute one another with flirtatious words. Men are especially loose in morals.

The customs of the country are mostly extravagant. Bright-colored clothes are preferred.¹¹⁷ Even the saddles and reins of the horses and riding mules are usually embellished with gold, silver, and colorful [decorations]. The front and back [of the saddles] are carpeted with felt, and bells are attached [to them]. Young people from wealthy families all ornament their clothes and robes with green jade, decorate their belts with gems, and adorn their scabbards with gold, silver, or pins and jewelry, in order to show extravagance and opulence.

Within the city walls and in the countryside, people live peacefully. In the deep mountains and open fields, people and horses walk alone. There are no tigers and wolves during the daytime, and there are no ghosts or evil spirits during the night.

The climate of the four seasons is usually warm and seldom cold. The winter months are like springtime. Grasses grow at the same time as shepherd’s purse (薺) and wheat. They cover the fields by the end of the year. Farming activities start in the spring. People seldom sit around the fire. Though snow accumulates on remote mountains, it is rare on the plains. Spring rains are frequent, but they do not last throughout the day. Water channels are led to all of the fields and farms, streets and alleys, households and yards, to wash off the dust and dirt. Though it does not rain much, water flows continuously in all four seasons.¹¹⁸

In remote places, cisterns are often constructed in rural areas to store water for people and horses. Their method is to erect high earthen structures over broad brick lined pools like icehouses. This is because running water seldom collects [naturally].

In the cities and villages, public baths are widely established. Men and women each [bathe] in separate places. The system is different¹¹⁹ from that of China. There are dozens of empty rooms in the bath hall, to house numerous bathers. When the bathers first take off their clothes, they use bath towels to cover their bodies and then enter the bathing room. They do not use plates and buckets. Each [bather] holds a water jar in which he takes [a little] water from each of the warm and cold tubs, in order to clean and wash his body. The rest of the water drains out and no dirt accumulates. There are also people who rub and knead muscles and joints of the body for the bathers, to make them relaxed and comfortable. Upon finishing the bath and leaving the room, each person is given two towels, one to cover the head, and the other to cover the body, and to make sure that [the bather] is dry and clean before he leaves. The bather gives [the massager] one or two copper coins and that is all.¹²⁰

Waterwheels are the same as those in China. Occasionally, there are windmills.¹²¹ The method is to build low walls to enclose a space on a height, open up gates in all four directions, establish screen walls facing the wind outside the doors, erect a wooden pillar within the walls, construct planks around the pillar to catch the wind, and to fix a millstone at the bottom. When the wind comes the pillar rotates. It can operate regardless of the direction [of the wind]. Because of the power of the wind in the vicinity, there are many [windmills].

Earthen houses are built along the roads; they are called langar (langge’er 朗哥兒).¹²² [They are] for travelers to rest and to stay away from the dangers of cold, heat, wind, and rain. At every twenty li, a wooden post is set. Sometimes an earthen house is constructed at every post. [The earthen house] is in turn named laba’er 臘巴兒.¹²³ Food and drink are prepared inside for the travelers who are hungry and thirsty.

In the villages, markets are often set up. All the trading places are called bāzār (bazan’er 巴咱兒).¹²⁴ People gather every seven days to exchange needed goods. [The markets] disperse at sunset.

There is no calendar promulgated [by the emperor].¹²⁵ The sexagenary cycle (花甲)¹²⁶ is not applied. [People] have their own fixed rules of choosing dates for conducting affairs. Every period of seven days is a circle going around and starting again. Of the seven days, the first day is ādīna (adina 阿啼納), the second day is shambih (shanbo 閃伯), the third day is yak-shambih (yi shanbo 亦閃伯), the fourth day is dū-shambih (du shanbo 都閃伯), the fifth day is sih-shambih (qie shanbo 且閃伯), the sixth day is [chahār-]shambih (shanbo 閃伯),¹²⁷ and the seventh day is panj-shambih (pan shanbo 攀閃伯).¹²⁸ Ādīna is the most auspicious for all praying and gathering.¹²⁹ Each other day is preferred for different activities.

