Area of study: Western Africa
SOURCE: DRAWN BY ETTORE MORELLI ON ARCGIS ONLINE
1 Introduction
During the second and third centuries, the indigenous Berber communities of North Africa began harnessing the potential of camels to traverse the formidable Sahara Desert. This pivotal shift not only revolutionized their transportation methods but also set the stage for a significant development: the establishment and evolution of trade routes seamlessly connecting the Maghrib with the vibrant expanse of sub-Saharan Africa. This brought the Mediterranean world and Europe closer to the lands beyond the great sea of sand. The subsequent two centuries witnessed the Sanhaja clans of the western Sahara amassing a substantial fleet of camels. This strategic acquisition cemented their position as key players, enabling them to dominate and expand the regionâs trade networks.1
The arrival of Islam in the Atlas region during the eighth century marked a transformative juncture in history. Beyond the mere exchange of goods along the trade routes, Muslim traders served as carriers of a novel faith into the heart of Bilad el-Sudan, the âland of the blacksâ. This confluence of commerce and spirituality profoundly impacted Upper Guinea, especially after gold from the forests of Ghana and Cote dâIvoire was found in increasing quantities around the tenth century. All this dynamism blurred the political, social, religious, and cultural lines of a region unfairly perceived as static.
In the second half of the thirteenth century, the Empire of Mali expanded towards the Atlantic, bringing new people, a new culture and political organization to the region. The emergence of the Songhay Empire during the fifteenth century rivalled Mali for political pre-eminence in Upper Guinea, creating new opportunities and challenges for the local polities and communities. Despite these changes, transnational merchants connected the entire region
The European arrival south of the Saharan Atlantic coast in the mid-fifteenth century is consensually referred as a pivotal moment in the so-called âAge of European Expansionâ. Overcoming the traditional maritime boundaries allowed for the discovery of new lands and the meeting of new peoples. Nonetheless, the initial encounters were characterized by violence. Portuguese captains would try to kidnap individuals to profit by selling them as slaves or collecting ransoms, following century-old mechanisms of interaction with Muslim communities in the Iberian Peninsula and North Africa. When expeditions reached the Senegal river, the superiority of local tactics and weaponry â the dreaded poisoned arrows â caused the first military defeats and forced a hasty retreat home. It didnât take long for the Portuguese to cope with these setbacks. Overcoming a history of violence demanded a transformative shift towards trade as the most viable path to foster mutual comprehension and attain much desired gains. Portuguese leaders and navigators swiftly adapted their approach, forging commercial ties with local sovereigns and traders. As time progressed, trade evolved into the bedrock of enduring coexistence, once the hurdles of initial interactions were successfully surmounted. This achievement hinged upon the Europeans, much like any outsider, adhering to the established local norms governing social interactions and business conduct. Nonetheless, these initial encounters played an instrumental role in laying the foundation for subsequent relationships. The success of these connections was rooted in the cultivation of trust between the involved parties, a role often facilitated by cultural mediators. Among the notable figures in afro-European interactions, two examples stand out, deserving of our focused attention: the lançados and the Luso-Africans.
The former, the lançados, were outcasts that, under a crown-sponsored strategy, reveal mechanisms of social adaptation at an individual level and as a survival tactic. Thanks to their connection to the Atlantic trade and as cultural go-betweens between African societies and European commercial expeditions, they were given the chance to integrate local communities. They operated without borders, both mentally and culturally speaking, developing fluid identities that came to the fore according to specific contexts of action. They crossed several lines, be they political, social, cultural, and even religious. Eventually, the lançados played a very important role as space negotiators and facilitators of commerce. The latter, Luso-Africans, were the offspring of intermarriages â or sexual encounters â between a Portuguese man and an African woman. They received their education from either their mother or a member of their motherâs kin, and were consistently viewed as somewhat distinct
This chapter is structured around the above-mentioned historical dynamics. First, the arrival of Muslim transnational merchants to Upper Guinea through the trans-Saharan caravan routes in the eighth century. This connected the region to broader north African and Mediterranean trade networks, while spreading Islam at the same time. This had profound consequences to the social, cultural, economic, and religious atmosphere of these communities. Second, the arrival of Europeans along the West African coast during the fifteenth century. The novelty of these interactions, the opportunities of the Atlantic trade, as well as the spread of a new religion â Catholicism â profoundly changed once again the fabric of Upper Guinean polities and communities. One of the strategies first used by Portuguese captains, especially when translators couldnât understand the local language or when no communities were found by the coast, was to leave someone behind â the Lançados â to hopefully lay the foundations to future relationships. Third, the advent of the Luso-Africans, mixed-heritage individuals, that took advantage of their role as cultural go-betweens and attained a central role in the Atlantic trade, by now very important for many societies in Upper Guinea. The focus on the Lançados and Luso-Africans provides two clear examples of these mechanisms of change and integration. Hopefully, Upper Guinea will come across as a multicultural region with unfixed borders, displaying dynamics that nowadays are usually attributed to the most modern of societies.
