Abstract
This article analyzes how Christian religious organizations, defined as corporate actors, in Poland, Ireland/Northern Ireland, Germany, and Canada approached digital media use during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on analysis of official documents, religious media content, and interviews with leaders and followers, the study reveals varying attitudes among religious organizations. The article argues that organizations that opposed or expressed disappointment with pandemic restrictions (such as the Polish Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church), typically showed decreased enthusiasm for digital media integration, while those accepting restrictions more readily (such as the Jehovahâs Witnesses and Protestant churches) embraced digital solutions for maintaining religious community and practice.
1 Introduction
During the COVID-19 pandemic, most European and Canadian religious organizations intensified their use of digital technologies, adapting to online services, ministry, and outreach (Chow and Kurlberg 2020; Ben-Lulu 2021; Przywara et al. 2021; Montañés Jiménez 2024). They faced numerous challenges in this process, including technical and practical problems, digital divide and social exclusions (Evolvi 2024), theological and ethical concerns (pertaining to the validity of online participation, or digital justice, for instance), as well as resistance to change (Campbell 2023; KoÅodziejska et al. 2024). Numerous studies report on the variety of digital adaptations by the churches and religious organizations in Europe and North America, stressing the enactment of online church practices (in Scandinavia, see Johnsen 2023), the experience of online gatherings in contrast to face-to-face ones (for Jehovahâs Witnesses in Spain see Torres-Pruñonosa et al. 2022), or changes to religious organization and worship practices (for Poland see Sulkowski and Ignatowski 2020). The increased or renewed engagement with online activities of religious leaders, from the pope to local ministers, and the positive reception of these activities by followers was also reported by several studies (Glatz 2020; Parish 2020). There were also reports on the innovations to religious services in Jewish communities, which strengthened the sense of belonging among followers (Frei-Landau 2020), and on Muslim communities using digital media to maintain authority and community cohesion during the global health crisis (Abdallah 2022; Kühle and Larsen 2021). The strengthening of âparticipatory activitiesâ (i.e., interactive and engaging the participants of online services beyond simply observing them) among the Christian leaders was another observation made during the pandemic, as were the theological concerns and discussions regarding their implementation (Schlag 2022).
While the studies above report on a great variety of the online presence of religious organizations, they rarely focus on the attitudes toward digital media use among their leaders.1 It is often assumed that employing previously unexplored formats and intensifying digital media are indicators of a positive attitude. The aim of this article is to (1) fill this gap by examining how the religious organizations in Poland, Germany, Ireland/Northern Ireland, and Canada approached digital media use in their organizations during the pandemic, and (2) analyze the key factors influencing the divergent attitudes among leaders toward permanent incorporation of digital tools and technologies in their activities.
Based on the findings, I argue that the organizationsâ attitudes toward digital media use during the pandemic were influenced not only by their teachings and theological foundations but also by their attitude toward restrictions and safety measures issued by states. I will show how the organization declaring full obedience with the restrictions, the Jehovahâs Witnesses (JW) in Poland, was also the most declaratively enthusiastic about using digital media long-term. In contrast to this attitude, the ambiguity of the Roman Catholic Church (RCC) toward using digital media was connected with the expressed ambiguity toward the restrictions, different patterns of abiding (or not) by the laws, and engaging in negotiations with the states. The Orthodox Church in Poland, the least enthusiastic digital media user, was also an organization that often defied the restrictions, stating the primacy of personal participation and spiritual health over physical well-being.
2 Methodological Note
This article is based on the âThe Changing Role of Religion in Societies Emerging from Covid-19â research project.2 The material used in the article is derived from the qualitative content analysis (Hsieh and Shannon 2005) of three sources of material from all four countries/national contexts, gathered for the period of 2020â2023: (1) religious media content (i.e., published by or with support of the religious organizations), (2) public documents (i.e., official documents such as statements and instructions published by these organizations), (3) interviews with leaders in laypeople. Table 1 lists the religious/spiritual organizations analyzed in each of the four countries.
We have analyzed a total of 333 official documents in Canada, 642 in Germany, 185 in Ireland/Northern Ireland, and 217 in Poland. The majority of documents in each country was published by the RCC. The religious media analysis comprised 200 articles per country (201 from Poland), and in each country the research team has conducted interviews with eighty leaders and followers (in springâsummer 2024, see Appendix for detailed distribution among religious groups), which were then transcribed. The material (official documents, media articles, and interview transcripts) was coded in Maxqda using the same codebook across all countries, with additional country-specific codes (<4) added whenever necessary. This approach was chosen in order to compare and contrast categories emerging from the analysis related to the three key topics, that is, (1) health, illness, and science, (2) relationships with governments and policymakers, and (3) digital innovations.
