1 Introduction
The French slogan âNi Dieu ni maître,â which is generally translated into English as âNo Gods No Masters,â has been used by activists and anarchists since the French socialist revolutionary Louis Auguste Blanqui launched a newspaper with the title in 1880.1 It has been translated into English, Spanish and Italian, among other languages, and it has sparked dozens of variations. The sloganâs long trajectory of usage means it has appeared in a wide variety of media-material forms across a changing mediascape and across decades, countries, and contexts. In the nineteenth century, the slogan featured as the title of periodicals, newspapers, pamphlets, and revolutionary almanacs, and even became a popular epitaph on the tombstones of revolutionary figures, allowing these funerary decorations to become sites of commemoration (Lalouette 1991, 138). In the twentieth and twenty-first century the phrase is also increasingly commodified, emblazoned onto everything from T-shirts and tote bags to mugs, key chains, stickers, guitar picks, glow-in-the-dark sow-on patches, baby rompers, embroidered heart-shaped plushies and at least one silver-plated knuckle duster, with most of these objects being offered for sale on the platform Etsy.com, an online marketplace for vintage and home-crafted goods. The slogan has even been printed onto beer and wine bottles, allowing people to consume a political heritage by quite literally imbibing it. The interrelated questions this chapter aims to address are: how and when does this slogan function as a site of anarchist cultural memory? And how can something so closely associated with anarchism also become so commodified,2 especially
Protest slogans shed light on the important role of language and multimodal discursive strategies in the memory-activism nexus, in which âremembering the past, shaping the future remembrance of the present, and struggles for a better future feed into each otherâ (Rigney 2018, 372). One of the defining features of protest slogans is their memorability, as phrases that are short and often use distinctive rhyme and rhythm. They are designed to âcatch onâ or âstickâ â sometimes quite literally. Yet, there have only been a few studies to date that focus specifically on what it is exactly that âcatches on.â What kinds of memories are mobilised or reworked when a protest slogan from the past is used in the present? To answer this question, this chapter focuses on two prominent patterns in the usage of âNi Dieu ni maître.â The first is its use as a title for historical documentaries, anthologies and books on anarchism, which this chapter will short-hand as commemoration; and the second is its commodification, referring to the sloganâs appearance on a wide range of commodity objects. The analysis will focus mainly on the latter.
As I will show, linguistic sites differ from other sites of memory. Commemoration through language takes a different form than embodied anniversary commemorations, ceremonies, or the erection, contestation or demolition of monuments. Yet specifically textual and paratextual practices can be equally important to preserving memory, such as naming a public square after a revolutionary figure or naming an anthology after an anarchist slogan. The production of activist commodities and paraphernalia is not traditionally considered a commemorative practice, either. However, this chapter argues that it is an important factor in the dissemination of the memory of activism. Moreover, distinguishing between activist-run and mainstream production of these commodities, this chapter argues that for anarchist movements particularly, the
2 Protest Slogans as Sites of Memory
Protest slogans generate memorability through their aesthetic form. As phrases that are easy to remember, they stick around due to their âspecial sound patternsâ which often draw on poetic techniques such as âparallelism, antimetabole, colloquialism, alliteration, assonance and antithesisâ (Al-Sowaidi et al. 2017, 629).3 As hybrid visual, textual, tactile, and acoustic signs, they are also multimodal. Moreover, âslogans have historiesâ (Colla 2013, 38); in composing slogans, activists often draw âon a known corpus of older protest slogans, some going back decadesâ (Colla 2013, 38). In a similar vein, Zoé Carle has proposed that some slogans acquire their own âcultural biographiesâ over their long trajectories of use (Carle 2019, 249), borrowing the term from anthropologist Igor Koptyoff (Koptyoff 1986). As ties to the past, protest slogans can also be used in disseminating, mediating, recontextualising, appropriating, and commodifying cultural memories. Alessandra Miklavcicâs study on slogans and post-memory in the Italo-Slovenian borderland, for instance, analyses how the cultural memory of Slovenians entering Trieste in 1945 was mobilised in a 2002 slogan which conveyed a âcondensed notion of historyâ and became a symbolic âweaponâ to avenge the past (Miklavcic 2008, 444). Ned Richardson-Little and Samuel Merrillâs article on the far-right movement Pegidaâs appropriation of âWir sind das Volkâ shows how the sloganâs invocation of the 1989 democratic protests functioned as a so-called âreputational shieldâ (Ivarsflaten 2006) to deflect attention away from Pegidaâs extremism (Richardson-Little and Merrill 2020).