2 Transnational Muslim Merchants
In the context of this chapter, Upper Guinea is delineated as extending from the Senegal River to the riverine expanse encompassing Sherbro Island, situated in present-day Sierra Leone. Usually, this demarcation goes further south to the border of todayâs Liberia, but because of little interactions during the period under consideration, itâs preferable to clearly define our geographical
Owing to this remarkable diversity and the convenient accessibility of these goods through extensive land and river routes, Upper Guinea was consistently marked by robust local, inter-regional, and long-distance commercial interactions. Notable instances of local trade dynamics included the salt trade, which held immense significance for pastoralist societies within the regionâs interior, and the value of this commodity increased as one ventured further inland. Similarly, the trade in dried fish remained a staple irrespective of proximity to the sea, while the exchange of kola nuts, a highly coveted item, played a central role in the hospitality customs of Upper Guinea, serving as a gentle stimulant, a hunger-relief provision, and even a form of currency. On a broader scale, the inter-regional and long-distance trade networks, particularly part of the trans-Saharan trade routes, encompassed various pivotal commodities. Notably, gold sourced from the forests of contemporary Ghana and Côte dâIvoire, slaves who played a significant role as a workforce across various societies over many centuries, and the aforementioned kola nuts, which held particular importance within Muslim communities due to religious prohibitions on alcohol consumption. These extensive trade networks were managed by different ethnic groups: the Mandinka held sway inland, while the Biafada-Sapi and the Banyun-Bak controlled the coastal and riverine regions.3
In fact, the establishment of local and inter-regional commercial networks in Upper Guinea is much more ancient than the trans-Saharian caravan routes.4 Nonetheless, for the dynamics under study, the long-distance trade is
Throughout history, Upper Guinea was a composite of political entities and social organizations: the Jolof Confederation, the Mali Empire, and the Songhay Empire â founded in the late fifteenth century â, just to mention the more relevant. The Jolof, structured into five distinct sub-kingdoms, settled within the northern hinterlands situated between the Senegal and Gambia rivers. Conversely, the Mandinka, also known as Malinke, established their presence along the course of the Gambia River. Going south along the Atlantic coast, we come across a region of wetlands that did not favour the emergence of centralized political states â the presence of marshes and tsetse flies (Genus Glossina), carriers of trypanosomes that cause fatal diseases in horses, served as impediments to the effectiveness of cavalry, a pivotal element in the process of empire building across sub-Saharan Africa. Therefore, this was the region
The Mandinka people migrated to Upper Guinea as a part of the westward expansion of the Mali Empire. Emerging as one of the most populous ethnic groups across contemporary Mali, Guinea, and Côte dâIvoire, their initial arrivals were in small numbers, as smiths who sought new deposits of gold. They formed a distinct social and professional endogamous group within their host communities, preserving ancient knowledge of metalworking. Then came the traders, and finally warriors bent on conquest and state-building. Leveraging local mechanisms for assimilating foreigners, the Mandinka integrated with autochthonous societies through unions with local women. These intermarriages gave rise to new lineages and kinship bonds, thus completing a cycle of accommodation. Concurrently, driven by profound cultural exchanges, the Mandinka language disseminated throughout Upper Guinea, capitalizing on the prestige of the Mali Empire. These transformative sociocultural shifts precipitated an escalating commercialization of productive processes across the region and opened what had previously been a more insular area to the wider world. In the realm of politics, this transformation gave rise to a loosely connected federation of states â such as Niumi, Badibu, and Wuli â which maintained distant links to the Mali Emperor, at least in the rhetoric used by local rulers and their lineages to legitimize their authority.10
These first Mandinka were Soninké of the crumbling ancient Ghana Empire, although it should be noted that this territory does not correspond to the modern-day country with the same name situated considerably further to the south. During the second half of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, most of the long-distance trade in Upper Guinea was gold and slaves. The trans-Saharan caravans were intricately tied to the European appetite for gold, driven by the phenomenon known as the âbullion famineâ. The origin of this precious metal sparked the genesis of the earliest legends and myths surrounding the âLand of the Blacksâ â Guinea â within the European imagination. Depending on the specific region, these endogamous merchant groups bore
These dynamics also show that commerce was central in the region as a form of cross-cultural mechanism. This strategy has been used throughout history to connect communities and civilizations with very little in common. In fact, commercial relations connect these societies by establishing mutual understandings and shared goals, benefiting all sides. This is evident in the acceptance of Sudanic and trans-Saharan traders in Upper Guinean communities. Such environment of mutual exchange led to cultural pluralism and
3 The Arrival of the Europeans
What is often referred to as the Portuguese discovery of sub-Saharan Africa should be more accurately defined as the arrival of Europeans in the region. While it is true that the initial maritime expeditions were an expression of the will of monarchs or members of the Portuguese royal family â most likely with money borrowed from important German, Genoese, and Florentine bankers â,13 itâs important to note that the sailors and captains of these inaugural crews were born in a great variety of places. Hence, within this chapter, national designations are exclusively employed to denote the flag under which a particular expedition was assembled. Secondly, the term âarrivalâ is more appropriate than âdiscoveryâ since navigators were primarily focused on
It should also be established that there was no âAfricaâ, as there was no âEuropeâ. The concept of a uniform continent, inhabited by the same people who considered themselves part of the same community is a historical simplification and a contemporary myth.16 Neither of the two continents was homogenous in any way. Both were divided into many political entities, each with its own interests and specific relations with their neighbours. There were no broad regions in Africa unified by a common culture. There were some empires, as in Europe, with local polities that pledged vassalage to a distant ruler.17 Thatâs the reason why the role of cultural mediators was so important everywhere in Africa.