Table 1
Analyzed religious organizations in each country/context
|
Category |
Canada |
Germany |
Ireland/Northern Ireland |
Poland |
|---|---|---|---|---|
|
Religion (majority) |
Roman Catholic Church |
Roman Catholic Church |
Roman Catholic Church |
Roman Catholic Church |
|
Religion (minority) |
Protestant churches |
Protestant churches |
Protestant churches |
Orthodox Church |
|
Religion II (minority) |
Islam |
Denominational Muslims |
Islam |
Jehovahâs Witnesses |
|
Religion/philosophy |
(Chassidic) Judaism |
Anthroposophical Society |
Humanism |
â |
The choice of national contexts and religious organizations was made on the basis of âmost differentâ design (Mills et al. 2010), so that it would cover diverse approaches and legal frameworks regarding the pandemic and imposing the restrictions on religious organizations (for instance, while in Ireland the churches were closed during prolonged periods of time, this was not the case in Poland), as well as a variety of religious contexts and landscapes. While the RCC was the majority organization in all countries, that status in Germany and Canada was related to no more than 30 percent of the population (Statistics Canada 2022; Forschungsgruppe Weltanschauung in Deutschland 2023), but approx. 90 percent of Poles (Statistics Poland 2023b). This discrepancy was also related to the position of each organization vis-Ã -vis the states, and their influence on the political system.
3 Attitudes toward Digital Media Use among Religious Leaders
While the COVID-19 pandemic can be considered a time of intensification of deep mediatization processes for religious organizations overall (Hall and KoÅodziejska 2021), the adaptation of digital tools was for many religious organizations a temporary solution to the problem of lockdowns and health measures during the health crisis. For others, digital media activities were gradually reduced after the restrictions had been lifted: for instance, livestreaming of services was limited to once a week, or social media activity decreased. Practical and financial challenges may be one reason behind this change, but lack of investment in digital media activities is oftentimes an excuse for leaders rather than a problem of scarcity in the first place; there are resources to be used but they are not invested in digital media activities, and instead allocated to nondigital media development, or other undertakings (Hall et al. 2023).
Literature review regarding the different attitudes toward digital media among religious organizations points in two main directions. First of all, unsurprisingly, theological foundations are mentioned, which in close connection with the teachings and religious norms/traditions, strongly influence how digital media is perceived by the leadership (cf. Chow and Kurlberg 2020; KoÅodziejska et al. 2024). For instance, the Orthodox Church in general has a neutral stance on digital activities: digital media are presented as tools that may be used for a variety of good or evil purposes (Suslov 2016). However, several local Orthodox churches, such as the Russian or Greek, approach digital media with reservations, based in âpastoral and ecclesial concerns regarding worship, the dissemination of the Gospel message, and the nature of the churchâ (Sakorrafou 2024) or with âdigital anxietyâ (Suslov 2016), depending on the particular dispositions of the leadership.
There are also religious organizations like the Jehovahâs Witnesses, that have been increasingly reliant on digital media in many national contexts, and who have created their own digital media infrastructure, which comprises a multilingual website
As various studies indicate, during the pandemic several Protestant and Catholic congregations noted a positive shift in attitudes toward digital media use (Campbell et al. 2023; Montañés Jiménez 2024), especially with regards to acknowledging the benefits of incorporating digital technologies to attract those who had distanced themselves from the institutional church (Chow and Kurlberg 2020; Sabaté Gauxachs et al. 2021). Other studies, however, report on the persisting ambivalence of religious (especially Catholic) leaders, who identify both the benefits of digital media use, and theological concerns (Isetti et al. 2021; 2025), which was also observed in the RCC data gathered in the project. The theological perspective has explanatory value when it comes to the organizational attitudes, that is, it can help explain why corporate actors of deep mediatization (Hepp 2020) display certain attitudes toward digital tools, however, it does not do justice to the cultural and political contexts in which these actors operate.3
During the COVID-19 pandemic, as in other major crises, different political and social tensions and conflicts came to the fore (e.g., those between established science and alt-med propagators), and some religious organizations were also enmeshed in these tensions, trying to reconcile various internal differences (Ganiel, this issue). Attributing influence solely to theology/teachings overlooks how corporate actorsâ positions and responses evolved during the pandemic. While religious teachings tend to remain stable across centuries, and the pandemic did not fundamentally alter this, religious organizations as corporate actors engage in continuous âorganized sensemakingâ (Weick et al. 2005). Organizations, religious ones included, respond to their constituent segments, other institutional actors, and broader political, economic, social, and cultural contexts through various communicative practices. Therefore, to understand the divergent attitudes toward digital media use, we must examine not only doctrinal and theological foundations but also these contextual factors.