I propose that protest slogans with long histories of use are similar to sites of memory in that they pack dense and shifting meanings into a shorthand form.
Just like sites of memory, words of memory combine the, sometimes forgotten, three-dimensionality Nora originally proposed: âthey are lieux in three senses of the word â material, symbolic, and functionalâ (Nora 1989, 18â19). The materiality of a slogan reflects how contemporary memory relies on mediation and âthe materiality of the traceâ (Nora 1989, 13). Slogans are functional as a linguistic and semantic utterance with certain rhetorical effects, and they are symbolic in terms of the aura bestowed on them by those who use and hence reproduce the slogans by spray-painting them onto walls, using them as a title, or printing them onto a T-shirt. As I will show in this chapter, all three dimensions contribute to making the protest slogan âNo Gods No Mastersâ a site of memory.
3 Commemoration: âNo Gods No Mastersâ as Title, Epigraph or Motto
When Louis Auguste Blanqui chose this title for his newspaper, the slogan was directed at an audience of politically affiliated subscribers and geared towards
Guérin outlines how the phrase became anarchist through its continued reuse across media materialities as it appeared on buildings and publications alike. After Blanqui died in 1881, âa number of [anarchist] groups and newspapers laid claim to the title,â and the slogan was displayed on âthe walls of the Maison du Peuple in the Rue Ramey in Parisâ (Guérin 2005, 1). Since then, it has not only been entrenched in an anarchist tradition but has become a signifier for that same tradition. The slogan became âthe catchphrase of the anarchist movement, even if the latterâs inspiration was so very different from â not to say contrary to â Blanquismâsâ (Guérin 2005, 1). In order for the phrase to become an anarchist signifier, the connection to Blanqui had to be downplayed. This happened through its repeated use in an anarchist context and is further consolidated by the many explicitly commemorative works on anarchism that use the slogan as its title (Craib and Maxwell 2017; Guérin 2005; Ramonet 2017).
An authorâs name is not simply an element in a discourse [â¦] it performs a certain role with regard to narrative discourse, assuring a classificatory function. Such a name permits one to group together a certain number of texts, define them, differentiate them from and contrast them to others. In addition, it establishes a relationship among the texts.â (Foucault 1998, 210)
The use of âNi Dieu ni maîtreâ in explicit commemoration of various moments in the history of anarchism functions in a similar way. But the slogan not only establishes a relationship among texts; it also lends coherence to a disparate assortment of ideas, individuals, and events, all of which it classifies as belonging to the anarchist tradition. âNi Dieu ni maîtreâ becomes a site of anarchist memory precisely because of this coherence-generating classificatory function, as it comes to serve as âa point where contradictions are resolved, where the incompatible elements can be shown to relate to one another or to cohere around a fundamental and originating contradictionâ (Foucault 1998, 215).
As a title, the slogan becomes a shorthand signifier tied to the commemoration of historical events, figures, and developments that have shaped anarchism as a political tradition. As such, it provides an anarchist and hence anti-statist rather than nation-state-inflected testament to the âneed to go in search of [oneâs] own origins and identityâ (Nora 1989, 15). The slogan is also used in works and exhibitions that contest, expand or localise what is canonised as anarchist. No Gods No Masters No Peripheries: Global Anarchisms aims to challenge and expand the geographic focus of the study of anarchism, which it pluralises (Raymond and Maxwell 2015). It includes texts on anarchist political practices in indigenous and anti-colonial movements outside of Europe, texts on anarchist history in Argentina, Chile and Peru, and contributions on urban and spatial resistance practices during the Arab Spring. By adding the clause âno peripheries,â the book uses the iconic slogan itself to challenge eurocentrism in the memory of anarchism. The sloganâs classificatory function is
4 Commodification of âNo Gods No Mastersâ: from Tombstones to T-Shirts
Contemporary capitalism has given us slogans printed onto every imaginable use object, turning them into a kind of late-stage capitalist stand-in for the relic. To paraphrase Walter Benjamin (2008), perhaps these commodity objects constitute relics in an age of mechanical reproduction. Thinking in a similar vein to Benjamin, Pierre Nora wrote that âeven an apparently purely material site like an archive, becomes a lieu de mémoire only if the imagination invests it with a symbolic auraâ (Nora 1989, 19). As I will argue in this section, how objects are produced can become part of that symbolic aura.