During the first years of Portuguese expansion south of Cape Bojador, encounters were characterized by violence. Lesser nobles eagerly in search
Due to the military superiority of African warriors and the staggering death rates produced by tropical diseases, the position of Europeans in the mainland was often precarious and always dependent of local rulers. They had to abide by well-established rules of different communities on how to deal with foreigners, developed over centuries of commercial relations with the already mentioned long-distance Mandinka and North-African traders. Many think that the establishment of fortified factories was a counterpoint to this submissive situation. The increased control given by these fortified trading posts
Guinea, 1623
SOURCE: GERHARD MERCATOR, HENDRIK HONDIUS, âGUINEAE NOVA DESCRIPTIO. INSET: I.S. THOMAEâ, AMSTERDAM, 1623, [DETAIL] INCLUDED IN GERARDI MERCATORIS, ATLAS SIVE COSMOGRAPHICAE MEDITATIONES DE FABRICA MUNDI ET FABRICATI FIGURA, DENUO AUCTUS, EDITIO QUINTA, AMSTERDAM, HENDRIK HONDIUS, 1623
The fundamental question is: How did the first contacts between Africans and Europeans happen? The role of the lÃnguas, meaning âtonguesâ in Portuguese, or tangomaos, a corruption of âturjimanâ in Arabic, which translates to interpreter, was of paramount importance. They were usually kidnapped and enslaved African individuals who were incorporated into the shipâs crew and were not limited to interpreting and cultural mediation. They could be navigators, guides, informants, and diplomatic and trading agents. They would also help clergymen to indoctrinate local populations.24 Usually, they were the
Flowchart of early Afro-European interactions (European perspective)
SOURCE: DRAWN BY FERNANDO MOUTA
The flowchart clearly illustrates the crossing of a significant threshold. At its core, this transition signifies a crossing between the realities of the sea and the land. Even apparently minor occurrences could wield profound influence on subsequent interactions, as evidenced by numerous instances where the Portuguese, arriving by sea with unprecedented gifts, were perceived as envoys from the spiritual realm.25 On a more intricate level, this intersection brought
Typically, Portuguese ships would drop anchor upon spotting locals on an African beach or at a location suitable for trade. If any conflict arose during this initial contact, the ships would continue their voyage in search of a more amicable encounter. Should the locals seem amiable, certain crew members, usually the interpreter, would be dispatched to engage with them, attempting to barter for intriguing items like gold jewellery or food, while showcasing the array of goods in the shipâs hold. Subsequent to this inaugural commercial transaction, the captain would endeavour to establish trade relations, often involving an exchange of hostages for mutual safety. Several locals might stay aboard the ships, while select sailors would accompany the local party, meeting with their leader in a village farther from the coastline.
Should the leader exhibit a friendly disposition, the Portuguese would seek to persuade him to convert to Catholicism, with dual purposes in mind: firstly, shared beliefs and religious practices engender trust; and secondly, such conversion justified the enforcement of the Papal-granted monopoly on trade and navigation along the Atlantic coast of Africa. If these leaders displayed genuine interest in conversion, a formal embassy would be dispatched to their court to initiate diplomatic ties. Over time, and if trust persisted, relations would likely deepen. Three potential outcomes, not mutually exclusive, were conceivable: settlement of Portuguese traders within the village; provision of military assistance upon request against local or regional adversaries; construction of a factory, possibly fortified, to enhance commercial connections and store goods if trade proved lucrative.
From an African perspective, the dynamics unfolded somewhat differently. Firstly, if conflict arose during initial interaction, it typically led to the worst possible outcome, concluding the engagement on unfavourable terms. In cases where the first contact remained peaceful, but newcomers did not present gifts, the African party could either depart or engage in a one-time transaction if the Europeans offered something appealing. If a gift was extended, it would be conveyed to the local leader, who would subsequently participate in trade interactions himself or arrange for traders to operate on his behalf or for his benefit.