The second common research direction examines how leadersâ and congregantsâ capabilities and skills shape digital media adoption. Studies link negative attitudes to factors such as leadersâ age (Campbell et al. 2023), perceived low digital competency, and technology anxiety (Isetti et al. 2021). These barriers, often tied to the digital divide (Campbell et al. 2023), led to frustration when rapidly adopting videoconferencing or livestreaming platforms. Infrastructure quality and accessibility also influenced religious organizationsâ technological approaches (cf. Katoch and Rana 2023). While this individual-focused perspective illuminates dynamics within specific congregations, it does not offer satisfactory explanations of the corporate actorsâ attitudes. Given that religious organizations comprise diverse local and translocal communities, examining corporate actors rather than individual preferences provides better insight into the âorganizational standard.â
Building on these perspectives, this article argues that religious organizationsâ attitudes as corporate actors toward digital media during the pandemic were shaped by both theological foundations and their stance on health regulations and restrictions. Religious organizations that fully accepted and complied with safety measures (such as the Jehovahâs Witnesses) tended to be more enthusiastic about digital media integration (although that did not translate directly into using more digital formats). Conversely, organizations ambivalent toward or critical of state-imposed restrictions (such as the RCC in 2020/2021) were more likely to demonstrate ambiguous or negative attitudes toward digital media use. The following analysis examines how these attitudes manifested across all national contexts.
4 Findings: From Enthusiastic Adoption to Tacit Rejection
4.1 Common Ground: Acknowledging the Importance of Digital Media
The most general finding from the material is that while all organizations recognized the necessity to adapt digital media and digital tools during the pandemic (in particular in the first year, that is, 2020â2021), there was a spectrum of acceptance of digital media use across the analyzed religious groups, from the most enthusiastic to those explicitly or implicitly rejecting digital media. All the organizations have used digital tools during some parts of the pandemic. Figure 1 shows the popularity of common tools and platforms among leaders from all contexts.
The questionnaire results correspond with the conclusions drawn from the media analysis: The organizations were keener on using videoconferencing software (such as Zoom or Skype), YouTube, mailing lists, or messaging apps rather than Twitter (now X), or youth-oriented social media (such as Instagram or TikTok). This finding dovetails with trends reported for some of the organizations before the pandemic, which showed the tendency to authorize certain media formats (YouTube, Facebook, websites), and omit others (TikTok, Snapchat, or Instagram) (Hall et al. 2023), confirming a relative stability of digital media preferences among the leaders.
Figure 1
Popularity of common digital tools and platforms
Citation: Journal of Religion in Europe 19, 1-2 (2026) ; 10.1163/18748929-bja10144
Most organizations acknowledged the digital divide among their congregants. However, with internet access exceeding 90 percent in all studied contexts,4 digital exclusion primarily affected specific demographics, such as migrants and inhabitants of low-urbanization areas. While excluding 6â10 percent of the population remains significant, religious organizations could potentially reach most followers and society digitally. Thus, barring specific exceptions (such as congregations predominantly serving elderly or migrant communities), the digital divide itself does not fundamentally determine organizational attitudes toward digital media. Most analyzed organizations offered only limited or general solutions to bridge this gap, such as encouraging community support, and appealing to intergenerational solidarity.
The majority of the analyzed organizations expressed concern about membership decline and retention, particularly post-restrictions. Their perception of digital mediaâs role in this context was ambivalent. Some viewed it as a solution for attracting new followers seeking spiritual support during pandemic isolation (Colin et al. 2023; Gruenenthal 2023; Nà Dhónaill 2023; Rabiej-Sienicka and KoÅodziejska 2023).5 Others portrayed it as threatening traditional participation, criticizing âlazyâ online engagement, epitomized by the trope of âwatching Mass on the couch in leisurewearâ (Lekan 2022), and leading to a detachment of faith: âExperiencing faith with the use of internet makes it more anonymous, and the relationship with God becomes virtual, one that doesnât give the person full development of faith, and in that it doesnât affect his or her lifeâ (Lekan 2022). While membership declined during the pandemic in most Christian organizations in all analyzed contexts, this trend reflects long-term secularization processes rather than digital media adoption by the organizations.
The final common aspect was the general preference for in-person gatherings among the leaders and followers of the organizations, though this manifested differently across groups. Some neutrally stated that digital participation could not replace physical interaction (Irish Council of Churches 2020), others framed digital media as a necessary but temporary substituteâa âlesser evil.â A third group explicitly rejected digital media as inferior, an âersatzâ offering merely illusory connection. While these attitudes can be ascribed to specific organizations, as detailed in the following section, they do not necessarily reflect every leaderâs views within each group. Rather, they represent dominant narrative patterns across organizations as corporate actors.
4.2 Digital Enthusiasts: The Jehovahâs Witnesses in Poland
The most âdigitally enthusiasticâ religious organization was the Jehovahâs Witnesses in Poland, who were mostly focused on presenting digital media as solutions to the problem of lockdowns and restrictions on public gatherings. Regular meetings are an essential part of JWâs spirituality (Chryssides 2016), therefore suspension of in-person gatherings during the pandemic posed several challenges. For the organization, as for many others, the solution was to resort to online meetings, comprising mid-week and weekend gatherings, and the most important event, the annual Memorial of Jesusâ Death (Torres-Pruñonosa et al. 2022).