Tension exists between anarchist thought and practices on the one hand, where âanti-consumption practices figure largely in the lifestyles of many anarchistsâ (Portwood-Stacer 2012, 88), and this sloganâs wide commodification in disposable and sometimes mass-produced objects on the other. However, the distinction between activist cultures of production (e.g. graffiti or zines) and commodity production (mugs or T-shirts) is not always clear-cut, given that activists themselves â rather than corporate retailers â often produce badges, tote bags, and T-shirts to fund their work.
Suspending a moral or political judgement on commodity production and the commodification of activist heritage opens up a space for unpacking how the cultural memory of activism is disseminated through the mass production of objects and ephemera. Duygu Erbil has argued that the production of protest ephemera is an important part of âthe cultures of production and circulation that generate and accommodate cultural remembranceâ (Erbil 2023, 90), but points out that commodification often generates unease and anxiety which âemerges from the perception that once memory is brought into the circuit of exchange-value, it risks losing its use-value in activismâ (Erbil 2024). Yet while Erbil (2024) argues that this critique of âcommodification should pertain to the question of those spheres of social life in which mnemonic practices are carried out by individuals and communities, rather than designating the mere existence of memory objects that are bought and sold within the capitalist market,â
A case in point is the range of online shops named after the slogan âNo Gods No Masters.â The shop âNo gods no masters.comâ specialises in âactivist and anti-racist T-shirtsâ and is related to a self-described âboutique militanteâ of ethical clothing called âni dieu ni maître.org.â In fact, both shops belong to the same cooperative, which operates in English, French, Spanish, Portuguese and German, using translated versions of the slogan as its name and URL. At the metalevel of the website URL, the slogan performs the same classificatory function as a book title, bringing together a disparate range of causes, figures (such as Louise Michel and Peter Kropotkin) and signifiers (such as the colour black and the Anarchist âanarchy is orderâ symbol).
According to the websiteâs Frequently Asked Questions, the items for all the different national shops are made in the United States, with fairtrade organic cotton and organic and vegan non-toxic printing inks, using local sweatshop-free labour that adheres to a specific code of conduct. Entire paragraphs of the FAQ â which often read more like short manifestoes and sometimes link to longer essay-length blog posts â are dedicated to the factory workersâ labour standards, with a level of detail that not only gives exact specifics on the hourly, daily and monthly wage but also mentions âbenefits such as paid time off, health care, company-subsidized lunches, bus passes, free English as additional language classes, on-site massage therapists, free bicycles and on-site bike mechanics, free parking in addition to the proper lighting and ventilationâ (No Gods No Masters, âInformation,â 2024). Not only are the labour conditions detailed, but also the cooperativeâs adherence to the principle of printing on-demand, since this eliminates the need to stock inventory that might not get sold, hence creating âless fabric waste than conventional manufacturing [â¦] zero inventory, zero wasteâ (No Gods No Masters, âWhy do we use print on demandâ). The organisation contrasts their method to traditional clothing shops, which often use screen printing techniques which â[require] large investments to print batches of thousands of t-shirtsâ and force sellers to only focus on the best-selling designs, colours and sizes, stating: â[T]hatâs exactly the mainstream capitalist logic that we want to avoid reproducing. We prefer variety and inclusivity rather than following popularity dictated by market trendsâ (No Gods No Masters, âWhy do we use print on demandâ).
Although anti-consumerism is often identified as a key characteristic of anarchist movements, âanti-consumption encompasses both abstinence from consumption and forms of consumption that are meant to signify opposition to consumption, even if the objective content of the practice seems to involve consuming somethingâ (Portwood-Stacer 2012, 88). In other words, anti-consumerism can also mean tactical consumerism such as the consumption of goods that are produced ethically. As the case of âNo Gods No Mastersâ shows, this can become a driver for the circulation of linguistic sites of memory as commodities even in movements characterised by anti-consumerism. The English version of this website alone offers no less than 34 different T-shirts that feature the slogan, as well as various adaptations of it. These are sold with a description which contextualises the sloganâs history as âan anarchist and labor sloganâ (No Gods No Masters, âNo Gods No Masters T-shirts,â 2024).