A successful initial encounter laid the foundation for the establishment of enduring trade relations. Generally, the exchange of hostages would take place to solidify trust. At this stage, two potential outcomes were plausible, often coexisting: 1) Diplomatic alliance formed with the distant European monarch, thereby bolstering the African leaderâs regional standing and enhancing his military influence; 2) Integration of foreign traders willing to remain through
Flowchart of early Afro-European interactions (African perspective)
SOURCE: DRAWN BY FERNANDO MOUTA
Chegando nós a este lugar determinamos enviar um dos nossos lÃnguas com este negro à presença deste senhor Butimansa, e, assim, lhe mandámos um presente, que foi uma alzimba de seda mourisca, espécie de camisa a nosso modo, bastante bela e feita em terra de mouros ⦠O intérprete foi com o negro aonde estava este senhor, ao qual disse tanto
de nós, que quis imediatamente mandar certos negros seus as caravelas, com os quais, não somente fizemos amizade, mas também permutamos muita da nossa fazenda, pela qual nos deram alguns escravos e certa quantidade de ouro ⦠Estivemos aqui coisa de onze dias, e, durante este tempo, vinham as nossas caravelas muitos daqueles negros habitantes de uma e de outra margem, qual para ver um objecto, extremamente novo para eles, qual para vender-nos algumas mercadorias suas ou algum anel de ouro â¦. Por esta maneira tÃnhamos todos os dias gente nova nas caravelas, e esta de diversas linguagens, nem cessavam de andar abaixo e acima. por aquele rio com suas almadias, de um lugar para outro com mulheres e homens, do mesmo modo que cá andam as nossas barcas.26
E eu mandei sair o preto, que levámos connosco, para que manifestasse aos homens daquela terra o modo e fim porque ali viera para tratar comércio. E assim em grande multidão os pretos se aproximaram. Feita a paz com eles, logo soou a fama por todo o paÃs que estavam os cristãos em Cantor, e correram de toda a parte para ali.27
Stopping, at some distance, the negro chief put water on his cheek, not caring to trust himself nearer till Baker did the like. This signal of friendship being answered, and some tempting merchandize being shewn him, the chief came forward and intimated by signs, that he would stand their friend if some of these things were given him. He was gratified, and many things given to others of the natives. After trading all day with the negroes, Baker returned at night to the ship, carrying the chief along with him, where he clothed him and treated him kindly.28
Only after mirroring the gesture of the African chief, a symbolic act of friendship or ritual cleansing involving washing the face with water, did the local inhabitants cautiously approach the arriving Europeans by sea. Through non-verbal communication, the leader succeeded in conveying to the Europeans that trade could commence after the payment of a tribute, although this was interpreted by the Europeans as the presentation of enticing merchandise signifying friendship. The trading day likely concluded to everyoneâs contentment, as come nightfall, the chief felt secure enough to journey to the European ship and receive additional gifts, most certainly viewed as further tributes in his perspective. This episode reveals that the arrival of Europeans in Upper Guinea did not usher in any revolutionary shifts. Instead, they swiftly and seamlessly assimilated into well-established mechanisms of integrating foreigners into communities accustomed to these constant influxes of newcomers.29
In the towns of Porto dâAlly and Joala, which are the places of chief trade on this coast, and at Canton and Cassan in the river Gambia, there are many Spaniards and Portuguese who have become resident by permission of the negroes, and carry on a valuable trade all along the coast,
especially to the Rio San Dominica and Rio Grande, which are not far distant from the Gambia.30
Actually, no-one goes ashore there, for they bring their wares, namely pepper and rice, on to the ships, desiring in return only iron bars and glass beads. As soon as we dropped anchor there, the people of Sesto and nearby places came with much malaguetta and wanted to trade with us. They traded with us in the following way: we handed them a large tub, which they twice filled with pepper, making a total weight of 280 lb. In exchange we gave them a bar of iron. For the rice they wanted only glass beads for their wives, because the rice is the ware of women, while malaguetta is that of the men.31
Ouvindo isto aquele senhor, montou logo a cavalo e veio à marinha com obra de quinze cavaleiros e cento e cinquenta piões, e me mandou dizer que me aprouvesse descer em terra e i-lo ver, que me faria honra; pelo que sabendo o seu bom nome assim o fiz, e ele me recebeu com grande festa, e depois de muitas palavras, eu lhe dei os meus cavalos e tudo quanto quis de mim, fiando-me dele; rogou-me também quisesse ir por terra a sua casa, que era 1onge da praia coisa de vinte e cinco milhas, dizendo que aà me pagaria bem, esperando alguns dias, pois, pelo que de mim tinha recebido, me prometia um certo número de escravos. Eu lhe dei sete cavalos com os seus arneses e outras coisas mais ⦠e assim, me determinei a ir com ele; antes porem que partÃssemos presenteou-me logo com uma rapariga de doze para treze anos, muito bela por ser muito negra, e disse que ma dava para serviço da minha câmara, a qual eu aceitei e mandei para o navio. E por certo o eu ir acompanhá-lo não foi menos para ver e ouvir coisas novas do que para receber o meu pagamento.35
When trust endured, these initial acts of trade and cooperation would often develop into diplomatic relationships. This evolution was in the collective interest, particularly for European monarchs and merchants who aimed to establish institutional ties to foster a favourable atmosphere conducive to
Indo nós próximo da margem avistámos duas almadias que iam no mar. E pusemo-nos entre eles e a terra, e navegámos para eles, e em cada uma das almadias estavam 38 homens. E o intérprete chegou-se-me e segredou-me que ali estava Beseguichi, senhor daquela terra e homem maligno, de que já acima falámos. E fiz com que eles entrassem na caravela, e dei-lhes de comer e beber e presentes, e disse-lhes, como se não soubesse que o senhor deles estava ali, para o experimentar: esta terra é Beseguichi? E ele mesmo disse: assim é.
E eu disse-lhe: Porque é ele tão mau para os cristãos? Era melhor para ele fazer a paz com os cristãos, e que uns e outros trocassem as suas mercadorias, e teria cavalos, etc, como faz Burbruque e Budumel e outros senhores dos negros. E digam-lhe lá que eu vos tomei neste mar, e que por amor dele vos deixo ir livres para terra.