In the middle of the city there is a big earthen house named madrasa (mode’ersai 默得兒塞).¹³⁰ Rooms and corridors are wide on its four sides. In the courtyard (天井), a bronze vessel similar to a large cauldron is erected; its perimeter is several zhang.¹³¹ Inscriptions are carved on it in the style of a ding 鼎.¹³² The front and back, left and right [of the courtyard] are particularly spectacular.¹³³ Students and scholars, along with those who understand religious classics of different kinds, often assemble here. It is like the imperial college (大學) of China.

Copper and iron are locally produced, from which sharp tools can be made. The production of porcelain is particularly exquisite: flowers and grasses are depicted and painted colorfully. Its style is quite beautiful, but it is not as light, clean, and glittering as that of China. Tapping on it results in no sound because of its earthen nature.

Colored glazed objects are produced. They are not often used in households, but serve as a decoration (玩好) and that is all. Thin five-colored glass panes are often arranged in windows in order to produce beautiful lights.

White salt is produced from the ground of Kesh. It is as solid and bright as crystal. If it is carved and polished into plates and dishes, then moistened, meat can be eaten from it.

There is plenty of gold, silver, gems, coral, amber, crystal, diamonds, cinnabar, ruby, pearls, and jadeite (翡翠).¹³⁴ It is said that [they] are not produced locally, but come from other places.¹³⁵

Breeding silkworms and planting mulberry trees are common. [People] are good at making fine silk fabrics, which are better than those of China in their lightness, fineness, and closeness of weave. However, they are not as firm and thick as those of China. Besides, [people] do not know how to weave luo 羅 [a kind of gauze].¹³⁶ Their woven gold threads can be melted down [and reused] (回爐). Among [their] cloth and silk, there is something called ṣūf (suofu 鎖伏)¹³⁷ that is extremely similar to fine silk fabric (紈綺). It is in fact woven with wool. [They] are good at weaving fine felt carpets, the color of which does not fade even with the passage of time. Cotton textiles are especially wide, but there are also small and exquisite ones.

The land produces mulberries, elms, poplars, willows, locust trees, sandalwood, pines, cypresses, and white poplars. Fruit trees are frequently planted. From the ruler of the country downward, powerful families cultivate extensive fruit gardens (果園),¹³⁸ and commonly plant peaches, almonds, plums, pears, apples (花红),¹³⁹ grapes, walnuts, pomegranates and the like. There is a type of grape that is transparent, glittering, and crystal-like; it is seedless and very sweet. There is a type of almond called bādām (badan 巴旦),¹⁴⁰ the seed of which [can] be eaten; it is savory and tasty. There is a large date-like sweet thing named khurmā (huluma 忽鹿麻);¹⁴¹ I have not seen its tree. There is a ginkgo-like small tree called pistān (bisitan 苾思檀),¹⁴² the branches and leaves of which are similar to those of camellia. There is a type of plum that is yellow and as small as a cherry; it tastes very sweet. Apples (花红) are extremely large and bulky. They can be stored. Their color does not change for one year, and it is better to add new ones to the old ones.

The planting of the five grains¹⁴³ is the same as in China. Hemp, beans (豆), peas (菽),¹⁴⁴ wheat, millet,¹⁴⁵ rice, and sorghum are all grown. Also, there is a type of red bean as round as a pearl. There is a type of cotton that is light red; if cloth is made from it, it looks like cloth made of camel fur. Melons are large and extremely sweet. There is a type of onion (蔥)¹⁴⁶ as large as a fist. There is a large and red vegetable root in the shape of a radish.¹⁴⁷ It weighs over ten jin 斤.¹⁴⁸ Plowing and sowing are usually crude and irregular; [people] widely sow seeds but seldom turn the soil and hoe up weeds. However, the results of the harvest are not bad. It is because their fields are fertile and plentiful, and are left fallow by turns every year so that the fertility of the land is preserved. Seasonable rains are rare, and even early season rice,¹⁴⁹ cotton, and wheat depend upon irrigation. It is difficult to cultivate where the water cannot reach.