There was a strong sense of community in the JWâs content, and using the media was often depicted as a practical, efficient way to meet remotely despite physical distancing. Some of the documents convey a sense of pride and accomplishment, calling the digital tools âa blessingâ (The Governing Body of Jehovahâs Witnesses 2020) and emphasizing how the use of videoconferencing has helped many members to feel less isolated and more hopeful (Strażnica 2022). For the JWâ¯s, using digital media had the greatest appeal as a long-term evangelization toolânot as a replacement of offline practices and meetings, but a valuable addition to be used and developed also once the restrictions are eased.
What distinguished the JW narrative from other analyzed religious organizations is that adapting to the digital domain did not seem like a challenging task, nor the object of theological debates. First of all, possible dangers and pitfalls of internet use, common in the Catholic sample, were mentioned only twice in the corpora, and pertained to conspiracy theories and fake news (The Governing Body of Jehovahâs Witnesses 2021), as well as secular dating apps, which do not promote Christian values (Strażnica 2021). More significant concerns regarded reaching the digitally excluded, in particular senior citizens, or people living in remote areas (The Governing Body of Jehovahâs Witnesses 2020). The official documents repeatedly stressed how the work of the organization has not been interrupted by the pandemic and that all its branches made full use of available technologies, intensifying production, and planning new activities (such as translators working remotely and recording from their homes instead of the studio).
When asked about specific tools used during the pandemic, JW leaders primarily relied on videoconferencing (Zoom, Skype) for services, and messaging apps (WhatsApp) for community communication, followed by organizational platforms (
Of course, the admission was open, in the sense of access, and also on our official website there is information about the meetings. And if anyone would like to join, there is a phone number where you can contact your local congregation to get details of the meeting ⦠and if youâre interested, you give them [elders of the congregation] your contact details and get a link to the meeting, because we also want to know more or less who would participate in the meeting.6
This direction contrasted with that of the RCC, the Protestant, and the Orthodox churches, which often had live transmissions publicly available on Facebook or YouTube.
What must be pointed out is that the JWâ¯s in Poland (and other countries as well) had embraced digital media well before the pandemic. Lacking access to Polish public media (unlike the RCC and Orthodox Church), JWâ¯s relied on digital productions and The Watchtower (Strażnica) magazine in both print and online formats. Their website, launched in 2012 and available in over 1,000 languages, is supported by national translation teams. The organization developed its Multilanguage Electronic Publishing System in 1986 (Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society of Pennsylvania 1993, 114, 596â597, quoted in: Rota 2019, 83) and offers various online services, including a Bible reader with commentary and the JW Library app. The governing body produces multilingual content distributed through
JWâs digital media enthusiasm aligned with their unequivocal acceptance of and compliance with pandemic safety measures during 2020â2023. Their media and documents advocated extending precautions (such as masking and hand sanitizing in the Kingdom Halls) beyond legal requirements, emphasizing community responsibility and charity (The Governing Body of Jehovahâs Witnesses 2020). We have observed consistency of the positive attitude across all analyzed official documents and media content. The messages of the governing body, published on
In this context, digital media adoption acquired a clear purpose, with online gatherings and Bible study groups becoming essential during lockdowns. Adherence to social distancing, masking requirements, protection of vulnerable members, and attendance limitations necessitated a digital shift when physical presence in Kingdom Halls became restricted. Moreover, according to several interviewees, online participation allowed the congregations to maintain unity, and it was also an opportunity for the community members to help and support one another, and react to anxiety or distress of the followers despite the lack of physical contact.
Digital participation enabled followers to fulfill their civic duties, thereby maintaining their status as conscientious Witnesses who demonstrated responsibility toward themselves and society. While online engagement could not fully substitute for face-to-face meetings, it served a higher spiritual function as a means to this end.
4.3 Debating the Future of Hybrid Church: Protestant Churches
The analyzed Protestant denominations, especially in Ireland/NI and Canada (see Colin, this issue), were generally positive and open toward digital media use during and after the pandemic. Protestant documents and media in all analyzed national contexts included a positive perspective on the possibilities offered by digital outreach, and they often focused on the innovation that digital media can bring to rituals and meetings. The narratives in the documents and most media content exhibit an enthusiastic curiosity among the leaders to make the most of the circumstances, which in some cases, as in Canada, is reinforced by the (surprising) interest of the community in digital participation:
A spirit of creativity quickly emerged among bishops, priests, and lay people as online worship services, meetings by video or audio conference calls were scheduled, and as home offices became our new work spaces. Deacons and outreach workers found new ways to continue their ministries of care for the most vulnerable. Facebook, Instagram, Zoom and Skype became our allies in new forms of ministry.