Ficaram muito contentes e disse-lhes que entrassem nas suas almadias. E entraram. E depois de todos estarem nas suas almadias disse então aoâ senhor: âBeseguichi, Beseguichi, não julgues que te não conheci; certamente eu poderia fazer de ti o que quisesse. E visto que te fiz bem, tu agora faze o mesmo aos nossos cristãosâ.37
Central to this entire scenario is the pivotal role played by the interpreter. He not only provided crucial information, alerting Diogo Gomes de Sintra about Beseguichiâs presence, but also facilitated the communication process itself. Employing a strategy that had proven successful in the past, the Portuguese navigator employed the tactic of offering food and gifts. Through this approach, he demonstrated his peaceful intentions, proceeding to persuade Beseguichi about the advantages of cultivating a harmonious relationship with the Portuguese, particularly through trade. To strengthen his argument, Diogo Gomes de Sintra highlighted how other local rulers were already reaping the benefits of such relations.
In his narrative, Diogo Gomes de Sintra does exhibit a fair amount of self-praise and showcases his sagacity. However, he provides his readers with a blueprint â from his perspective â for establishing peaceful relations with the lords of the African Atlantic coast: firstly, cultivate an environment conducive to communication; then, strive to initiate commercial connections, highlighting the mutual advantages of goods exchange; finally, uphold peace, recognizing its mutual benefits. Following these events, the Portuguese indeed maintained peaceful and commercial ties in the region under Beseguichiâs rule. This was achieved through analogous processes undertaken by other navigators.
E, continuando a nossa navegação, chegamos a embocadura de outro rio grande, o qual mostrava não ser maior que o Senegal, e, vendo este rio belo e o paÃs ainda mais belo e coberto de arvoredo até ao mar lançamos ferro. e deliberamos mandar a terra um dos nossos intérpretes. [â¦] Saindo pois em terra, e tendo-se a barca feito um pouco ao largo, de repente lhe vieram ao encontro muitos negros do paÃs, os quais tendo visto os navios a vizinharem-se à praia, com arcos, setas e armas, estavam emboscados para assaltar algum de nós que fosse a terra. E vindo assim a ele lhe falaram algum espaço; porém não sabÃamos o que eles lhe diziam e só vimos que com fúria principiavam a feri-lo com a1gumas armas que são à maneira de espadas mouriscas curtas, com que brevemente o mataram, de sorte que os da barca o não puderam socorrer. Ouvida por nós esta notÃcia ficamos ató6nitos e compreendemos que estes homens deviam ser cruelÃssimos tendo feito semelhante atrocidade naquele negro, que era da sua geração, e que de razão muito pior nos fariam a nós; por isso, nos fizemos à vela seguindo o nosso caminho para o Sul.38
The presence of cultural intermediaries between Africans and Europeans played a crucial role in averting violence, ensuring trust, and fostering stronger bonds. Now, letâs shift our attention to two remarkable instances of cultural mediators on the Atlantic coast of Africa.
The Portuguese used another strategy that also reveal mechanisms of social adaptation, but at an individual level and as a survival tactic. During the early phases of Portuguese expeditions south of Cape Bojador, Portuguese crews included individuals who had been condemned to extended exile or permanent banishment from Portugal. These individuals were employed in a distinctive manner. Upon reaching uncharted territories, the shipâs captain would leave one of these individuals ashore and proceed with the voyage. Their task was to explore and gather information about the land and its inhabitants, with the aim of establishing some form of rapport with the local population. If they managed to survive, they were to be retrieved on the return journey. These abandoned Portuguese individuals came to be known as Lançados, which translates to âthose thrown awayâ in Portuguese.
These discarded individuals had to rapidly adapt to surviving in a challenging environment. Fortunately for them, in Upper Guinea, it was deemed unlucky to harm an albino, and many locals perceived white individuals as a distinct type of albino. Additionally, the significant value attributed to hospitality in certain local communities had fostered a tradition of welcoming strangers. Both factors afforded the Lançados enough time to forge bonds with influential figures, often serving as protectors, which enabled them to integrate into the community. So long as the Lançados adhered to the societal norms of their host communities, particularly through intermarriage or landlord/stranger relations, they could count on protection. The rationale behind the interest of these powerful individuals in sheltering the Lançados was rooted in their connection to the Atlantic trade. Local rulers viewed the Lançados as intermediaries with the Portuguese, capable of navigating the cultural bridge between the two sides. Over time, the lançados would emerge as essential negotiators of space and facilitators of commerce, capitalizing on their understanding of African consumer preferences. They often assimilated local customs, such as marrying multiple wives in polygamous societies, engaging in activities such as going around naked â a practice considered uncivilized by fellow countrymen â and adopting African religious rites and celebrations, earning them the designation âtangomausâ in the process.39
Their contemporary observers noted that they had effectively âAfricanizedâ themselves, as exemplified in the words of Father Manuel de Barros below.