Quality horses are frequently bred. [People] love them dearly and protect them closely. They all breed them deep within the earthen houses where wind and sunshine do not reach, and it is warm in winter and cool in summer. Sheep, horses, chicken, dogs, geese, and ducks are raised in households. Pigs alone are not raised; their flesh is not eaten either. It is the most [prohibited] taboo. Whichever livestock is not slaughtered by Muslims is not eaten.¹⁵⁰ Candles are filled with the tallow of cows and sheep. Tallow and cotton are also entwisted into chunks and put onto plates under which iron handles are affixed in order [that people] may hold [the torch] in their hands and walk. When they stop [walking], they let [the torch] stand upright on the ground, without avoiding wind or rains.

[People] do not know to wave fans in hot weather. They sometimes suspend, high up in the tent room, a cloth curtain, at the lower edge of which tassels¹⁵¹ are often attached. They set ropes at the two sides [of the curtain]. Wind comes naturally when they pull [the ropes]. It is called a “wind fan” (風扇).

All objects for giving gifts and paying tributes—no matter if they are money, gems, or animals¹⁵²—are always grouped in nines. [Objects in groups of nine,] ranging from nine (一九, lit., one nine) to eighty-one (九九, lit., nine nines)¹⁵³ can be given as gifts.

Whenever there are banquets, the elite (尊者) drink wine, and the commoners all kneel down. Immediately after drinking wine, silk is presented, and then jewelry, gold and silver money are all together (雜和于一) distributed to the seated people.¹⁵⁴ The rest is randomly scattered in between seats and everywhere, front, back, left, and right. Those who are in charge of guarding and serving order [the commoners] to compete in picking up [the gifts], making loud noises, yelling, and laughing, and to proclaim extravagancy. [The gift] is called “joyful money” (喜錢).¹⁵⁵

Lions breed in the reeds on the bank of the Amu River.¹⁵⁶ It is said that their eyes are closed at birth; they only open them after seven days. Those who want to obtain a lion to raise it have to take it when it is just born and has not yet opened its eyes, [in order to] facilitate the taming and training. When the lion grows up, its nature [becomes] hard and fierce, and it is difficult to tame and control it. Besides, it has very powerful strength and extraordinarily sharp claws and teeth. When it is enraged, it is not for one or two people to control. [The lion] is good at fighting against large beasts; it can eat over ten jin of meat at one meal. There are people who seek its tail; they employ bows and arrows and set up nets to kill it. It is extremely difficult to obtain the tail while the lion is alive.¹⁵⁷

There is a type of striped beast (花獸);¹⁵⁸ its head and ears resemble those of a donkey, and it has the hoofs of a horse and the tail of a donkey.¹⁵⁹ There are stripes all over its body, checkered with black and white, as though woven. Their distribution is so clearly demarcated that it is perfectly exact.

Samarkand (Sama’erhan 撒馬兒罕)¹⁶⁰

Samarkand is located northeast of Herat. Jiayu Mountain¹⁶¹ of the Suzhou Guard of the Shanxi Regional Commission is over 9900 li to the east, and Herat is over 2800 li to the west.¹⁶² It lies in a wide level plain. The beauty of its landscape is breathtaking, and the soil of its land is fertile. There is a big northward-flowing river east¹⁶³ of the city. The city is built on the plain, with a length of more than ten li in the east-west direction, and a width of five to six li in the north-south direction. The city has six gates facing different directions.¹⁶⁴ The dry moat is deep and dangerous. There is a subsidiary city north [of the main one].¹⁶⁵

The ruler of the country¹⁶⁶ resides in the northwest corner of the city.¹⁶⁷ [The ruler’s residence] is not less majestic than that of Herat. There is a large population in the city. Streets and alleys crisscross lengthwise and sidewise; stores and shops are dense. Foreigners (fan ke 番客) from the west or south usually gather here. Although there are various types of merchandise, they are not locally produced; they usually come from multiple foreign regions. The silver money used in Samarkand is locally minted,¹⁶⁸ and people from Herat use it [in Samarkand] too.