Nicholls 2020
What distinguishes the analyzed Protestant denominations from other religious organizations is their overt acceptance of using digital media as an integral part of their ministry. The Protestant sources, much like JW ones, show little concern for theological issues and the negative effect of mediated rituals and practices on their form or meaning. This is directly connected to the Protestant concept of communion, which generally rejects transubstantiation (found in RCC theology), and focuses more on the preached word and individual relationship with God. Therefore, mediating or altering the form of communion can be accommodated and is mostly a practical issue, rather than a point of theological disputes.
In the sample the Canadian denominations often mention the hybrid church as the most likely future scenario, but this theme is present in the media and documents of various Protestant churches, such as the Methodist Church in Ireland: âI certainly hope that when we do all come back to physically worship together, we will not stop putting the creative ideas, visual content, music and wide involvement into the services that have been found to work so effectively onlineâ (Easson 2020).
The concept of the hybrid church as the future norm is developed against the background of the perceived decline of churchgoersâhere, the relationship with digital media becomes ambiguous. On the one hand, online services are pointed to as one of the sources of the in-person decline: Some choose to participate remotely (even if they could attend physically), showing weaker involvement in religious ritual, which can eventually lead to a complete detachment. On the other hand, in various Protestant leadersâ interviews, it is stressed that online services and activities are a necessity, and the best way to keep the followers engaged and to gain new ones (see Colin, this issue).
Protestant narratives distinctively acknowledged followersâ preferences for online participation beyond crisis periods. Documents and press articles implicitly addressed tensions between individual convenience and community needs, advocating for measured digital integration despite a potential reduction in physical attendance. This perspective rarely appeared in RCC or Orthodox documents and was absent from JW content, which avoided discussing such divergent interests.
Figure 2
Percentages of churches continuing online activities after the ending of Covid-19 restrictions
Citation: Journal of Religion in Europe 19, 1-2 (2026) ; 10.1163/18748929-bja10144
Questionnaire data (Figure 2) indicated that approximately 28 percent of respondents across all contexts discontinued online activities either immediately or gradually after restrictions ended. However, when looking at the answersâ distribution among Protestant churches only, we have found that the organization most likely to discontinue online activities was the German Evangelical Church (EKD), whose leaders chose the âending online activitiesâ answers proportionately more often than leaders from other denominations, such as the United Church of Canada or the (Anglican) Church of Ireland. It is difficult to assess if this result is connected to the sample selection (EKD was analyzed both as an umbrella organization for several churches, and specifically as the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Saxony and Bavaria, traditionally more conservative areas), or whether the Evangelical Lutheran Churches in Germany were overall less enthusiastic about digital media use than other denominations.
Protestant churches across all contexts generally supported restrictions, pledging cooperation with authorities in official documents. They framed pandemic compliance as a Christian duty of responsibility and compassion, emphasizing a âlove thy neighborâ approach, particularly regarding vulnerable populations. Documents from Ireland/NI, Germany, and Canada consistently emphasized individual well-being while advocating mutual support without unnecessary risk-taking, a theme echoed in media content: âIn Psalm 88 the psalmist honestly talks about âbeing overwhelmed with troublesâ that he feels so lonely that âdarkness is my closest friend.â We know that Christian faith does not mean that âPollyanna-likeâ we have to pretend that everything is fineâ (Morris 2021).
Although some denominations, notably the EKD (in the media), criticized gathering restrictionsâespecially after the first yearâand voiced concerns about a lack of consultation, they more strongly opposed anticoronavirus movements and supported vaccination efforts. This cooperative stance toward state crisis management was generally reflected at the congregational level.
While there were some âdissident,â that is, ultra-conservative congregations in all contexts, the dominant media and document narrative was that of cooperating with state authorities for the greater good. We have observed that the official documents of the analyzed Protestant churches generally aligned with the narrative in Protestant media, in that the seriousness of COVID-19 was understood as fact and the necessity of appropriate safety measures, even if they entailed church closures, was accepted, motivated by the love of humanity and the sense of responsibility. Using digital media to participate in prayers and services was a sign of acting on those motivations: âEspecially in these times, when praying together in the church room is no longer possible, there is a need for other forms of getting oneâs worries and concerns off oneâs chestâfor example, digitally on the interactive prayer wallâ (Evangelisch-Lutherische Kirche in Bayern 2020).
The denominations, by offering online opportunities, could also seek ways to overcome the conflict between the common good and individual rights, like religious freedom. The churches were cognizant of this problem and adjusted their communications to de-escalate it: While digital tools were not framed as such, they did play a part in this process and allowed the community to remain in touch with the church, while at the same time remaining obedient to the state-imposed restrictions.
4.4 Cautious Acceptance, Fear of Loss of Control: The Roman Catholic Church
In all analyzed contexts, the RCC has been very active in digital media since March 2020: While streaming of Mass had not been widely popular before the pandemic in any of the contexts, the crisis prompted many dioceses to expand their use of available technologies. Documents and media content analyses indicate that the RCC was generally supportive of digital media throughout the pandemic, viewing it as an evangelization opportunity (anonymized).7 However, the RCC was also the most vocal about challenges arising from digital media use, andâwith the exception of Canadaâbecame increasingly ambiguous about pandemic restrictions after the first year.