Estes negros tanto homens, como mulheres, vinham ver-me por maravilha e parecia-lhes coisa extraordinária ver Cristãos nunca até então vistos. E não menos se admiravam do meu traje do que da minha brancura; este traje era à espanhola, um jubão de damasco negro e uma capa por cima. Olhavam o pano de lã, que eles não têm e o jubão e ficavam muito pasmados; e alguns me tocavam as mãos e os braços e me esfregavam com cuspo para ver se a minha brancura era alguma tinta, ou só a carne; e vendo que era carne, ficavam cheios de admiração.41
Outra sorte de gente há de que se não recolhe menos proveito no confessionário, os quais são homens portugueses que andam metidos por dentro de Guiné tiguilando e comprando negros, passando vinte e trinta anos, mais e menos sem se confessarem; e além de ser gente estragada não têm confessor por aquelas partes. Estes se chamam tangosmaus, gente bem nomeada pela vida que fazem, esquecida de sua salvação [â¦] muitos deles andam nus, riscando e lavrando a pele com um ferro, tirando sangue e depois com um certo sumo de erva, fica a pintura de lagarto ou serpente ou outras que eles mais querem, e isto por mais se naturalizarem com o gentio da terra em que tratam.42
Este lançado Português se foi ao Reino do Gran-Fulo por ordem do Duque de Casão, que é um negro poderoso que habita neste porto pelo rio da Gâmbia acima 60 léguas do mar. Este o mandou por sua ordem com gente sua, e na corte do Gran-Fulo, se casou com uma filha sua ⦠E chama-se João Ferreira, natural do Crato, da nação, e chamado pelos negros o Ganagoga, que quer dizer na lÃngua dos Beafares, homem que fala todas as lÃnguas.43
As a consequence of prolonged relations and interactions, a notable phenomenon emerged: the presence of second-generation offspring born from marriages or intimate relationships between Portuguese men and African women. These children were raised and educated either by their mothers or by individuals from their maternal lineage. They were recognized as possessing a distinct identity from their native community and often led somewhat separate lives. Despite sharing a physical appearance with the broader population, they proudly embraced their European lineage. This was evident not only through their self-identification â they proudly claimed Portuguese identity and took offense when referred to as âblacksâ or âAfricansâ by European visitors â but also through their use of certain items, such as crucifixes and attire like trousers, shoes, and European-style swords. These markers easily set them apart from their fellow inhabitants. Their residences exhibited European-style features such as front porches and were equipped with furniture reminiscent of European design, including elevated tables and cupboards. They assimilated into their native communities based on the socio-commercial ties to the Atlantic trade, assuming roles as traders, rowers, porters, translators, and more. Proficient in multiple languages, they spoke Portuguese, local dialects, and creole, a language borne from the interactions and amalgamation of Afro-European influences. Their religious beliefs mirrored a fusion of Christian, Jewish, and African practices, standing as a compelling illustration of religious syncretism, a phenomenon not commonly associated with these distant historical periods. Their identity was so fluid that they could easily move back and forth between European contexts and African societies. They wisely used the best of their mixed heritage, to better their life opportunities. This model of identity
Qui est dâune espèce de Portugais, gens qui se nomment ainsi, parce quâils les ont autrefois servis, & quâils descendent de ceux qui habitérent les premiers cette Côte, après lâavoir découverte. Des Négresses quâils épousèrent naquirent ces Mulâtres, de qui viennent des plus noirs quâeux.45
The principal people call themselves Portuguese, claiming their descent from the colonists of that nation who were formerly settled here, though they do not retain the smallest trace of European extraction; but having had a white man once in the family is sufficient to give them the appellation. They also profess the Roman Catholic religion (â¦) yet the most enlightened among them are merely nominal Christians.46
Bien que noirs, comme les plus noirs Africains, ils ont la modeste prétention dâêtre blancs tout purs, et câest leur faire une grande injure que de les
prendre pour des nègres ou pour des Sérères. Ils veulent quâon les appelle les blancs de Joal, les chrétiens de Joal, parce quâils descendent des Portugais en ligne directe et quâils sont baptisés. Pour tout dire, en un mot, être chrétien, câest être blanc ; être blanc, câest être libre.47
These three examples show us the continuous importance in Upper Guinea of this group of descendants of the early Portuguese navigators and traders. They maintained their socio-economic characteristics and their connection to the Atlantic trade, always in interaction with other Europeans. Whatâs intriguing is that being identified as âPortugueseâ was not primarily determined by ancestry or nationality; rather, it was a functional or cultural classification.48 In the perspective of the Luso-Africans, if they engaged in the same occupations as most of the Portuguese and adorned themselves with similar attire, there seemed to be little reason for them to bear a distinct designation. Itâs the same processes we saw before with the Lançados.49
5 Conclusion
The bio-climatic diversity, proximity to the Atlantic, and the hydrographic network of Upper Guinea allowed the existence of several goods of interest to the various communities living in the region. This variety was also expressed in the existence of various polities and forms of social organization throughout the centuries. For these communities, trade has always played a central role and was the driving force behind many processes of exchange, whether economic, cultural and/or social. This fact is confirmed by the existence of local, inter-regional and long-distance â the trans-Saharan caravan routes â trade networks. The discovery of gold and the availability of slaves in the region attracted transnational merchants and encouraged the arrival of contingents from powerful,
The arrival of Europeans in Upper Guinea marked a revolutionary juncture in the interactions between Africa and Europe, representing a new disruption of boundaries. However, this event wasnât an entirely novel occurrence in the region. As the Mandinka examples of previous centuries, European newcomers, especially the Portuguese, eventually became integrated through entirely peaceful means, despite the initial prevalence of violence during the early Afro-European interactions. The major distinction lay in the fact that the new historical actors were significantly more intertwined with the global economy, and the emergence of the Atlantic trade conferred a renewed centrality upon Upper Guinea within the African context. The integration of European newcomers just confirmed the mechanisms of social adaptation and co-existence, for long a characteristic of the region. The mixed marriages and adherence to local customs further strengthened the cultural adaptation and syncretism of social practices. This phenomenon is emblematic of communities classified as hybrid or creole in nature.