Alcohol is banned in neighborhoods. Butchers of cows and goats do not sell the blood of animals; they dig a hole in the ground and bury it. There is an earthen building (土屋) in the northeast corner of the city. It is where the Muslims pray to God. It is precisely structured and designed; its pillars are all made of dark green (青) stones with particularly exquisite engravings. There are wide corridors on four sides of the structure, with a place for sermons in the middle.¹⁶⁹ Their holy book is covered with sheepskin and is written in golden ink.

The people of Samarkand are handsome, skillful, and talented. Their local products include: gold, silver, and copper money,¹⁷⁰ iron, and felt carpets. They usually grow white poplars, elms, willows, peaches, almonds, pears, plums, apple,¹⁷¹ and grapes. The soil there is suitable for growing the five grains. Their traditions and customs are the same as those of Herat.

Andkhoy (Anduhuai 俺都淮)¹⁷²

Andkhoy is located northeast of Herat, which is about 1390 li to the southwest; Samarkand, meanwhile, is about 1360 li to the northeast. The city lies within a vast agricultural area (大村)¹⁷³ with a width of 100 li. Its soil is fertile; its population is large. There are no forbidding mountains at all within an over-ten-li radius of the city. Though it is subordinate to Herat, its revenues only go to the chief family (頭目之家) of the city.

Balkh (Balahei 巴剌黑)¹⁷⁴

The city of Balkh¹⁷⁵ is located northeast of Andkhoy. It is surrounded by a ten-li level plain with no difficult features. [The city] is close to a mountain to the south. The farms of Balkh are vast, and food is plentiful. Foreign (fan 番) businessmen and travelers from the west and south usually gather in the city, and thus foreign merchandise is the most common. Shahrukh¹⁷⁶ of Herat appointed his son¹⁷⁷ to protect [the city].

Termez City (Dielimi cheng 迭里迷城)¹⁷⁸

The city of Termez is located southwest of Samarkand, and over 2000 li from Herat. The city sits on the eastern bank of Amu River; it was built beside the river. The river is rather wide; it cannot be crossed except by boat or raft. The city is quite strategically situated and difficult of access.¹⁷⁹ There are several hundred families living both inside and outside the city walls. Livestock are abundant and fish are plentiful in the river. The old city¹⁸⁰ is over ten li distant. The land on the eastern bank is subordinate to the rule of Samarkand. It is said that lions breed in the reeds on the western bank of the river.

Shahrukhiya (Shaluhaiya 沙鹿海牙)¹⁸¹

The city Shahrukhiya is located east of Samarkand at a distance of over 500 li. The city is built on a low hill, and is bordered by a mountain and a river on the northwest side. The river is named Khujand (Huozhan 火站).¹⁸² Its current is swift; a floating bridge has been constructed to connect [the two sides]. There are also ferries. [Shahrukhiya] is close to the mountain in the south, facing a level plain on the other three sides.¹⁸³ The city is over ten li wide; its population is large, mostly residing by the valley.¹⁸⁴ The vegetation is widespread and luxuriant. Crossing a big plain westward, [one finds] little water for 200 li. Where there is water, it is generally alkaline; if oxen and horses drink from it, they often get sick. There is [a type of] foul herb growing on the land; its stem stands alone, with the height of no more than a chi 尺;¹⁸⁵ its leaf resembles a lid. It sprouts in spring and dies in autumn, and has an extremely fetid smell. [If one] extracts the juice from a live plant and stews it until it thickens, [the paste] is named a wei 阿魏.¹⁸⁶ There is another herb, which is one or two chi tall, with thick stems and branches covered with thorns; its leaf is as narrow as that of the indigo plant (藍). On clear autumn days, dew falls and condenses into drops of water, hanging on the stem [of the plant]. [These drops] are as sweet as syrup and honey, and can be boiled into sugar. The foreign (夷)¹⁸⁷ name of the herb is tarangubīn (dalanggubin 達郎古賓);¹⁸⁸ it is in fact sweet dew (甘露).