The primary theological concern centered on internet-streamed Eucharist. Mass transmissions on a massive scale reignited debates about spiritual communion and remote participationâs sacramental value (cf. KoÅodziejska et al. 2024), which is not surprising given the theological emphasis on embodied practices within Catholicism. While some bishops permitted online participation during lockdowns, the goal of resuming physical attendance whenever possible remained vital. Similar theological debates emerged across all contexts in Catholic media, though with varying intensity. However, while the concerns over fulfilling the obligation of Sunday Mass attendance when digitally mediated were directly connected with the theological foundations, the latter cannot account for a significant portion of critical reflections on digital media in general, which were found mainly in Polish and Irish Catholic media sources. In Canada and Germany these negative associations with digital media were marginal and concerned problems such as digital exclusion or practical challenges. In contrast to those comments, Polish and Irish Catholic sources highlighted digital mediaâs negative impact on religious communities and society as a whole, characterizing the internet as a space fostering individualization and secularization, and promoting âcomfortableâ faith detached from the community:
Because when Masses from oneâs own parish werenât online, people went looking elsewhere. Some of them will not return. But this is not the fault of the internet, but of the quality of parish community even before the pandemic ⦠There can be such seemingly pious zappingâhopping around YouTube or Facebook channels in search of the strongest possible religious experience. This is neither wise nor edifying. If you listen to Massâstick to one. Like a retreatâattend one, but from beginning to end.
DudaÅa 2020
The problem highlighted in the quotes speaks to the danger of losing control over the message: Digital media is accused of encouraging the followers to lose contact with their community and instead follow their own needs and desires in terms of if, when, and how to practice. The internetâs detrimental effect on religious engagement is stressed by phrases such as âpious zapping,â which alludes to browsing through religious channels in search of the most entertaining broadcast, rather than prioritizing the designated parish or diocese. Similar concerns appeared back in the 2002 âChurch and the Internetâ Vatican document (Pontifical Council for Social Communications 2002), but the pandemicâs surge in online services heightened the issue of âcompetitionâ between parishes and church leaders. The articleâs author encourages readers to approach online services as they would offline religious practices, attempting to maintain narrative control over followersâ digital practices and preserve parish community integrity (cf. Hall et al. 2023). Thus, while the church promotes digital offerings, it simultaneously discourages their full utilization and seeks to regulate online service access, as in the German, Irish, and Polish (respectively) excerpts below:
The broadcasts on television, radio, and the internet, which are gratefully used by so many ⦠are nevertheless only a makeshift substitute and make us aware of what we are missing when we are denied bodily communion for our protection and above all for the protection of those who are particularly vulnerable; indeed, we become aware anew of how important, even vital, the encounter is and the bodily celebration of the sacraments.
Voderholzer 2020
We âcannot be without the Christian community,â the cardinal added, âcannot be without the house of the Lord,â âcannot be without the Lordâs Day.â When the only Masses available are through broadcast technologies, Cardinal Sarah says, âthese transmissions ⦠risk moving us away from a personal and intimate encounter with the incarnate God who gave himself to us not in a virtual way, but in a real way.â
San Martin 2020
Experiencing faith through the Internet makes it increasingly anonymous, and the fundamental relationship with God turns into a virtual relationship, which does not bring a person to the full development of faith, that is, it does not affect their life.
Lekan 2022
Notably, the Polish and Irish RCC employ a ârealâ versus âvirtualâ dichotomyâwhere âvirtualâ connotes not so much âdigitalâ or âonlineâ as âingenuine,â and âunreal,â thereby constructing digital media as inferior. Few documents and press articles, however, offer guidance on optimizing digital media use or developing church strategies for its implementation.8 In Ireland/NI the criticism was less pronounced, but while some media articles showed enthusiasm for digital possibilities, others connected online participationâalbeit not explicitlyâwith the decline in physical attendance, which was also echoed in the Polish Catholic media sample:
We can no longer ignore the declining numbers attending Mass. Some of our most stalwart attendees may never return, partly because they have discovered that, in the words of a title of an online talk given by Fr John Harris OP, âI enjoy watching Mass with a cup of tea.â Even the vaccinated may be wary of returning to large gatherings for a long time and each delay weakens the habit of Mass going.