The Lançados and Luso-Africans are two excellent examples of these dynamics. The Lançados were outcasts forced to live in African communities, strategically leveraging the rules of integrating outsiders as a means of survival. Their value to these societies presented a window of opportunity. Their cultural affinity with European expeditions rendered them a crucial âassetâ for local political and commercial elites, facilitating communication pathways and laying the groundwork for enduring relationships, spanning the realms of trade, diplomacy, and even religion.
The Luso-Africans, born of a European father and an African mother, constituted a diverse group. Raised within their host communities yet somewhat set apart, they enjoyed full membership while embracing their mixed heritage as an integral part of their identity. This special heritage served as a distinctive emblem, setting them apart from both compatriots and newly arrived Europeans. Most held connections to the Atlantic trade, often engaged in logistical roles supporting European commercial ventures, or as traders themselves, serving as intermediaries within the trade networks connecting inland markets
These two examples demonstrate the centrality of cultural go-betweens in the encounter of civilizations and in changing borders, whether physically, culturally, or mentality-wise. Lançados were forced to cross a border by the Portuguese and African leaders allowed it, as well as their integration in their communities; Luso-Africans became brokers of Afro-European encounters, symbolically placed at a border where cultural and commercial exchanges took place. In conclusion, Upper Guinea was, and continues to be, a region characterized by multiculturalism, adaptable identities, and permeable boundaries. Not even the arrival of Europeans in the mid-fifteenth century altered its fundamental essence as a cultural âmelting potâ.
Acknowledgements
This chapter was possible thanks to the research conducted under a PhD project entitled âCommerce, Cooperation and Conflict in the West African Coast (15th-16th centuries). Beyond the Transatlantic Slave Tradeâ (SFRH/BD/139662/2018), funded by the FCT (Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia), an R&D agency of the Portuguese government, and hosted at CITCEM (Centro de Investigação Transdisciplinar «Cultura, Espaço e Memória»).
This chapter has its roots in a presentation delivered at the 2021 European Social Science History Conference and was greatly improved by the suggestions and contributions of the editor of this book, Ettore Morelli.
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âArriving at this place, we decided to send one of our interpreters along with this black man to the presence of this lord Butimansa, and thus we sent him a gift, which was a silk Moorish alzimba, a kind of shirt in our style, quite beautiful and made in the land of the Moors. The interpreter went with the black man to where this lord was, and he spoke so much about us that the lord immediately sent some of his men to the caravels. With them, we not only made friendship but also exchanged much of our goods, for which they gave us some slaves and a certain quantity of gold ⦠We stayed here for about eleven days, and during this time, many of those black inhabitants from both banks of the river came to our caravels, some to see an object extremely new to them, others to sell us some of their goods or a gold ring ⦠In this way, we had new people on the caravels every day, and they spoke various languages. They continually travelled up and down the river with their canoes, from one place to another with women and men, in the same way that our boats do hereâ. LuÃs de LuÃs [Alvise] de Cadamosto, Viagens, Lisbon, Portugália Editora, 19--,133â135. All translations by Fernando Mouta.
âAnd I sent out the black man we brought with us to explain to the people of that land the purpose and reason for our arrival, which was to conduct trade. And so, a great multitude of the black people approached. Having made peace with them, news quickly spread throughout the country that the Christians were in Cantor, and people came running from all over to thereâ. Diogo Gomes de Sintra, âRelações do Descobrimento da Guiné de Diogo Gomesâ, in António Brásio, ed., Monumenta Missionaria Africana. Ãfrica Ocidental (1342â1499), 2nd series, Vol. I. Lisbon, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1958, 182â213, 194.
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âHearing this, the lord immediately mounted his horse and came to the shore with about fifteen horsemen and one hundred and fifty foot soldiers. He sent word to me, requesting that I come ashore to meet him, assuring me that he would honour me. Knowing his good reputation, I did as he asked, and he received me with great festivities. After many words, I gave him my horses and everything he wanted from me, trusting in him. He also asked me to travel overland to his home, which was about twenty-five miles from the shore, saying that he would reward me well if I waited a few days, promising me a certain number of slaves for what he had received from me. I gave him seven horses with their harnesses and other items, and so I decided to go with him. Before we departed, he presented me with a girl of twelve or thirteen years, very beautiful because she was very black, and said he gave her to me for the service of my chamber, which I accepted and sent to the ship. Certainly, accompanying him was as much to see and hear new things as it was to receive my paymentâ. Cadamosto, Viagens, 77.
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âAs we went close to the shore, we saw two canoes that were going out to sea. And we put ourselves between them and the land, and we sailed to them, and in each of the canoes were 38 men. And the interpreter approached me and whispered that there was Beseguichi, lord of that land and an evil man, whom we have already spoken of above. And I made them enter the caravel, and I gave them food and drink and gifts, and I said to them, as if I didnât know that their lord was there, to test him: is this the land of Beseguichi? And he himself said: so it is.