Sayram City (Sailan cheng 塞藍城)¹⁸⁹

The city Sayram is located east of Tashkent (Dashigan 達失干); Samarkand is 1300 li to the west. A level plain faces the city from all four directions within a two-or-three-li radius surrounding the city, which is not difficult to access at all. The population is dense. The trees are always luxuriant; flowing water surrounds [the city]; the five grains grow in abundance. During summer and autumn, there are little black spiders¹⁹⁰ breeding in the grass; their venom is very poisonous. If a person is bitten by one of these spiders, they will feel pain all over their body and groan in anguish. No medicine can detoxify [the wound]. There are “foreign”¹⁹¹ people who can lift curses; they brush and beat the poisoned person’s body with peppermint and rub their entire body with raw goat liver, uttering incantations. After a day and a night, their pain will finally go away. After the person recovers, flakes of skin will fall from all over their body. If one’s head or foot is wounded by the spider, one will most likely roll over and drop dead. Therefore, whoever retires for the night must go to the riverbank in order to avoid the spiders. There is an aromatic herb (香草) growing on the land whose shape is similar to that of wild wormwood (野蒿). Its fruit is fragrant and can drive away vermin (蠹蟲). It is called waishishi 瓦失實.¹⁹²

Tashkent (Dashigan 達失干)¹⁹³

Tashkent is located west of Sayram and over 700 li from Samarkand. A level plain of two li surrounds the city. All four directions of the city face flat hills, where many gardens can be found, fruit trees are planted extensively, and waters flow constantly. The soil is suitable for growing the five grains. The inhabitants live close together. Carts and oxen are used for carrying burdens.

Bukhara (Bohua’er 卜花兒)¹⁹⁴

The city of Bukhara is over 700 li northwest of Samarkand. The city is located on a plain with a radius of over ten li. It is populous and has abundant products. The streets and markets [of the city] are prosperous and bustling. The population reaches tens of thousands. The land is low and the soil is humid. The weather is mild; in the winter, [people] do not build fires for warmth. The soil there is suitable for growing the five grains, mulberry trees, and flax. Cloth, cotton, and silk textiles are produced. In the winter, [people] eat raw vegetables, and any kind among beef, mutton, chicken, goose, fish, rabbit, and swan.¹⁹⁵

Kesh (Keshi 渴石)¹⁹⁶

The city Kesh is about 260 li southwest of Samarkand. The city lies in a vast settlement with a radius of over ten li and has multiple paddy fields to the southwest.¹⁹⁷ [The city] is close to a mountain that lies to the northeast.¹⁹⁸ In the city there is a garden, which is said to have been built by the former ruler of the country, Timur fuma 帖木兒駙馬.¹⁹⁹ In the middle [of the garden], there are dozens of large-scale pavilions [laid out in] grand manner with wide gates and corridors. There are white stone pillars at all four corners of the hall; they are no more than a few chi tall, and look like green jade. The walls are adorned with gold and jade; the windows are decorated with colored glaze (琉璃). All of them have decayed and collapsed [now].²⁰⁰ Over ten li westward, there are many small hills and pistān (bisitan 苾思檀) nut trees.²⁰¹ Another 300 li westward, there stands a big mountain, dividing the south and the north. In the middle [of the mountain] there is a rocky gorge, connecting the east and the west. The precipitous rock faces and sheer cliffs are tens of zhang tall, as if cut cleanly by an axe. The road extends to two or three li before it goes out of the gorge. At the mouth, there is a pass, namely the “Iron Gate Pass” (Tiemen guan 鐵門關).²⁰²

Yangi (Yangyi 養夷)²⁰³

The city Yangi is 260 li²⁰⁴ east of Sayram. The city is located in the midst of a jumble of mountains. Northwest of the city, there is a large westward-flowing river.²⁰⁵ The ruins of the desolate city are overgrown with weeds with the passage of years. The city lies among Beshbalik Mongol tribes,²⁰⁶ who have been fighting with the Uighurs (Huihu 回鶻),²⁰⁷ people have not been able to live in peace. Only a few hundreds of garrison soldiers are left here to guard this lone city.²⁰⁸