OâBrien 2021
The RCCâs criticism of online religious practices was connected with calls to resume physical gatherings, emerging from late 2020. These calls were less pronounced in Canada and Germany than in Poland, and Ireland/Northern Ireland, where the RCC highlighted that religious organizations faced stricter attendance limits than venues such as cinemas or restaurants (Irish Catholic Bishopsâ Conference 2021). The RCC interpreted this as disregard for religious freedoms and an implicit challenge to its societal position (Mandes, this issue). The initial strong support for safety measures in Poland and Ireland/NI shifted after several months toward disappointment or defiance, exemplified by the Polish churchâs official demands to the government concerning adjusting the restrictions to accommodate religious institutions. In a similar vein, The Irish Catholic repeatedly voiced criticisms of the Irish government banning religious gatherings and implementing âdraconianâ safety measures, which equated religious rights with leisure or ânon-essential activitiesâ (Steen 2020). This tonal shift typically followed failed negotiations over restrictions or the introduction of new laws without church consultation. The RCCâs self-positioning as a key state partner in crisis management made such exclusion particularly frustrating, and in Germany it prompted broader questions about the churchâs role in public discourse and political engagement (Geiger 2020).
This perceived subordinate position likely influenced the RCCâs decreased compliance with guidelines in 2021â2022 compared to 2020 in the European contexts. European interviews with RCC leaders and followers revealed disappointment with the state and resistance to worship restrictions. Some parishes actively circumvented gathering restrictions, facing occasional fines (Story 2021). For certain leaders and followers, this defiance represented an act of faith and courage. The maintenance of physical gatherings became a symbol of state opposition and autonomy, particularly resonant in Poland (evoking the Solidarity Movement) and Ireland (referencing eighteenth-century penal laws, when the colonial British government restricted the practice of Catholicism). With physical attendance partially restored by 2021â2022 (2020 in Poland), the imperative to enhance digital offerings further diminished.
In fact, the Catholic leaders from all national contexts were more inclined to discontinue offering online activities after the restrictions were lifted than other analyzed organizations: In the questionnaire, approximately 32 percent of Catholics declared immediate or gradual discontinuation, compared to 25 percent among all Protestant denominations, and 0 percent among JW leaders (see Figure 3). This lack of continuous engagement with digital media dovetails with the narrative of digital activities as emergency measures, which not only cannot replace physical participation, but also are not worthy of being incorporated into the organization on a larger scale. While this sentiment was not shared by all parishes and dioceses in all national contexts, it certainly made an impact on the dominant narratives.
Figure 3
Selected denominationsâ approach to continuation of online activities after the lifting of Covid-19 restrictions
Citation: Journal of Religion in Europe 19, 1-2 (2026) ; 10.1163/18748929-bja10144
4.5 Meaningful Silence: The Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church
The Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church (PAOC) presents a unique caseâwhile explicit references to digital activities were limited (only thirty-two media segments were coded with âdigital innovationsâ), analyzing this content alongside broader pandemic-related church sources reveals PAOCâs distinctive approach to digital media.
Superficially, the church appeared neither particularly engaged with nor invested in digital media. The hierarchy issued no digital source guidelines, and Orthodox media lacked debates about the impact of online activities on church membership. However, Orthodox media demonstrated openness toward online activities, with authors positively discussing online prayers and Mass transmissions (Szymczak 2022). During the pandemic parishes independently initiated various digital activities, many still ongoing: livestreaming services via Facebook Live or YouTube, enhanced social media presence, and email newsletters. Local organizational units seemingly operated with autonomy in implementing online tools, without hierarchical oversight.
The apparent paradoxâs core, I argue, lies in the PAOCâs overall approach to pandemic restrictions. Unlike the RCCâs negotiating stance, Orthodox documents neither defied the state nor sought compromise; instead, they emphasized adherence to attendance limits and care for vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the church stressed spiritual healthâs primacy over physical wellbeing, presenting the Eucharist as inherently protective against illness, with Christ as supreme healer. Grounded in the authority of tradition, analyzed documents and media rejected implementing the restrictions if they impeded religious freedoms. For instance, uniquely among analyzed organizations, the PAOC opposed liturgical adaptations for safety regulations, notably maintaining traditional Eucharistic spoon practices.9
All services should be celebrated according to the Lenten schedule. The faithful are recommended to take the Sacrament of Confession on weekdays, when a smaller number of the faithful gather in temples ⦠Metropolitan Sawa of Warsaw and all of Poland teaches: âThe thought that the Eucharist could be the source of the spread of the virus is blasphemous, it offends our dogma and the faith of our Fathers, who celebrated the Holy Liturgy in the most extreme conditions: in gulags, prisoner of war camps, among the sick, including lepers.â ⦠This understanding of the Holy Eucharist is the foundation and bedrock of our faith. Therefore, the Metropolitan constantly encourages the faithful to access this life-giving source as often as possible, which sanctifies man, giving him the power to overcome various difficulties.
CieÅuszecki 2022
The PAOC hierarchy encouraged frequent Eucharist and Mass participation (although avoiding crowds), presenting it as a test of peopleâs faith: assuming that one can contract COVID during Mass is equated to weak faith. From this perspective, introducing any changes to the traditional practice is seen not only as unnecessary but also sinful. As a result, shifting Mass to digital platforms cannot be a viable alternative to physical participationâand given that the services in the PAOC took place, for the most part, without disruptions throughout the pandemic, the motivation to develop digital media services on the organizational level was also low. What the interviews have shown is, however, that the parishes that followed the restrictions were also most invested in the digital services. We conducted a case study of a large city parish, whose followers, comprising mostly highly educated professionals, followed the safety protocols and honored the restrictions during Mass and holidays. At the beginning of the pandemic, the followers started a live Mass transmission channel and revived the parish newsletter, motivated by the possibility of including everyone interested in the services, especially those who were most at risk of contracting the virus. For them, using digital media was a form of protecting the community, and ensuring that its activities continued.