The printersâ bodies and the printing apparatus were ubiquitous aspects of anarchist organising, their materiality central to the merger of intellectual and physical labor prized by anarchists in their schools and communities[â¦] While the stock image of the bearded, black-clad, bomb-toting anarchist prevails in the public eye, a more representative figure for the classical anarchist movement would be the printer, composing stick in hand, standing in front of the type case, making and being made by the material process for producing and circulating words. (2014, 392)
Nineteenth-century anarchism emerged through and was shaped by the material realities of print culture, and its words and deeds were entwined. This tradition is continued from Blanquiâs newspaper to the 21st-century activist T-shirt operating under the same slogan. Slogans, and language more generally, do not only mediate and shape cultural memories; the specific mode of cultural production at stake and the organisation of labour entailed in the act of (re)producing words on surfaces can also be part of a linguistic site of memory. In the case of the T-shirts sold by the No Gods No Masters cooperative, then, it is not the materials themselves that are âmemory-saturatedâ (Rigney 2015, 21), but the media-materiality of those objects. As the literal and figurative product of an autonomous, horizontally organised and cooperatively owned form of printing, both nineteenth-century publications bearing the title and these T-shirts spread a propagandistic message while simultaneously implementing their ideals in how they produce that message.
How words are reproduced can be mnemonically close or distant to how the aspirational production of words was organised in the past. Activist-run, DIY or lo-fi forms of reproduction, remediation, and dissemination of âNo Gods No Mastersâ function as a linguistic site of memory across all three dimensions identified by Nora; they are functional, material and symbolic. In the case of the T-shirts, they are functional in disseminating a mobilising message and anti-authoritarian ideal from the past to the present, signalling that the anarchist political tradition that the phrase has come to stand for is still relevant today. Secondly, the sloganâs materiality as a T-shirt has its own affective, aesthetic and reproductive affordances that contribute to the sloganâs longevity and its capacity to function as a site of memory. Thirdly, the labour and resources involved in the printing of a T-shirt stay close to the practices and principles of
These T-shirts, then, do not mobilise memories of specific events but invoke longer histories of production. The material production of the slogan and its proximity to practices that stem from the past is part of what makes it a site of memory. This also applies, for instance, to feminist slogans which, when written on the body, âcontinue the feminist project of taking bodies seriously as both the subject and object of thinkingâ (Ahmed and Stacey 2001, 3). In other words, the way slogans are produced is part of the activist repertoire, in which different movements emphasise different modes of production. While feminist activists print slogans onto T-shirts as well, for these movements the mnemonic link to the printed word as an opportunity for both practising and preaching ideals of horizontality is not as much part of the repertoire as it is for anarchists. Conversely, the practice of writing slogans on the body is different for feminists and anarchists, since for the latter, this repertoire is less intricately wound up with the claims and ideals at stake in the movement.
The materiality that determines how the slogan circulates, then, constitutes a form of activism itself. T-shirts emblazoned with political slogans have been a cultural staple since their arrival in the 1960s when âPlastisol ink was invented which changed the speed and cost of printing garmentsâ (Fabrics Galore 2022). The inks used in conventional screen-printing techniques, however, use up a lot of the worldâs water resources; an estimated â200 tons of fresh water per ton of dyed fabricâ (Conscious Challenge 2019). The traditional dyes to produce slogans on T-shirts do not only consume water, they are also a major source of water pollution as âtextile production is estimated to be responsible for about 20% of global clean water pollution from dyeing and finishing productsâ (European Parliament 2020). Given this context, wearing a T-shirt featuring the slogan âNo Gods No Mastersâ bought from the eponymous online shop which uses on-demand printing and organic vegetable inks constitutes a political act that combines anarchist thought and practice in a way that does not hold true if the T-shirt had been mass-produced using traditional printing processes. The former not only carries an anarchist slogan and message from the past into the present at a semiotic level but also honours the implicit legacy of nineteenth-century anarchist practices through the ethical organisation of the printing process. Commodity production and activist cultural production, then, are not incommensurable but, instead, regularly go together and their fusion is an important mode of disseminating and shaping the cultural memory of activism.