[Moghulistan]

Beshbalik (Bieshibali 別失八里):²⁰⁹ The Mongol Tribes²¹⁰

Beshbalik is located in the desert. It is currently ruled by Prince Muhammad (馬哈木氏王子),²¹¹ one of the remaining descendants of the steppe-Yuan (胡元);²¹² his forebears were granted rule here.²¹³ [They] do not build city walls or palaces; their dwellings are of no particular directional orientation. [They] simply live in accordance with climatic conditions, migrating to wherever water and grass are available to pasture [their] cattle and horses. Thus, [they] set up tents and felt carpets wherever they reside; they sit and rest on the ground with no regard to cold or heat. Their ruler wears a small embroidered hat (罩剌帽),²¹⁴ a cormorant (鷀鴿)²¹⁵ plume, and a sleeveless shirt. His head is shaved, and his ears are pierced. Women cover their heads and necks with white cloth,²¹⁶ and wear narrow-sleeved garments. They only eat meat and cheese (酪), and occasionally rice and noodles; they seldom eat vegetables. They rarely ferment alcohol, and only drink milk. They do not plant mulberry and hemp; do not farm or weave, and sometimes plant panicle millet (穄麥). They also make felt. There are pines, cypresses, elms, willows, and narrow-leaved phoenix trees. Sheep and horses are found everywhere. There is a lot of snow and frost; the weather is extremely cold. On the plains, the climate is somewhat warm during summer and autumn, whereas in the deep mountains or large gorges, it snows [even] in June. Their social customs are rough and strange; their clothes and food are crude and filthy. There is absolutely no order between the ruler and the ruled or different ranks of the hierarchy. Tracing their former borders, they reach Hami in the east and Samarkand in the west.²¹⁷ Later, [their lands] was seized by Timur fuma.²¹⁸ Now, their [western] borders stop at Yangi. They reach Toqmaq (Tuohuma 脱忽麻)²¹⁹ northwestward, connect with the Oirats (Wala 瓦剌)²²⁰ in the north, and reach Khotan (Yutian 于闐)²²¹ in the south. The He Zhi 河誌²²² says: There are rivers in Khotan, from which jade is produced.²²³ From the land of Kashgar (Hashiha 哈石哈),²²⁴ precious stones, gold, silver, mulberry, hemp, and millet are produced. Within their allotted territory (封域), only a few places, such as Luchen 魯陳, Huo Zhou 火州, Turfan 土爾番,²²⁵ Kashgar, and Almaliq (Alimali 阿力馬力),²²⁶ are somewhat inhabited; there are occasionally city walls, inhabitants, fields, alleys, and other dwelling places. Although there are sites of former cities, the city walls are in ruins, and everything is desolate. People usually reside in mountains and valleys; this is because they are afraid of being invaded by their neighbors due to the weakness of their ruler. To measure their area,²²⁷ it is more than 5000 li east to west, and no less than 1000 li south to north. Its population numbers in the tens of thousands. [For them to] still know to respect elders and to circumvent any change of order, isn’t it based on the virtue accumulated by their ancestors?²²⁸

Turfan (Tu’erfan 土爾番)²²⁹

Turfan is only a hundred li west of Huo Zhou 火州;²³⁰ it is the ancient Anle City 安樂城²³¹ of Jiaohe County 交河縣.²³² The city is about one or two square li; it is located on a level plain. There are mountains far away on four sides of the city.²³³ The weather is usually warm and seldom cold; rain and snow are rare. The soil is suitable for [growing] flax and wheat; rice cannot grow. There are peaches, apricots, dates, and plums. Grapes are common. Sheep and horses are being bred. The [ruins of the old] city is close to households; houses widely exist. [People] believe in the Buddhist religion; there are many monks and monasteries. During the Tang period, the city was the seat of the Area Commander of Yixi Ting (yixi ting jiedu shi 伊西庭節度使).²³⁴ During the Han period, it was the residence for the king of Jushi 車師.²³⁵ Thirty li west of the city, there is a small city located on a cliff on an islet; it is named “Yar City” (Ya’er cheng 崖兒城).²³⁶ It was the seat of the former Jiaohe County.