5 Summary and Discussion
The analysis focused on selected religious organizations, defined as corporate actors of deep mediatization (Hepp and Hasebrink 2018), and their approaches toward digital media use during the pandemic (2020â2023). The investigation of official documents, religious media, questionnaires with leaders, and interviews with leaders and followers shows that different religious groups expressed varying levels of enthusiasm and acceptance toward digital media throughout the pandemic. The Jehovahâs Witnesses (in Poland) were the most enthusiastic actor, depicting digital media as a solution to lockdown challenges and a long-term evangelization tool. Protestant churches in Canada, Germany, and Ireland/Northern Ireland generally showed positive attitudes as well, embracing the concept of a âhybrid churchâ as a form of permanent integration of online and offline ministry. The Roman Catholic Church in all contexts displayed cautious acceptance of digital tools but also expressed concerns about the theological validity and the effects of digital activities on the followersâ engagement. The Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church showed minimal explicit interest in digital media but allowed local units freedom in adopting online tools.
These divergent attitudes reflected both theological foundations and pandemic restriction compliance levels. Previous pandemic studies demonstrated how different conceptualizations of religious services and mediated participation influence mainstream churchesâ approaches to digital innovations (Chow and Kurlberg 2020; Isetti et al. 2021; Suslov 2016). Despite increased online religious services and follower interest across all contexts, no organization modified its teachings to accommodate digital media. Instead, all emphasized the indispensability of in-person gatherings, at most considering long-term online activity integration. Consequently, barring doctrinal changes, organizations likely maintain prepandemic digital media attitudes. âDigital creativesââ¯â initiatives (Campbell 2020) are unlikely to significantly alter these positions. As research on religious corporate actors demonstrates, organizations primarily aim to assert authority and maintain community (Hall et al. 2023), utilizing digital media toward these ends. Further research should examine how religious organizations function as âmedia settlers,â developing media strategies aligned with organizational objectives.
The second analytical context shifted from theological foundations and individual concerns to examine religious organizationsâ (understood as corporate actors) relationships with the state during the pandemic. The restrictions on public gatherings exposed tensions between secular state interests and religious organizations (particularly those with established status in all contexts), revealing differing perspectives on religious freedom (Radde-Antweiler et al., this issue). The crisis illuminated the disparity between churchesâ aspirational and actual power, reflected in their restriction compliance. Disappointment with governmentsâ actions led to shifted RCC attitudes toward gathering restrictions, particularly evident in the Polish official documents and media, and in German and Irish Catholic media. Regardless of restriction severity, the RCC expressed frustration at being excluded from decision-making processes.
The PAOC adopted a different strategy, officially accepting new regulations while emphasizing its priorities of maintaining the Eucharistic form and frequency. These varying forms of disagreement with the restrictions corresponded with decreased digital media enthusiasm; when religious gatherings continued with minimal adjustments, extensive online offerings became less prioritized. As churches encouraged in-person Mass attendance (or swift return to it), interest in enhancing online services declined. Conversely, for Protestant denominations and JWâ¯s, developing and/or maintaining digital services aligned with rule complianceâunable to continue in-person gatherings, they viewed digital media not merely as a âlast resortâ but as an essential community dimension. Further comparative research across religious groups would help verify these patterns observed across the contexts in our study.
The Contoc and Contoc 2 projects, which cover German-speaking countries, are one notable case of a systematic research encompassing such attitudes.
See Introduction (this issue). Radde-Antweiler et al. 2026 provides details about this projectâs rationale, methods, and data sources.
Corporate actors are supraindividual entities with binding, formally produced agreements, codified membership rules, and hierarchy (Mayntz and Scharpf 1995). In deep mediatization, corporate actors are distinct from individual and collective actors, such as informal communities or groups lacking formal organization.
Canada: 94â¯% (Statistics Canada 2023); Germany: 94â¯% (Statista 2024); Poland: 93â¯% (Statistics Poland 2023a); Ireland: 90â¯% (Central Statistics Office 2023).
Parts of these reports are available upon request.
Member interview, Jehovahâs Witnesses, Poland.
Parts of these reports are available upon request.
The analyzed content was published before the 2023 document issued by the Dicastery for Communication âTowards Full Presence: A Pastoral Reflection on Engagement with Social Media,â which addressed some of these issues.
While in some states, such as Russia, one shared metal spoon was replaced with disposable ones (such as wooden spoons burned after the service), the Polish Orthodox Church accepted no such change.
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