To conclude, sites of memory can become sources of income when they are commodified, for instance as storied versions of the past and the âmass cultural representationsâ produced in the culture industry (Landsberg 2018, 149). The same holds true for words of memory, even though these are more shorthand references to the past than storied versions of it. Through its historical trajectory during which it was often used as a title, the slogan âNo Gods No Mastersâ mobilises a memory not of discrete singular events but of a diffuse and longer history of anarchist struggle and anarchist practices. Nonetheless, these linguistic sites of memory, whether they are literally worn on the body as a T-shirt or whether they become an attention-grabbing book title, can generate income due to their recognisability. At the same time, the recognisability of these linguistic sites of memory is in turn amplified by their appearance on commodity objects. In other words, what could be called the commodification-commemoration nexus is an important part of the memory-activism nexus.
5 Conclusion: from lieux de mémoire to mots de mémoire
In analysing how slogans with long histories of use become sites of memory, I have identified two patterns: their use in explicit contexts of commemoration and their commodification. They are commemorative when they become
The commodification of the slogan, meanwhile, sheds light on the three-dimensionality of linguistic sites of memory as material, symbolic, and functional signifiers as well as on the dynamics that underly how these sites of memory can become sources of income. As words are shapeshifting signifiers that can be adapted, translated, and transported across languages, contexts and countries, a focus on linguistic sites of memory can be especially useful for studying the memory of transnational, and even anti-national, political movements such as anarchism. It also sheds a light on how and where âmemory crystallizes and secretes itselfâ in language, which never exists in a vacuum but occurs on specific surfaces and is produced by acts which also constitute social rituals imbued with their own symbolic meaning (Nora 1989, 7).
This chapter has aimed to address the importance of commodity production in the dissemination of protest slogans and the cultural memories they mobilise. It distinguished between activist cultures of production and commercial cultures of mass production and argued that the formerâs proximity to ideals and practices of production carries on an anarchist tradition that stems from the nineteenth century, just like the slogan itself. While the memory of activism is often understood to be about the remembrance of spectacular moments in history such as revolutionary upheavals, the bloody defeat of protesters, or the mass mobilisation of people taking to the streets, this analysis shows that the memory of activism can also be located in the perpetuation of traditions of activist cultural production and the sustained efforts at stake at spreading a revolutionary message. As Nora famously argued, memory attaches itself to sites whereas history is about events. The slogan âNi Dieu ni maîtreâ and its adaptations, translations, and remediations do not refer to or evoke the memory of moments in history that are usually considered heroic. Instead, under the right circumstances, the sloganâs reproduction continues a tradition of labour organisation at stake in disseminating the ideas that mobilise and inspire people. This analysis of âNi Dieu ni maîtreâ shows that seemingly mundane deeds behind the production of words, like disseminating a newspaper
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I do not use the term âcommodificationâ in a Marxist sense but to refer to commodity-production more narrowly. My use of the term âcommodificationâ is analogous with what anthropologist Igor Kopytoff described as âcommoditisationâ. Kopytoffâs anthropological approach to commoditisation focuses on cultural processes that contribute to marking certain goods as commodities at specific moments and to specific groups. â[T]he production of commodities is also a cultural and cognitive process: commodities must be not only produced materially as things, but also culturally marked as being a certain kind of thing ⦠the same things may be treated as a commodity at one time and not anotherâ (Koptyoff 1986, 64).
Antimetabole refers to the repetition of words in reversed order, making it a special case of what is also called âchiasmusâ. An example is a âjet-black black jetâ to refer to a black airplane.
While his work acknowledges that symbols can become a âlieu de mémoire,â this definitional capaciousness has been the target of criticism by those who have questioned its usefulness with the question âwhat is not a lieu de mémoire?â (Olick and Robbins 1998, 111).
An exception is the graphic novel on his life Ni Dieu ni maître: Auguste Blanqui lâEnfermé (Kourwnsky and Roy 2014).