More than a hundred li northwest of the city, there is a sacred (靈) mountain.²³⁷ Legend has it that a hundred thousand arhats (luohan fo 羅漢佛)²³⁸ had reached nirvana there. Close to the mountain there is an earthen platform, which is more than ten zhang high. It is said that it was built during the Tang dynasty. Beside the platform there is a monastery. At the foot of the temple, there is a spring coming from the rocks and several mu 畝²³⁹ of woods. Entering from here and walking in the mountains for about 20 li, passing the south side of a gorge, there is an earthen house surrounded by a lot of willows. Climbing the hill on the south side of the earthen house, [one will find] a cabin made from rocks. It is no more than five chi high, seven or eight chi wide. Inside of the cabin, there are five small buddha statues. Beside them are many wooden tablets, on which foreign (yi 夷) characters are written; travelers to the mountain write down their names [on the tablets]. In front [of the cabin], there is an earthen pond. It is shallow and without water; it is clean and without dirt. On the eastern side of the pond, the mountain rocks are greenish black, looking like hair from afar.²⁴⁰ It is said that (a hundred thousand)²⁴¹ arhats had washed their hair and taken tonsure here, leaving this sacred relic.

Leaving the gorge and walking southeastwards for six or seven li, [one will] come to a high precipice. There is a range of small mountains standing below. Their earth is red, smooth, soft, and ethereal. Their ridges and peaks are magnificent, arranged in lines and rows. On that earth, there is a pile of white stones, as if they are jaspers, light and crisp. There are sacred (靈) bones of strange shape; they are as hard as stones, have clear lines, bright color, and smooth texture. It is said that (a hundred thousand)²⁴² arhats had reached nirvana here. The white stones have never changed; the immortal sacred bones are the remains of the arhats. Walking along the gorge eastwards and down a rocky cliff, several li southwards, in the rocks on the cliff east of the gorge, [one will find] stalagmites (石笋) that look like human limbs. Another few li southwards, there is a pile of white stones in the red earth on a low hill. They are sparkling and clear like jades, and are two or four chi higher than the ground. Legend has it that Pratyeka-buddha (pizhi fo 辟支佛)²⁴³ had reached nirvana here. Walking around the mountains for more than twenty li, [one will be] surrounded by wilderness of sand of five colors, sparkling and dazzling. In the four directions, inaccessible gullies and cliffs are of thousands of shapes and cannot be described. Grasses and trees do not grow; birds and animals are rare. It is truly a sacred and blissful (靈) place!

Yar City (Ya’er cheng 崖兒城)²⁴⁴

The city of Yar is twenty li west of Turfan. The city is built on a steep plateau carved out by two rivers that merged [at one end of the plateau]. Thus, the city is named Yar.²⁴⁵ The city is no more than two li wide; it is inhabited by about 100 families. In the past, there were many temples. Engravings on stones remain.²⁴⁶ [The city] was once the residence of the king of Jushi 車師. Later, the government of Jiaohe County was established.²⁴⁷ Now it has been annexed by Turfan.²⁴⁸

Yanze City (Yanze cheng 鹽澤城)²⁴⁹

The city of Yanze is located southwest of Yar, and is over thirty li from Turfan. The city lies in a level plain. The width of the city is no more than two li, and 100 families reside there. On the east side of the city, there are two tall tombs (冢), surrounded by trees and enclosed by walls, constituting the burial place of former ruler of the country (國主) Khiḍr Khwāja (Heidi’er Huozhe 黑的兒火者) and his wife.²⁵⁰ Close to it are smaller graves, which are said to be those of their favored ministers who were buried with them. North of the city, there are low hills from which rock salt is produced. [The rock salt] is solid and white like the jade; it can be carved and polished into containers for holding food, to which salt need not to be added. This is how the city is named yanze (“where salt accumulates”).