And I said to him: Why is he so mean to Christians? It was better for him to make peace with the Christians, and for each other to exchange their wares, and have horses, etc., as Burbruch and Budumel and other lords of the blacks do. And tell him that I took you in this sea, and that for his sake I let you go back to land in freedom.
They were very happy, and I told them to go into their canoes. And they entered. And after everyone was in their canoes, I said to the lord: âBeseguichi, Beseguichi, donât think that I didnât know you; surely, I could do to you whatever I wanted. And since I did you good, you now do the same to our Christiansââ. Diogo Gomes de Sintra, Descobrimento Primeiro da Guiné, Lisbon, Edições Colibri, 2002, 84â85.
âAnd, continuing our navigation, we reached the mouth of another great river, which appeared to be no larger than the Senegal. Seeing this beautiful river and the even more beautiful country covered with trees down to the sea, we anchored. We decided to send one of our interpreters ashore. [â¦] Upon landing, and after the boat had moved a little away from the shore, many natives of the country suddenly approached him. These natives, having seen the ships approaching the beach, had hidden with bows, arrows, and weapons, ready to ambush anyone who came ashore. They spoke to him for a while; however, we did not understand what they were saying. We only saw that they began to attack him furiously with some weapons resembling short Moorish swords, and they quickly killed him, so that those in the boat could not rescue him. Hearing this news, we were astonished and realized that these men must be extremely cruel, having committed such an atrocity against the interpreter, who was one of their own kind. We understood that they would treat us even worse. Therefore, we set sail and continued our journey southwardâ. Cadamosto, Viagens, 109â111.
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âThese black people, both men and women, came to see me in wonder, finding it extraordinary to see Christians whom they had never seen before. They were equally astonished by my attire as by my whiteness; I was dressed in the Spanish style, with a black damask doublet and a cape over it. They marvelled at the woollen cloth, which they did not have, and at the doublet, and were very amazed; some touched my hands and arms and rubbed them with spit to see if my whiteness was some kind of paint or just my skin; and seeing that it was indeed skin, they were filled with admirationâ. Cadamosto, Viagens, 97.
âThere is another sort of people not taking profit from the confessional, which are Portuguese men who walk around Guinea trading and buying blacks, spending twenty and thirty years more or less without confession; and besides being spoiled people they donât have a confessor in those parts. They are called tangosmaus, people well-known for their lives, forgetting their salvation [â¦] many of them wander around naked, scratching and drawing their skin with an iron, drawing blood and then, using a certain herb juice, make it stay the painting of a lizard or serpent or any other that they want, and they do this to become more similar to the gentiles of the land with whom they tradeâ. Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu/ Archivio della Curia Generalizia della Compagnia di Gesù/ Archive of the House of the Superior General of the Society of Jesus, Rome, Italy, series Lusitania, fls. 349â352v, Manuel de Barros, âCartaâ, 19 April 1605, Letter of Father Manuel de Barros; Fernão Guerreiro, Relação Anual das Coisas que Fizeram os Padres da Companhia de Jesus nas suas Missões, Volume I (1600â1603), Coimbra, Imprensa da Universidade, 1930, 400â401.
âThis Portuguese lançado went to the Kingdom of Great Fulo by order of the Duke of Casão, who is a powerful black who dwells in this port by the river of Gambia above 60 leagues from the sea. The latter sent him with his people, and in the court of Great Fulo he married one of his daughters ⦠And his name is João Ferreira, a native of Crato, a Jew, and called by the blacks the Ganagoga, which means in the language of the Beafares, a man who speaks all languagesâ. André Ãlvares de Almada, Tratado Breve dos Rios de Guiné do Cabo Verde, Lagos, Câmara Municipal de Lagos, 2006, 31.
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âA species of Portuguese, people who refer to themselves this way because they used to serve, and are descended from, those who first lived along this coast after discovering it. From the Negresses whom they married, were born these mulattoes, from whom in turn came even darker onesâ. Jacob Le Maire, Les Voyages du Sieur Le Maire aux Isles Canaries, Cap-Verd, Sénégal et Gambie, Paris, J. Collombet, 1695, 96.
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âAlthough they are as black as the purest black Africans, they make the modest claim to be pure whites, and it is a great insult to consider them Negroes or Serers. They want to be called the whites of Joal, the Christians of Joal, because they are the direct descendants of the Portuguese and they are baptized. Succinctly stated, to be Christian is to be white; to be white is to be freeâ. Abbé P.-D. Boilat, Esquisses Sénégalaises, Paris, P. Bertrand, 1853, 108â109.
José da Silva Horta, âSer âPortuguêsâ em Terras de Africanos: Vicissitudes da Construção Identitária na Guiné do Cabo Verde (Sécs. XVIâXVII)â, in Hermenegildo Fernandes, Isabel Castro Henriques, José da Silva Horta, Sérgio Campos Matos, eds., Nação e Identidade: Portugal, os Portugueses e os Outros, Lisbon, Caleidoscópio, 2009; 261â273., 263.
Brooks, Eurafricans, 50â51.