Huo Zhou (Huo zhou 火州)²⁵¹

Huo Zhou is seventy li west of Luchen City 魯陳城. The city is close to a mountain northward. It lies in a low land. The color of the mountain is blue and red like flame; the weather is always hot. Thus, [the city] is named Huo Zhou.²⁵² The city is more than 10 square li. Its landscape is desolate. Even though a large population and many temples once existed here, they all have decayed. On the east side is the site of a desolate city, which is said to be the seat of governance of the ancient Gaochang. During the Han Dynasty, the Aide of the Western Regions (西域長史) and Wuji Commandant (戊己校尉)²⁵³ used to reside there at the same time. The Tang court established the Area Commander of Yixi Ting [in the region].²⁵⁴ Today, it is subordinate to Prince Muhammad of Beshbalik. It is a one-month journey here from Jiayu Pass of the Suzhou 肅州 Guard of the Shanxi Regional Commission.

Luchen City (Luchen cheng 魯陳城)²⁵⁵

The city of Luchen, on the land of the ancient Liuzhong County 柳中縣, is located east of Huo Zhou 火州, about 1000 li from Hami. There is a big plain in between them. There is a boundless stretch of sand and gravel but no waterweeds. If draught animals cross it, they would mostly die. If a heavy wind blows, people and their horses would be separated. On the side of the road, there are many human bones and ghosts; if a traveler is separated from his companions during the day or at night, he must get lost and die. The local (yi 夷)²⁵⁶ people call it han hai 瀚海.²⁵⁷ [If one] crosses that plain, there are rivers of drift sand (liusha he 流沙河). In the [sand] rivers there are dunes, which are mounds of drift sand brought together by the wind. On the north side of the road there is a mountain, remarkably red as fire; it is named “the mountain of flame” (huoyan shan 火焰山).

The city is two or three square li. There are many gardens, running waters, and luxuriant trees surrounding the city. The soil is suitable for growing broomcorn millets, hemp, soy. Grapes, peaches, apricots, apples, walnuts, small dates, melons, and calabashes are widely grown there. There is a [type of] small grape, sweet and seedless; it is named suozi 鎖子 grape.²⁵⁸ The soil produces cotton, from which cloth can be made. [The people there] are good at making wine and raising oxen, cattle, horses, and camels. The weather is warm, and people are plain and simple. There are [people] of a Muslim origin: men shave their hair and wear small embroidered hats, and women cover their hair with white cloth. There are [people] wearing Uighur (Weiwu’er 畏兀兒)²⁵⁹ clothes; men tie their hair like a cone, and women cover themselves with black cloth, with their hair hanging on their forehead. They all wear steppe (hu 胡) clothes. Their local dialects are all Uighur. The three places of Huo Zhou, Turfan, and Luchen have similar traditions and local products.

Hami (Hami 哈密)²⁶⁰

The city of Hami lies in a level plain. It is about three or four square li. There are only two gates, east and north. There are several hundred households living in low earthen houses. East of the city, there is a creek flowing southwestward. There are two or three fruit gardens in which only qiu 楸 apricots are being grown. Though manure is spread for farming, only panicle millet, rice, peas, barley and wheat grow. The land is mostly low-lying and saline-alkali. North [of the city] there is a big mountain; [the other] three sides face the level plain. To the southeast, Suzhou 肅州 Guard is about 1600 li away. Between them, there is also a big river that extends for more than three hundred li. It takes two or three days to get beyond the river. [The city] reaches the land of the Oirats (Wala 瓦剌) in the north, which takes a month of speedy travel. It is about a thousand li from the land of Huo Zhou in the west. [The city] was a part of Yi Zhou 伊州²⁶¹ during the Tang dynasty. Today, it is a strategically important spot for the communication between different steppe (hu 胡) peoples of the northwest [of China]. The residents of Hami are usually tough and ferocious; of whomever passes this place, they will demand something. The Mongols and the Uighurs (Huihu 回鹘) live together here; their ways of clothing and customs are distinctive.